By Goldie Shwe
10 February 2008 - I was just skimming through the DVB (Democratic Voice of Burma) for Burma’s daily news when I saw that report of the murder of a member of USDA (Union Solidarity and Development Association) - junta's paramilitary wing of 'social welfare' organization. I had hardly finished reading the summary before I started smacking my own arms; the Burmese style war dance and challenge, similar to Maori Haka. My own reaction surprised me and made me think why I naturally reacted with elation and triumph.
Not only was I brought up as a Buddhist, it was also my choice of religion and I have great and fundamental respect for Buddha's teaching. I learnt the 'Five Precepts', the most important basic rules of Buddhism, at an early age. The first of those was not to kill, and have respect for all life. The Buddha said, "Life is precious to all beings. They have the right to live the same as we do." We should respect all life and not kill anything. Killing ants and mosquitoes is also breaking this precept. We should have an attitude of loving-kindness towards all beings, wishing them to be happy and free from harm.
Although I cannot boast that I am one of the most religious and decent of people, I try my best to follow the Five Precepts, most of all not to kill. So why then was I so jubilant, why did I jump up and down in celebration over a horrible murder case?
I have been angry. I have been extremely angry since September 2007. When all the protests and the crackdown of them happening I was unhappy, sad, frightened for people who would be tortured and killed. Eventually my feelings have changed. Everywhere I turned I saw reports of bullies, torturing and killings that junta is doing to innocent and vulnerable civilians in Burma.
I was angry that 400 children die everyday in Burma, either through hunger or diseases related to malnourishment.
I was angry that a monk was tortured, killed and his body thrown into a river.
I was angry that monasteries were raided at night, monks killed, or locked up in prisons.
I was angry that so many elected politicians are locked up in prisons long-term, and denied access to basic medical treatment.
I was angry that many poor unknown people were locked up in prisons and tortured while their families made to travel many miles to visit them.
I was angry that Nilar Thein is on the run, while her husband is in jail and their baby separated from her.
I was angry that United Nations could do nothing to protect innocent people of Burma.
I was angry that the junta's thugs bully and blackmail local people so that they cannot support the members of National League for Democracy Party, which won the landslide election victory in 1990.
I was angry that Aids (HIV) sufferers are denied treatment in hospitals, the monastery which provided their free accommodation was stripped and sealed off, the monks chased away from the place, and their care manager Phyu Phyu Thin is also on the run, and was unable to be with her dying father or at his funeral.
I was angry that street children have been abducted by the junta's thugs and sold to serve in the military and for the girls become prostitutes.
I was angry that the junta's generals and their sycophants are robbing all the country's natural resources, to stuff their own over-full bank accounts.
I was angry that so many ethnic groups have been wiped out by the junta.
I was angry that human rights abuse and forced labour records and reports are so long and depressing that I was too upset to continue reading.
Every item of news and report that I find about Burma has been nothing but intimidation, bullying, torture and the killing of the people by cowardly junta. I have become unable to feel anything other than cold anger, indignation, outrage at the appalling record of the junta.
The feeling of revenge and some satisfaction therefore seemed quite natural when I read about the killing of one of the junta's thugs. The DVB reported that the man, a member of the USDA of Hlaing Tharyar, one of the poorest and most repressed areas of the capital Rangoon, was notorious for his arrogant and threatening behaviour towards the residents. His head was left on public display by unknown assailants in a primitive display for the losers of the fighting or a war. His headless body found nearby was lacerated all over, each cut reflecting the people’s long pent-up hatred for the junta and its minions.
The fact that neither head nor the mutilated body were hidden but left on public display has sent a very clear and loud message to junta and their thug followers that the people will not, and cannot, forget or forgive their treatment for so many long decades. The chilling nature of the murder must have sent shockwaves across the country - the first clear response indicating that the breaking point of the people may be near.
The repugnant Than Shwe and his shameless group of cowardly generals and their families might be residing in huge heavily-guarded estates in Pyin Manar Nay Pyi Daw, enjoying the wealth they have robbed from the country and giving orders to their thugs on how to repress the public and still keeping the most revolting grins on their faces but even they must have seen the first batch of dark clouds that is now beginning to loom over their heads.
For junta's thugs, who were given a share of power and equipped with weapons to control the public, life has been very easy and pleasant. Apart from intimidating and threatening people with their junta-backed power, and occasional arrests and tortures, life has been easy. On top of the benefits of delegated power and weapons, these men have been well paid, with performance bonuses and rewards, and exclusive access to gadgets like mobile phones and video cameras not available to the public. This has all been icing on a very nourishing cake for those official members of junta's many paramilitary organizations.
The report also stated that, following the chilling murder of one of their number, the teams of junta thugs seem to have been rather quiet. More interestingly, the public found that gone is the hitherto haughty and pompous behaviour, to be replaced by a slightly more considerate attitude. The most obvious outcome, immediately after the murder, has been that the thugs have abruptly abandoned their habit of intimidating and harassing the general public.
The rewards and bribes they receive from the junta for carrying out the practicalities of repressing the public have been good, especially when they can have real power over the lives of many poor and struggling people. Suddenly they are under threat themselves and have to think about the possible price of their activities to themselves and possibly their relatives? At least locally, their demeanour has changed dramatically in the face of these life-threatening issue of a popular fight-back spreading more widely.
Every action provokes its own reaction. The people of Burma have been suffering for too long. Their suffering and distress have been too great that they have been left with no option but to take the law into their own hands.
Yes, we are Buddhist. And yes, the Lord Buddha told us not to kill. And yet, I applauded the cruel murder. My own reaction has shocked me so I had to decide to give myself some time to reflect. After a sleepless night, thinking through every aspect, I still feel exactly the same. I still strongly believe that the murdered junta thug thoroughly deserved his fate. It seems to be the only way that people of Burma can get some form of justice. The ordinary people of Burma are at war with the cruel bullies, torturers and killers of the junta, and this murder somehow seems a fair response to the decades of abuse and robbery. The fight-back may have begun.
And for my own peace of mind, I decided to record my satisfaction and triumph over this horrible murder to be very honest with myself and others, because if I don't, I will only be breaking another of Buddha's Five Precepts - No Lying.
Goldie Shwe's Blog
Monday, 11 February 2008
Myanmar junta's election plan, constitutional referendum meets with skepticism
February 11, 2008 (AP)- YANGON, Myanmar: Military-ruled Myanmar's surprise announcement that it will hold a vote on a new constitution this May and a general election in 2010 was criticized as too little, too late by the regime's critics.
The official announcements late Saturday of the constitutional referendum and the election were the government's first-ever moves to set dates for stages of its so-called road map to democracy.
But the ruling junta's critics — who claim that the long-delayed road map is designed to perpetuate military rule, not promote democracy — pointed out Sunday that that the process has so far excluded detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other independent political voices.
"We're frankly very skeptical. We're not persuaded that this is anything more than a cynical sham," said Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith.
"Any genuine movement towards democracy or respect for human rights can only be done in cooperation with the international community and also with the political leaders in Burma," he said, using the former name for Myanmar.
Britain earlier voiced similar sentiments and called for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Britain and Australia, like the United States and other Western nations, impose political and economic sanctions on the junta because of its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Even Japan, which leans toward engaging the military government rather than isolating it, expressed disappointment that the junta had not gone further.
"We credit that the Myanmar government showed a timeframe for the democratization process by announcing its plans to hold the constitutional referendum and the election," said a Japanese Foreign Ministry statement.
"However, the process does not allow participation by Aung San Suu Kyi and other (opposition) parties," the statement said. "Japan believes that a true dialogue participated in by all parties is crucial in achieving Myanmar's national reconciliation."
Myanmar's last election took place in 1990, but the military refused to hand over power to the winning party — Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy or NLD. Since then the country has been in a political deadlock.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, after the army crushed earlier pro-democracy demonstrations and the current junta took power.
Suu Kyi's party reacted cautiously to Saturday's announcements, noting the lack of detail on how the referendum would be carried out.
"The announcement is vague, incomplete and strange," said NLD party spokesman Nyan Win.
Reaction was mixed in Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, where there was little show of enthusiasm for the plans.
"I have no faith in the government-sponsored referendum," said lawyer Tun Wai, 62, who charged that the junta has "never kept their promises."
Some conceded, however, that the plans had a few merits.
"I will vote for the constitution as it is better to have a constitution than not having any at all," said 57-year-old university lecturer Tint Lwin.
Source: International Herald Tribune
The official announcements late Saturday of the constitutional referendum and the election were the government's first-ever moves to set dates for stages of its so-called road map to democracy.
But the ruling junta's critics — who claim that the long-delayed road map is designed to perpetuate military rule, not promote democracy — pointed out Sunday that that the process has so far excluded detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other independent political voices.
"We're frankly very skeptical. We're not persuaded that this is anything more than a cynical sham," said Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith.
"Any genuine movement towards democracy or respect for human rights can only be done in cooperation with the international community and also with the political leaders in Burma," he said, using the former name for Myanmar.
Britain earlier voiced similar sentiments and called for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Britain and Australia, like the United States and other Western nations, impose political and economic sanctions on the junta because of its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Even Japan, which leans toward engaging the military government rather than isolating it, expressed disappointment that the junta had not gone further.
"We credit that the Myanmar government showed a timeframe for the democratization process by announcing its plans to hold the constitutional referendum and the election," said a Japanese Foreign Ministry statement.
"However, the process does not allow participation by Aung San Suu Kyi and other (opposition) parties," the statement said. "Japan believes that a true dialogue participated in by all parties is crucial in achieving Myanmar's national reconciliation."
Myanmar's last election took place in 1990, but the military refused to hand over power to the winning party — Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy or NLD. Since then the country has been in a political deadlock.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, after the army crushed earlier pro-democracy demonstrations and the current junta took power.
Suu Kyi's party reacted cautiously to Saturday's announcements, noting the lack of detail on how the referendum would be carried out.
"The announcement is vague, incomplete and strange," said NLD party spokesman Nyan Win.
Reaction was mixed in Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, where there was little show of enthusiasm for the plans.
"I have no faith in the government-sponsored referendum," said lawyer Tun Wai, 62, who charged that the junta has "never kept their promises."
Some conceded, however, that the plans had a few merits.
"I will vote for the constitution as it is better to have a constitution than not having any at all," said 57-year-old university lecturer Tint Lwin.
Source: International Herald Tribune
Myanmar welcomes junta election promise
10 February 2008 - (Reuters) - YANGON - People in Myanmar welcomed the military government’s promise of multi-party elections in 2010 on Sunday as an opportunity to be seized, despite deep scepticism from opposition politicians and abroad.
“Just get on whatever horse you can catch. Then try to find better ones gradually,” a retired professor said four months after the army crushed monk-led, pro-democracy protests, killing at least 31 people.
Roadside food vendor Aung Min, 28, was positively excited. ”I can’t wait to vote in an election,” he said. But, he added: ”The most important is all major parties should be allowed to run in it.”
The junta’s announcement of a May referendum followed by elections in 2010 on state television on Saturday night did not make clear whether detained opposition icon’s Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy would be allowed to take part.
The election would be the first held in the former Burma since 1990, when the NLD won a multi-party vote rejected by the military, which has ruled in various guises since 1962 and detained Suu Kyi for much of the interim.
The NLD was sceptical, asking how the junta could set an election date before knowing the outcome of the referendum.
“I can’t help but wonder how the referendum will be conducted,” NLD spokesman Nyan Win said.
The Burma Campaign UK, a pro-democracy group, dismissed the announcement as “public relations spin” and “nothing to do with democracy”.
“It is no coincidence that the announcement comes at a time when the regime is facing increasing economic sanctions following its brutal crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations,” Campaign director Mark Farmaner said in a statement.
Britain’s Foreign Office called for the release of Suu Kyi and other detained political leaders to ensure a “genuine and inclusive process of national reconciliation”.
Anything’s better
But people in Yangon felt it was a positive development in a country that has seen little of those over the decades.
“It’s just like finding somewhere to live for the homeless. Of course it isn’t the house of our choice, but it will give us some protection,” a retired government officer said.
“We can expect at least a coalition government. That’s far better than now,” he added.
The retired professor said the NLD, which boycotted a national convention working out the principles for a ”disciplined” democracy completed late in 2007 after 14 years, should run in the election.
“If they boycott the election, we will have to wait another three or four decades in deadlock,” he said.
A committee of mainly military officers and civil servants assigned to draft the constitution would finish its work soon, the junta statement said.
“A nationwide referendum will be held in May 2008 to ratify the newly drafted constitution,” it said.
“We have achieved success in economic, social and other sectors and in restoring peace and stability,” said the statement issued in the name of Secretary Number One Lieutenant-General Tin Aung Myint Oo, a top member of the junta.
“So multi-party, democratic elections will be held in 2010.”
Snippets of the constitution’s basic principles, which have appeared in state- controlled media do not point to any transfer of power to a civilian administration, or greater autonomy for Myanmar’s 100-plus ethnic minorities.
The army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful man in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power ”in times of emergency”.
The military will hold 25 percent of the seats in the new parliament and hold veto power over its decisions.
The constitution is also believed likely to disbar Suu Kyi from office by ruling out anyone married to a foreigner.
Suu Kyi’s husband, British academic Michael Aris, died 1999.
The surprise announcement from the junta came after Suu Kyi told her party leaders on Jan. 30 that she feared she was being strung along by the generals and worried her meetings with the junta liaison minister might lead to false hope.
“Just get on whatever horse you can catch. Then try to find better ones gradually,” a retired professor said four months after the army crushed monk-led, pro-democracy protests, killing at least 31 people.
Roadside food vendor Aung Min, 28, was positively excited. ”I can’t wait to vote in an election,” he said. But, he added: ”The most important is all major parties should be allowed to run in it.”
The junta’s announcement of a May referendum followed by elections in 2010 on state television on Saturday night did not make clear whether detained opposition icon’s Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy would be allowed to take part.
The election would be the first held in the former Burma since 1990, when the NLD won a multi-party vote rejected by the military, which has ruled in various guises since 1962 and detained Suu Kyi for much of the interim.
The NLD was sceptical, asking how the junta could set an election date before knowing the outcome of the referendum.
“I can’t help but wonder how the referendum will be conducted,” NLD spokesman Nyan Win said.
The Burma Campaign UK, a pro-democracy group, dismissed the announcement as “public relations spin” and “nothing to do with democracy”.
“It is no coincidence that the announcement comes at a time when the regime is facing increasing economic sanctions following its brutal crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations,” Campaign director Mark Farmaner said in a statement.
Britain’s Foreign Office called for the release of Suu Kyi and other detained political leaders to ensure a “genuine and inclusive process of national reconciliation”.
Anything’s better
But people in Yangon felt it was a positive development in a country that has seen little of those over the decades.
“It’s just like finding somewhere to live for the homeless. Of course it isn’t the house of our choice, but it will give us some protection,” a retired government officer said.
“We can expect at least a coalition government. That’s far better than now,” he added.
The retired professor said the NLD, which boycotted a national convention working out the principles for a ”disciplined” democracy completed late in 2007 after 14 years, should run in the election.
“If they boycott the election, we will have to wait another three or four decades in deadlock,” he said.
A committee of mainly military officers and civil servants assigned to draft the constitution would finish its work soon, the junta statement said.
“A nationwide referendum will be held in May 2008 to ratify the newly drafted constitution,” it said.
“We have achieved success in economic, social and other sectors and in restoring peace and stability,” said the statement issued in the name of Secretary Number One Lieutenant-General Tin Aung Myint Oo, a top member of the junta.
“So multi-party, democratic elections will be held in 2010.”
Snippets of the constitution’s basic principles, which have appeared in state- controlled media do not point to any transfer of power to a civilian administration, or greater autonomy for Myanmar’s 100-plus ethnic minorities.
The army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful man in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power ”in times of emergency”.
The military will hold 25 percent of the seats in the new parliament and hold veto power over its decisions.
The constitution is also believed likely to disbar Suu Kyi from office by ruling out anyone married to a foreigner.
Suu Kyi’s husband, British academic Michael Aris, died 1999.
The surprise announcement from the junta came after Suu Kyi told her party leaders on Jan. 30 that she feared she was being strung along by the generals and worried her meetings with the junta liaison minister might lead to false hope.
Referendum: Seeking Legitimacy for Military Rule in Burma
Statement of Canadian Friends of Burma
February 10, 2008, Ottawa - The Burmese military regime announced yesterday that they would hold a referendum within two months on a constitution that they drafted since 1993. This latest development seems to be a conciliatory gesture to counter increasing international pressures. However, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) could not see it as a positive step but a trigger of wider political turmoil in the country.
“There is nothing to be excited about this announcement and people would be even shocked if they put a little effort to look at the whole process,” said Tin Maung Htoo, executive director of Canadian Friends of Burma. “This is the process with which to legitimate the military rule in Burma,” he exclaimed. “
According to the draft constitution, a quarter of parliamentary seats and key cabinet portfolios including Defence and Home Affairs will be directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. Those unelected military appointees sitting together with elected members will also choose their own presidential candidate who will become either president or vice-president of the country. The most powerful ‘Security Council’ or Supreme Body will be also dominated by the military.
“This is totally against democratic principles. This is awful example of ‘disciplined democracy’ that the Burmese military wants to flourish in Burma. International community should be vigilant, as the military is pretty much determined to win or rob this legitimacy. People could be forced or coerced to support this authoritarian constitution. What Burmese want is democracy that guarantees their rights and freedoms, and the kind of government they want and they can choose,” added Tin Maung Htoo.
A number of ceased-fire groups including New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) do not support the constitution drafting process and the main political party that won a landslide in 1990 elections – National League for Democracy (NLD) - boycotted this process since 1996. However, the military regime continued to draft the constitution, with a directive that ‘the military must play a leading role in the national politics of the future state.’
This Saturday announcement for a referendum in May, 2008 is nothing but a desperate attempt to seek legitimacy for the military rule that is to be guaranteed by the constitution. Therefore, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) urges the International community, the Government of Canada and all Canadians to speak out against this shame and undemocratic process in Burma.
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
February 10, 2008, Ottawa - The Burmese military regime announced yesterday that they would hold a referendum within two months on a constitution that they drafted since 1993. This latest development seems to be a conciliatory gesture to counter increasing international pressures. However, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) could not see it as a positive step but a trigger of wider political turmoil in the country.
“There is nothing to be excited about this announcement and people would be even shocked if they put a little effort to look at the whole process,” said Tin Maung Htoo, executive director of Canadian Friends of Burma. “This is the process with which to legitimate the military rule in Burma,” he exclaimed. “
According to the draft constitution, a quarter of parliamentary seats and key cabinet portfolios including Defence and Home Affairs will be directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. Those unelected military appointees sitting together with elected members will also choose their own presidential candidate who will become either president or vice-president of the country. The most powerful ‘Security Council’ or Supreme Body will be also dominated by the military.
“This is totally against democratic principles. This is awful example of ‘disciplined democracy’ that the Burmese military wants to flourish in Burma. International community should be vigilant, as the military is pretty much determined to win or rob this legitimacy. People could be forced or coerced to support this authoritarian constitution. What Burmese want is democracy that guarantees their rights and freedoms, and the kind of government they want and they can choose,” added Tin Maung Htoo.
A number of ceased-fire groups including New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) do not support the constitution drafting process and the main political party that won a landslide in 1990 elections – National League for Democracy (NLD) - boycotted this process since 1996. However, the military regime continued to draft the constitution, with a directive that ‘the military must play a leading role in the national politics of the future state.’
This Saturday announcement for a referendum in May, 2008 is nothing but a desperate attempt to seek legitimacy for the military rule that is to be guaranteed by the constitution. Therefore, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) urges the International community, the Government of Canada and all Canadians to speak out against this shame and undemocratic process in Burma.
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
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