Mizzima News
February 14, 2008
Continuing with his efforts to usher in political reforms in Burma, Ban Ki-moon, United Nations Secretary General on Wednesday convened a meeting of the 14-member 'Group of Friends' to review recent developments in Burma, where the military junta on Saturday announced holding a referendum in May, followed by general elections in 2010.
While details of the second meeting of the 'Group of Friends' on Burma were not disclosed, the members discussed the Burmese junta's announcement on the referendum and general elections.
Earlier this week, the world body chief called on the Burmese junta to make the constitutional referendum scheduled to be held in May representative of the views of the people of Burma - a stand neutral to western countries and Burma's neighbours.
Following the Burmese junta's announcement on Saturday on the referendum and elections, Singapore, the current Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Burma is a member, applauded it saying it is a positive development.
However, western nations including the UK and US have dismissed the junta's announcement saying it does not represent the views of the people of Burma.
Ban Ki-moon told members of the 'Group of Friends' that his special envoy Ibrahim Gambari would visit China on February 18 and 19 followed by stops in Jakarta and Singapore.
The Group of Friends is made up of Australia, China, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, Thailand, the United Kingdom, the United States, Vietnam and Slovenia (current President of the European Union).
Friday, 15 February 2008
Black Thursday for Kawthoolei & last Interview
Mizzima News
February 14, 2008
Pado Man Shar, general secretary of the Karen National Union, an ethnic Karen rebel group, died today after being shot by two anonymous gunmen.
Man Shar was shot by two gunmen who pulled up in a vehicle around 4:30 p.m. (local time) in front of his residence in the Thai-Burmese town of Mae Sod and stormed into the building, local residents said.
A neighbor of Man Shar said, "They fired one shot, followed by another two shots."
The Karen rebel leader was on the first floor of his residence in Mae Sod when the two assassins drove up in a van at about 4:30 p.m. (Thai Standard Time), came upstairs and shot him.
The gunshots hit Man Shar in the chest, reportedly killing him instantly.
Eyewitnesses said the two gunmen, after shooting Man Shar, got back into their vehicle and headed into town.
With only two office workers on the ground floor of his residence and no security guards, the assassins easily found their way into the house and upstairs to the unsuspecting Man Shar.
The body of Man Shar is still at his residence. Meanwhile, Burmese activists and pro-democracy groups expressed their condolences and deep regret for the unfortunate fate of the Karen rebel leader.
One of the two gunmen, who arrived in front of Man Shar's residence in a dark colored four wheel vehicle bearing the no. 425, greeted Man Shar with 'How are you,' in the Karen language, before taking out his gun and shooting him. The other assassin, who closely followed the first man, is also believed to have fired shots at Man Shar.
A Mizzima correspondent who later arrived on the scene said that so far a 9 mm bullet has been recovered and that Thai police are conducting an investigation.
An eyewitness said both assassins are approximately 5 feet 5 inches tall.
An eyewitness said one of the assassins has a dragon tattoo on his right palm and both the gunmen look over 30 years of age.
The two gunmen, who kept nearly ten feet of distance between them when entering Man Shar's house, were heard speaking and greeting him in the Sakaw Karen dialect.
Two KNU office workers on the ground floor rushed upstairs at the sound of gunfire. As the assassins came down, one of the gunmen fired an errant shot at the two office workers.
Pado Man Sha, age 64, is survived by two daughters and a son.
We reproduce here Mizzima's interview with Pado Mansha
on February 12, 2008
Q: Will the SPDC'S announcement on Saturday lead to democracy in Burma?
A: No, these announcements won't lead to restoration of democracy in Burma, but will lead to perpetuation of military dictatorship in Burma.
Q: Why did the junta issue these statements both surprisingly and hurriedly?
A: International pressure mounted after the September Revolution. It is very clear that the people inside Burma cannot tolerate the situation any longer and it has become unbearable. The regime is worried about the hindrances and stumbling blocks in their planned road map due to international pressure and UN participation. It is very clear when you see what they said in their press conference held on November 16. They said very clearly that they would not accept any interference from anyone in regard to their roadmap. It means they will go ahead with their pre-planned roadmap. They won't accept any intervention from both the UN and the international community.
Q: Can they really hold general elections in 2010?
A: They cannot hold general elections whenever they wish. They issued Notification 1/90 before. We must first ask them how they will implement their previous notification. They cannot do anything without implementing their previous notification at anytime in 2010 or 2020.
Q: They have a track record of holding such referendums and elections using coercion and intimidation. Can they repeat it this time?
A: Yes, they can. But the May 1990 election produced unexpected results for them. So they formulated the National Convention and Road Map to make the unwanted election result null and void. This time they will have fail safe planning to win by any means. We must consider concrete and resolute responses to counter their plan this time.
Q: What is likely to happen?
A: We cannot accept their current course. We must stand by the idea of mobilizing masses and mass movements.
Q: What are the responsibilities of the people?
A: The people can do many things. For instance they can resort to political, economic and social non-cooperation. These are examples of some responses they can make. At the same time, we must promote and intensify our political struggle, mass movements, armed struggle, international campaigns, and international pressure among other things. We must communicate with the junta in the language they understand. They will not care if we continue and pursue the usual policy of appeasement with them.
February 14, 2008
Pado Man Shar, general secretary of the Karen National Union, an ethnic Karen rebel group, died today after being shot by two anonymous gunmen.
Man Shar was shot by two gunmen who pulled up in a vehicle around 4:30 p.m. (local time) in front of his residence in the Thai-Burmese town of Mae Sod and stormed into the building, local residents said.
A neighbor of Man Shar said, "They fired one shot, followed by another two shots."
The Karen rebel leader was on the first floor of his residence in Mae Sod when the two assassins drove up in a van at about 4:30 p.m. (Thai Standard Time), came upstairs and shot him.
The gunshots hit Man Shar in the chest, reportedly killing him instantly.
Eyewitnesses said the two gunmen, after shooting Man Shar, got back into their vehicle and headed into town.
With only two office workers on the ground floor of his residence and no security guards, the assassins easily found their way into the house and upstairs to the unsuspecting Man Shar.
The body of Man Shar is still at his residence. Meanwhile, Burmese activists and pro-democracy groups expressed their condolences and deep regret for the unfortunate fate of the Karen rebel leader.
One of the two gunmen, who arrived in front of Man Shar's residence in a dark colored four wheel vehicle bearing the no. 425, greeted Man Shar with 'How are you,' in the Karen language, before taking out his gun and shooting him. The other assassin, who closely followed the first man, is also believed to have fired shots at Man Shar.
A Mizzima correspondent who later arrived on the scene said that so far a 9 mm bullet has been recovered and that Thai police are conducting an investigation.
An eyewitness said both assassins are approximately 5 feet 5 inches tall.
An eyewitness said one of the assassins has a dragon tattoo on his right palm and both the gunmen look over 30 years of age.
The two gunmen, who kept nearly ten feet of distance between them when entering Man Shar's house, were heard speaking and greeting him in the Sakaw Karen dialect.
Two KNU office workers on the ground floor rushed upstairs at the sound of gunfire. As the assassins came down, one of the gunmen fired an errant shot at the two office workers.
Pado Man Sha, age 64, is survived by two daughters and a son.
We reproduce here Mizzima's interview with Pado Mansha
on February 12, 2008
Q: Will the SPDC'S announcement on Saturday lead to democracy in Burma?
A: No, these announcements won't lead to restoration of democracy in Burma, but will lead to perpetuation of military dictatorship in Burma.
Q: Why did the junta issue these statements both surprisingly and hurriedly?
A: International pressure mounted after the September Revolution. It is very clear that the people inside Burma cannot tolerate the situation any longer and it has become unbearable. The regime is worried about the hindrances and stumbling blocks in their planned road map due to international pressure and UN participation. It is very clear when you see what they said in their press conference held on November 16. They said very clearly that they would not accept any interference from anyone in regard to their roadmap. It means they will go ahead with their pre-planned roadmap. They won't accept any intervention from both the UN and the international community.
Q: Can they really hold general elections in 2010?
A: They cannot hold general elections whenever they wish. They issued Notification 1/90 before. We must first ask them how they will implement their previous notification. They cannot do anything without implementing their previous notification at anytime in 2010 or 2020.
Q: They have a track record of holding such referendums and elections using coercion and intimidation. Can they repeat it this time?
A: Yes, they can. But the May 1990 election produced unexpected results for them. So they formulated the National Convention and Road Map to make the unwanted election result null and void. This time they will have fail safe planning to win by any means. We must consider concrete and resolute responses to counter their plan this time.
Q: What is likely to happen?
A: We cannot accept their current course. We must stand by the idea of mobilizing masses and mass movements.
Q: What are the responsibilities of the people?
A: The people can do many things. For instance they can resort to political, economic and social non-cooperation. These are examples of some responses they can make. At the same time, we must promote and intensify our political struggle, mass movements, armed struggle, international campaigns, and international pressure among other things. We must communicate with the junta in the language they understand. They will not care if we continue and pursue the usual policy of appeasement with them.
Jonathan Manthorpe . Burma's generals
Jonathan Manthorpe
The Vancouver Sun
February 14, 2008
One positive thing that can be said about Burma's military regime is that its generals don't bury their lies in the small print.
When they feel the need to tell a great big whopper they do it in big bold capital letters and right in your face.
Which is why it doesn't even take a second glance to see that the plans for a constitutional referendum in May and elections in 2010 announced by the generals on Saturday are nothing more than a sham.
The result of this farce will be to make things worse by legitimizing military rule behind a facade of civilian institutions.
The referendum and elections will certainly not bring to power Burma's most popular political party, the National League for Democracy.
In 1990 elections the NLD won 82 per cent of the vote; that appalled the generals and they have always refused to accept the result.
The junta, led by Gen. Than Shwe, has already moved to ensure that NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent 12 of the past 18 years under various forms of detention, can never become government leader.
A constitutional amendment has banned people from running for parliament if they are or were married to foreigners. Suu Kyi was married to British academic Michael Aris, who died in 1999.
The main reason for this unusually honest approach to lying is that the generals have discovered they don't need to disguise their duplicity.
The countries and institutions that seriously worry about the Burmese generals' brutal assaults on human and political rights - such as the European Union, the United States and liberal democratic United Nations members like Canada - are a long way away and of limited daily annoyance.
The countries that could seriously inconvenience the generals' 46-year hold on power, such as the nine fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations or lustful economic partners India and China, are too fixated on self-interest to be a real problem.
There's good reason to think China's self-interest has played a significant part in prompting Than Shwe and his junta to produce this pantomime of transition to civilian rule.
The crushing of mass demonstrations by Buddhist monks and their supporters in August and September last year pushed the Burma question high up the international agenda again.
This is a problem for China, which has made Burma into what amounts to an economy colony. But China does not want its support for the Burmese regime to be yet another cause for boycotts or protests during this summer's Beijing Olympics.
So Than Shwe has been persuaded to speed up his seven-step "roadmap to democracy." In its early years this had all the hallmarks of a stalling tactic rather than an initiative.
The constitutional convention of hand-picked delegates started meeting in 1993, but only infrequently and, of course, did not include the NLD or Suu Kyi.
International uproar at the crushing of last year's demonstrations has made it expedient to move ahead on the roadmap.
We know a little about what the constitutional convention has suggested should be put to the people in a yes-or-no referendum and it is not encouraging.
The new dispensation would make the president a military appointee, and the generals will have the right to seize power if they feel national security is threatened.
A quarter of the parliamentary seats will be reserved for military appointees who will also control the key ministries.
It is also unlikely the May referendum on this travesty will be a plebiscite in any recognizable sense.
Responsibility for organizing the referendum and the 2010 elections is being given to the United Solidarity and Development Association.
The USDA is an organization of paid thugs and off-duty civil servants which claims to have 24 million members, almost half the population of Burma.
It has experience in arranging referendums, such as the 1994 outpouring of popular support for the constitutional convention. People were bribed or intimidated to attend mass rallies and thus "approve" the work of the convention.
The USDA will not only vet and select the candidates for the 2010 parliamentary election, it is also set to become a political party and the only one whose victory the generals will accept.
Jonathan Manthorpe writes for the Vancouver Sun.
Source: The Ottawa Citizen
The Vancouver Sun
February 14, 2008
One positive thing that can be said about Burma's military regime is that its generals don't bury their lies in the small print.
When they feel the need to tell a great big whopper they do it in big bold capital letters and right in your face.
Which is why it doesn't even take a second glance to see that the plans for a constitutional referendum in May and elections in 2010 announced by the generals on Saturday are nothing more than a sham.
The result of this farce will be to make things worse by legitimizing military rule behind a facade of civilian institutions.
The referendum and elections will certainly not bring to power Burma's most popular political party, the National League for Democracy.
In 1990 elections the NLD won 82 per cent of the vote; that appalled the generals and they have always refused to accept the result.
The junta, led by Gen. Than Shwe, has already moved to ensure that NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent 12 of the past 18 years under various forms of detention, can never become government leader.
A constitutional amendment has banned people from running for parliament if they are or were married to foreigners. Suu Kyi was married to British academic Michael Aris, who died in 1999.
The main reason for this unusually honest approach to lying is that the generals have discovered they don't need to disguise their duplicity.
The countries and institutions that seriously worry about the Burmese generals' brutal assaults on human and political rights - such as the European Union, the United States and liberal democratic United Nations members like Canada - are a long way away and of limited daily annoyance.
The countries that could seriously inconvenience the generals' 46-year hold on power, such as the nine fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations or lustful economic partners India and China, are too fixated on self-interest to be a real problem.
There's good reason to think China's self-interest has played a significant part in prompting Than Shwe and his junta to produce this pantomime of transition to civilian rule.
The crushing of mass demonstrations by Buddhist monks and their supporters in August and September last year pushed the Burma question high up the international agenda again.
This is a problem for China, which has made Burma into what amounts to an economy colony. But China does not want its support for the Burmese regime to be yet another cause for boycotts or protests during this summer's Beijing Olympics.
So Than Shwe has been persuaded to speed up his seven-step "roadmap to democracy." In its early years this had all the hallmarks of a stalling tactic rather than an initiative.
The constitutional convention of hand-picked delegates started meeting in 1993, but only infrequently and, of course, did not include the NLD or Suu Kyi.
International uproar at the crushing of last year's demonstrations has made it expedient to move ahead on the roadmap.
We know a little about what the constitutional convention has suggested should be put to the people in a yes-or-no referendum and it is not encouraging.
The new dispensation would make the president a military appointee, and the generals will have the right to seize power if they feel national security is threatened.
A quarter of the parliamentary seats will be reserved for military appointees who will also control the key ministries.
It is also unlikely the May referendum on this travesty will be a plebiscite in any recognizable sense.
Responsibility for organizing the referendum and the 2010 elections is being given to the United Solidarity and Development Association.
The USDA is an organization of paid thugs and off-duty civil servants which claims to have 24 million members, almost half the population of Burma.
It has experience in arranging referendums, such as the 1994 outpouring of popular support for the constitutional convention. People were bribed or intimidated to attend mass rallies and thus "approve" the work of the convention.
The USDA will not only vet and select the candidates for the 2010 parliamentary election, it is also set to become a political party and the only one whose victory the generals will accept.
Jonathan Manthorpe writes for the Vancouver Sun.
Source: The Ottawa Citizen
Myanmar rebel leader killed in Thailand
* Assassinated leader’s son accuses Buddhist splinter group of killing
Mahn Sha Lar Phan
February 15, 2008 - MAE SOT: A leader of Myanmar’s biggest rebel group was assassinated at his home in the Thai border town of Mae Sot on Thursday, his wife told Reuters.
Mahn Sha Lar Phan, secretary-general of the Karen National Union, was shot at his two-storey wooden home by two men who arrived in a pickup truck, his wife Kim Suay told Reuters at the scene. He died instantly. “One of them walked up to the house and said in Karen ‘How are you, uncle?’ Then the other man joined him after parking the truck and they both shot him with two pistols,” she said, her voice shaking with emotion.
In an interview with Reuters on Monday, he had predicted a possible increase in violence ahead of a constitutional referendum in the former Burma in May. However, the KNA and its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) are riven by internal feuds and vendettas. His son Hse Hse, another senior member of the predominantly Christian Karen rebel movement, blamed a Buddhist Karen splinter group, which brokered a truce with Myanmar’s ruling military junta in the mid-1990s.
“This is the work of the DKBA and the Burmese soldiers,” Hse Hse said, referring to the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army. The Karen have been fighting for independence in the hills of eastern Myanmar for the last 60 years, one of the world’s longest-running insurgencies.
Source: Reuters-Daily Times
Mahn Sha Lar PhanMahn Sha Lar Phan, secretary-general of the Karen National Union, was shot at his two-storey wooden home by two men who arrived in a pickup truck, his wife Kim Suay told Reuters at the scene. He died instantly. “One of them walked up to the house and said in Karen ‘How are you, uncle?’ Then the other man joined him after parking the truck and they both shot him with two pistols,” she said, her voice shaking with emotion.
In an interview with Reuters on Monday, he had predicted a possible increase in violence ahead of a constitutional referendum in the former Burma in May. However, the KNA and its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) are riven by internal feuds and vendettas. His son Hse Hse, another senior member of the predominantly Christian Karen rebel movement, blamed a Buddhist Karen splinter group, which brokered a truce with Myanmar’s ruling military junta in the mid-1990s.
“This is the work of the DKBA and the Burmese soldiers,” Hse Hse said, referring to the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army. The Karen have been fighting for independence in the hills of eastern Myanmar for the last 60 years, one of the world’s longest-running insurgencies.
Source: Reuters-Daily Times
Thursday, 14 February 2008
Happy Valentine's Day
This is not a celebration, just a simple way to tell all the insiders that we are thinking of them.And to all the FREE BURMA supporters...
Have a Happy VD...
Wednesday, 13 February 2008
KNPP Challenges Child Soldiers Report
By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - Burma’s Karen National Progressive Party (KNPP) on Tuesday challenged a UN report claiming its armed wing, the Karenni Army, is recruiting child soldiers.
The Karenni Army was among nine non-state groups named in a special report by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon deploring “grave violations” of children’s rights in Burma.
The KNNP issued a press statement claiming the report lacked credibility and calling on Ban Ki-moon to remove the Karenni Army from the list. The statement charged that the UN had failed to ascertain the situation on the ground before writing the report.
The KNPP said it had invited representatives from UNICEF and other UN agencies to visit areas controlled by the Karenni Army and assess the situation on the ground, but had received no response.
The KNPP declared that it had a commitment to adhere to international conventions against the use of child soldiers. It said it had worked hard to eliminate the recruitment of young people into its forces.
KNNP Vice-Secretary Khu Oo Reh said the UN report was biased and lacked “fairness.” There was no justification for the inclusion of the Karenni Army, he said.
The UN report listed nine non-state groups accused of recruiting child soldiers: the United Wa State Army, the Karen National Liberation Army, the Karenni Army, the Kachin Independence Army, the Karenni National Liberation Front, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, the Shan State Army-South, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance and the Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council. The Burmese Army was also accused of recruiting child soldiers.
A Human Rights Watch (HRW) report issued in October 2007 said the Karenni Army had indeed stopped recruiting children, and recommended its removal from the UN list. The HRW report also noted that the Karen National Liberation Arm had taken steps to end the recruitment of children.
However, the HRW report said that children were still serving in other ethnic armies and in the Burmese army. Children as young as 10 were recruited by force into Burma’s army, it charged, quoting former soldiers who said that in many military training camps, children made up more than 30 percent of new recruits.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - Burma’s Karen National Progressive Party (KNPP) on Tuesday challenged a UN report claiming its armed wing, the Karenni Army, is recruiting child soldiers.
The Karenni Army was among nine non-state groups named in a special report by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon deploring “grave violations” of children’s rights in Burma.
The KNNP issued a press statement claiming the report lacked credibility and calling on Ban Ki-moon to remove the Karenni Army from the list. The statement charged that the UN had failed to ascertain the situation on the ground before writing the report.
The KNPP said it had invited representatives from UNICEF and other UN agencies to visit areas controlled by the Karenni Army and assess the situation on the ground, but had received no response.
The KNPP declared that it had a commitment to adhere to international conventions against the use of child soldiers. It said it had worked hard to eliminate the recruitment of young people into its forces.
KNNP Vice-Secretary Khu Oo Reh said the UN report was biased and lacked “fairness.” There was no justification for the inclusion of the Karenni Army, he said.
The UN report listed nine non-state groups accused of recruiting child soldiers: the United Wa State Army, the Karen National Liberation Army, the Karenni Army, the Kachin Independence Army, the Karenni National Liberation Front, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, the Shan State Army-South, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance and the Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council. The Burmese Army was also accused of recruiting child soldiers.
A Human Rights Watch (HRW) report issued in October 2007 said the Karenni Army had indeed stopped recruiting children, and recommended its removal from the UN list. The HRW report also noted that the Karen National Liberation Arm had taken steps to end the recruitment of children.
However, the HRW report said that children were still serving in other ethnic armies and in the Burmese army. Children as young as 10 were recruited by force into Burma’s army, it charged, quoting former soldiers who said that in many military training camps, children made up more than 30 percent of new recruits.
Junta Tightens Passports for NGO Staff
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - The Burmese regime appears to be tightening access to passports for Burmese staff members of international non-governmental organizations, according to Rangoon sources.
Burmese staff members with UN organizations and international NGOs who have applied for a passport renewal at the passport office, which is under the Ministry of Home Affairs, report longer than usual delays and other problems, sources told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
A Burmese passport is only valid for six months after the date of issue, according to information on the passport office Web site. If it is not used within six months, it must be renewed for another six months.
If the bearer cannot depart within the second six-month period, they must apply for a new passport from the very beginning.
The passport office has told some Burmese staff of international NGOs that their passports could be seized if they return home from a foreign trip. The passport office is also refusing to issue passports to some Burmese staffers, according to sources who asked for anonymity.
“The office said that if a staffer wants to travel abroad, they should apply for a passport three months in advance,” said one source.
“Officials at the office said the restrictions were ordered by Maj-Gen Maung Oo, the minister of home affairs,” she said.
A Burmese staff member with a UN organization said many of his colleagues have been waiting for a passport renewal for months.
“I think all Burmese working for UN organizations have been affected by the tighter regulations,” he said.
“They [the passport office] said ‘if you want to go again, you have to apply for a passport again,’” he said. “I am not sure whether they will issue a new passport to me again or not.”
One source said a passport renewal usually took about ten days.
“But now some staff at my NGO have waited for more than two months,” she said. “But there’s been no response. The passport office told us there is some problem. But they do not give any details.”
The passport of one NGO worker, the husband of a Burmese staff member at the US embassy, was recently seized by authorities at Rangoon’s Mingaladon International Airport when he returned from abroad, said a source.
The Myanmar Passport Issuing Office was not available for comment when contacted by The Irrawaddy. The office is run by the Police Special Branch, which handles intelligence.
Meanwhile, since late 2007, the junta has also tightened visa regulations on Western diplomats, their family members and NGO employees working in Burma.
In some cases, the regime has refused to renew or extend visas for some staff of Western embassies and their family members.
Foreign NGO workers traveling to project sites in the country must have a special permit from authorities, according to a junta decree regulating NGOs.
In 2005, the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria cancelled its program in Burma, saying the travel regulations prevented it from accomplishing its mission.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - The Burmese regime appears to be tightening access to passports for Burmese staff members of international non-governmental organizations, according to Rangoon sources.
Burmese staff members with UN organizations and international NGOs who have applied for a passport renewal at the passport office, which is under the Ministry of Home Affairs, report longer than usual delays and other problems, sources told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
A Burmese passport is only valid for six months after the date of issue, according to information on the passport office Web site. If it is not used within six months, it must be renewed for another six months.
If the bearer cannot depart within the second six-month period, they must apply for a new passport from the very beginning.
The passport office has told some Burmese staff of international NGOs that their passports could be seized if they return home from a foreign trip. The passport office is also refusing to issue passports to some Burmese staffers, according to sources who asked for anonymity.
“The office said that if a staffer wants to travel abroad, they should apply for a passport three months in advance,” said one source.
“Officials at the office said the restrictions were ordered by Maj-Gen Maung Oo, the minister of home affairs,” she said.
A Burmese staff member with a UN organization said many of his colleagues have been waiting for a passport renewal for months.
“I think all Burmese working for UN organizations have been affected by the tighter regulations,” he said.
“They [the passport office] said ‘if you want to go again, you have to apply for a passport again,’” he said. “I am not sure whether they will issue a new passport to me again or not.”
One source said a passport renewal usually took about ten days.
“But now some staff at my NGO have waited for more than two months,” she said. “But there’s been no response. The passport office told us there is some problem. But they do not give any details.”
The passport of one NGO worker, the husband of a Burmese staff member at the US embassy, was recently seized by authorities at Rangoon’s Mingaladon International Airport when he returned from abroad, said a source.
The Myanmar Passport Issuing Office was not available for comment when contacted by The Irrawaddy. The office is run by the Police Special Branch, which handles intelligence.
Meanwhile, since late 2007, the junta has also tightened visa regulations on Western diplomats, their family members and NGO employees working in Burma.
In some cases, the regime has refused to renew or extend visas for some staff of Western embassies and their family members.
Foreign NGO workers traveling to project sites in the country must have a special permit from authorities, according to a junta decree regulating NGOs.
In 2005, the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria cancelled its program in Burma, saying the travel regulations prevented it from accomplishing its mission.
Burmese Ethnic Groups Call for another Panglong Agreement
By AYE LAE
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - On the 61st anniversary of its signing, various ethnic leaders in Burma have called for another Panglong Agreement to help achieve a federal democratic system in the country.
“We want a conference such as in Panglong, but involving all the ethnic groups working together for peace,” Nai ong Ma-Nge, a spokesperson for the New Mon State Party said.
February 12 is Union Day in Burma, a date that commemorates the 1947 signing of the Panglong Agreement between the central government, led by Bogyoke Aung San, and various ethnic groups, to set up an independent state after British colonial rule.
The conference was held in Panglong town in Shan State, and was attended by members of the Executive Council of the Governor of Burma, representatives of Shan State, the Kachin hills and the Chin hills.
However, the ethnic groups felt that the constitution in 1948 failed to guarantee equal rights and self-determination as agreed upon at Panglong, and took up arms against the central government.
“We have wasted so much time,” said Mahn Sha, general secretary of the Karen National Union (KNU). “In the past 61 years, nothing has changed for us. We have been broken apart by the divide and rule policy of the authoritarian government.”
Since the failure of the Panglong Agreement, the country has been embroiled in a civil war. The current military government has negotiated ceasefire arrangements with some armed groups.
Some significant ceasefires have been agreed in recent years, such as with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Shan State Army North (SSA-N). However, there are non-ceasefire groups who are still fighting, albeit on a small scale and only sporadically in localized areas. These include the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the Karenni Army (KA), Karenni Nationalities People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), the Shan State Army South (SSA-S) and the Shan State National Army (SSNA).
“We know the Burmese government would fear us if we were able to unite, as it would then give us more negotiating rights,” Shan State Army South leader Col Yod Serk told the English language daily Bangkok Post.
“No conditions would be set for the talks until all sides agree to a dialogue,” the report quoted Yod Serk as saying. “The goal is to get everyone on board, shake hands or clink glasses. That would be a hopeful beginning”.
However, Burma’s ethnic armed groups have a history lacking unity in the fight to overthrow the Burmese military rulers. Some ethnic leaders agree that unity within the various ethnic groups is weak and needs to be stronger.
A Rangoon-based ethnic politician, Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP), said, “We all know that the military government doesn't to us to unify. If we recognize what our weak points are, we could find a way to achieve unity among the ethnic groups.”
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - On the 61st anniversary of its signing, various ethnic leaders in Burma have called for another Panglong Agreement to help achieve a federal democratic system in the country.
“We want a conference such as in Panglong, but involving all the ethnic groups working together for peace,” Nai ong Ma-Nge, a spokesperson for the New Mon State Party said.
February 12 is Union Day in Burma, a date that commemorates the 1947 signing of the Panglong Agreement between the central government, led by Bogyoke Aung San, and various ethnic groups, to set up an independent state after British colonial rule.
The conference was held in Panglong town in Shan State, and was attended by members of the Executive Council of the Governor of Burma, representatives of Shan State, the Kachin hills and the Chin hills.
However, the ethnic groups felt that the constitution in 1948 failed to guarantee equal rights and self-determination as agreed upon at Panglong, and took up arms against the central government.
“We have wasted so much time,” said Mahn Sha, general secretary of the Karen National Union (KNU). “In the past 61 years, nothing has changed for us. We have been broken apart by the divide and rule policy of the authoritarian government.”
Since the failure of the Panglong Agreement, the country has been embroiled in a civil war. The current military government has negotiated ceasefire arrangements with some armed groups.
Some significant ceasefires have been agreed in recent years, such as with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Shan State Army North (SSA-N). However, there are non-ceasefire groups who are still fighting, albeit on a small scale and only sporadically in localized areas. These include the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the Karenni Army (KA), Karenni Nationalities People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), the Shan State Army South (SSA-S) and the Shan State National Army (SSNA).
“We know the Burmese government would fear us if we were able to unite, as it would then give us more negotiating rights,” Shan State Army South leader Col Yod Serk told the English language daily Bangkok Post.
“No conditions would be set for the talks until all sides agree to a dialogue,” the report quoted Yod Serk as saying. “The goal is to get everyone on board, shake hands or clink glasses. That would be a hopeful beginning”.
However, Burma’s ethnic armed groups have a history lacking unity in the fight to overthrow the Burmese military rulers. Some ethnic leaders agree that unity within the various ethnic groups is weak and needs to be stronger.
A Rangoon-based ethnic politician, Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP), said, “We all know that the military government doesn't to us to unify. If we recognize what our weak points are, we could find a way to achieve unity among the ethnic groups.”
Burma vote pledge spurs hope and anger
Amy Kazmin in Bangkok
FT Com
February 12, 2008 - For many of Burma’s 55m people, their military rulers’ weekend declaration of a national referendum on a new constitution came as a big shock.
Just a few months ago, the junta made a high-profile start to talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s Nobel Prize-winning opposition leader and democracy campaigner, ostensibly for a dialogue on Burma’s political future.
But the regime’s decision to push through a controversial military-sponsored charter has been taken as a clear signal of its unwillingness to compromise with the democratic opposition and with ethnic minorities on substantial political issues.
Under the new constitution, 25 per cent of the seats in a new parliament would be reserved for military appointees, the army chief would choose some key ministers, and the army could seize power in a state of emergency. Ethnic minorities have complained that the draft charter does not give them sufficient local autonomy.
Still, for some Burmese, accepting the charter – in spite of its flaws – is the only realistic hope of altering the increasingly unbearable status quo of unchecked military power.
“There is no alternative,” said Ma Theingi, a Rangoon-based writer who once served as Ms Suu Kyi’s personal assistant but disagreed with her stand on economic sanctions. “At least after this is done we can step forward to elections.”
“However big a role the military has in the constitution in the future, now they have 100 per cent power,” she said. “You can’t expect perfection at a stroke. There can be amendments later – it’s not like we have to live with this for the next 100 years.”
She said she also feared that “if people refuse the smallest change, we have to go back to square one”.
Opposition activists, however, are already calling on the Burmese to reject what they call a charter to “legalise the military dictatorship”, although they admit that campaigning will be tough, given that dissident leaders are imprisoned or on the run amid a harsh crackdown on dissent.
“This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma,” the 88 Generation Students group said, adding that the referendum would be a “major battlefield” in the struggle with the regime.
In an interview from his hiding place, Soe Htun, a member of the group, told the Financial Times: “This sham constitution is not for our people’s sake but for the army and their relatives. We have to organise people to reject it. It’s difficult but we have to try within the two months.”
Exiled dissidents also said they were gearing up to campaign against the charter, using radio, leaflets, CDs and other channels that bypass heavily-censored state-controlled media.
“This one-sided constitution is not the right thing,” said Nyo Ohn Myint, an exiled member of Ms Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, which won a landslide 1990 election victory but was barred from taking power. “If [the] military win, it will be more legitimacy for them.”
Inside Burma, the NLD has so far reacted cautiously to the referendum. With Ms Suu Kyi under house arrest, the party’s elderly acting leaders have been wary of any overt moves that could result in the party being banned, or in exclusion from future elections.
Nyo Ohn Myint believes the NLD leaders will soon take a public stand against the charter. “This is do or die,” he said. Yet like other Burmese, he conceded that even if the campaign to mobilise voters were successful, it could prove a pyrrhic victory. “If the referendum fails, the generals will keep power longer.”
FT Com
February 12, 2008 - For many of Burma’s 55m people, their military rulers’ weekend declaration of a national referendum on a new constitution came as a big shock.
Just a few months ago, the junta made a high-profile start to talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s Nobel Prize-winning opposition leader and democracy campaigner, ostensibly for a dialogue on Burma’s political future.
But the regime’s decision to push through a controversial military-sponsored charter has been taken as a clear signal of its unwillingness to compromise with the democratic opposition and with ethnic minorities on substantial political issues.
Under the new constitution, 25 per cent of the seats in a new parliament would be reserved for military appointees, the army chief would choose some key ministers, and the army could seize power in a state of emergency. Ethnic minorities have complained that the draft charter does not give them sufficient local autonomy.
Still, for some Burmese, accepting the charter – in spite of its flaws – is the only realistic hope of altering the increasingly unbearable status quo of unchecked military power.
“There is no alternative,” said Ma Theingi, a Rangoon-based writer who once served as Ms Suu Kyi’s personal assistant but disagreed with her stand on economic sanctions. “At least after this is done we can step forward to elections.”
“However big a role the military has in the constitution in the future, now they have 100 per cent power,” she said. “You can’t expect perfection at a stroke. There can be amendments later – it’s not like we have to live with this for the next 100 years.”
She said she also feared that “if people refuse the smallest change, we have to go back to square one”.
Opposition activists, however, are already calling on the Burmese to reject what they call a charter to “legalise the military dictatorship”, although they admit that campaigning will be tough, given that dissident leaders are imprisoned or on the run amid a harsh crackdown on dissent.
“This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma,” the 88 Generation Students group said, adding that the referendum would be a “major battlefield” in the struggle with the regime.
In an interview from his hiding place, Soe Htun, a member of the group, told the Financial Times: “This sham constitution is not for our people’s sake but for the army and their relatives. We have to organise people to reject it. It’s difficult but we have to try within the two months.”
Exiled dissidents also said they were gearing up to campaign against the charter, using radio, leaflets, CDs and other channels that bypass heavily-censored state-controlled media.
“This one-sided constitution is not the right thing,” said Nyo Ohn Myint, an exiled member of Ms Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, which won a landslide 1990 election victory but was barred from taking power. “If [the] military win, it will be more legitimacy for them.”
Inside Burma, the NLD has so far reacted cautiously to the referendum. With Ms Suu Kyi under house arrest, the party’s elderly acting leaders have been wary of any overt moves that could result in the party being banned, or in exclusion from future elections.
Nyo Ohn Myint believes the NLD leaders will soon take a public stand against the charter. “This is do or die,” he said. Yet like other Burmese, he conceded that even if the campaign to mobilise voters were successful, it could prove a pyrrhic victory. “If the referendum fails, the generals will keep power longer.”
Aung San Suu Kyi's party calls for 'fair political climate' in Myanmar
By Hla Hla Htay
AFP - Yahoo
February 12, 2008, YANGON (AFP) - Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy on Tuesday urged the military government to create a "fair political climate," after the regime announced a constitutional referendum for May.
The party did not directly mention the junta's plans for a referendum, which is meant to clear the way for elections in 2010, but repeated its long-standing call for a dialogue with the junta on national reconciliation.
"The (junta) has the main responsibility to realise national reconciliation, which is essential for the country," the party said in a statement, read out by senior member Than Tun.
"Moreover, it also has the responsibility to create a fair political climate and environment," the statement added.
The party also repeated its call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest, as well as her deputy Tin Oo and 1,800 other political prisoners believed held in the country.
Tin Oo is also under house arrest, and the military is expected to announce an extension of his confinement this week.
The party released the statement at its headquarters in Yangon to mark Union Day, which commemorates a declaration of unity among Myanmar's many ethnic groups during the struggle for independence from Britain.
The military held a ceremony for the holiday at its remote capital Naypyidaw in central Myanmar, but junta leader Than Shwe did not attend.
The 74-year-old military supremo, whose health is believed to be weakening, is rarely seen in public. He also missed celebrations last month marking the 60th anniversary of independence.
A statement from Than Shwe was read out during the nationally televised ceremony, accusing western countries of using sanctions to derail the military's "road map" to democracy.
The United States, which last week tightened sanctions against the regime, denounced the junta's election time table as a "sham" vote that makes a mockery of global calls for democratic reforms.
"They are imposing sanctions against the nation to create a large-scale disruption to national progress," Than Shwe said in the statement.
The regime's foes are "driving a wedge among national races, misleading the people, and aiding and abetting anti-government groups to weaken and break up the union," it said.
Than Shwe's statement also said that the people of Myanmar were "pursuing the state's seven-step road map ... for a transition to a modern, developed democratic nation with flourishing discipline."
If held, the proposed elections would be the first since 1990, when Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory that was ignored by the junta.
The regime announced its timetable for elections amid mounting international pressure over its crackdown on peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks in September, when the United Nations says at least 31 were killed.
But the generals have ignored calls to free Aung San Suu Kyi and open a political dialogue, instead sticking to their own "road map" plan, which critics say will enshrine the military's rule.
AFP - Yahoo
February 12, 2008, YANGON (AFP) - Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy on Tuesday urged the military government to create a "fair political climate," after the regime announced a constitutional referendum for May.
The party did not directly mention the junta's plans for a referendum, which is meant to clear the way for elections in 2010, but repeated its long-standing call for a dialogue with the junta on national reconciliation.
"The (junta) has the main responsibility to realise national reconciliation, which is essential for the country," the party said in a statement, read out by senior member Than Tun.
"Moreover, it also has the responsibility to create a fair political climate and environment," the statement added.
The party also repeated its call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest, as well as her deputy Tin Oo and 1,800 other political prisoners believed held in the country.
Tin Oo is also under house arrest, and the military is expected to announce an extension of his confinement this week.
The party released the statement at its headquarters in Yangon to mark Union Day, which commemorates a declaration of unity among Myanmar's many ethnic groups during the struggle for independence from Britain.
The military held a ceremony for the holiday at its remote capital Naypyidaw in central Myanmar, but junta leader Than Shwe did not attend.
The 74-year-old military supremo, whose health is believed to be weakening, is rarely seen in public. He also missed celebrations last month marking the 60th anniversary of independence.
A statement from Than Shwe was read out during the nationally televised ceremony, accusing western countries of using sanctions to derail the military's "road map" to democracy.
The United States, which last week tightened sanctions against the regime, denounced the junta's election time table as a "sham" vote that makes a mockery of global calls for democratic reforms.
"They are imposing sanctions against the nation to create a large-scale disruption to national progress," Than Shwe said in the statement.
The regime's foes are "driving a wedge among national races, misleading the people, and aiding and abetting anti-government groups to weaken and break up the union," it said.
Than Shwe's statement also said that the people of Myanmar were "pursuing the state's seven-step road map ... for a transition to a modern, developed democratic nation with flourishing discipline."
If held, the proposed elections would be the first since 1990, when Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory that was ignored by the junta.
The regime announced its timetable for elections amid mounting international pressure over its crackdown on peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks in September, when the United Nations says at least 31 were killed.
But the generals have ignored calls to free Aung San Suu Kyi and open a political dialogue, instead sticking to their own "road map" plan, which critics say will enshrine the military's rule.
Alliance Myanmar recognises four community members with leadership awards
Original Source: International HIV/AIDS Alliance - UK
International HIV/AIDS Alliance
Website: http://www.aidsalliance.org
Source: Alert Net
February 12, 2008 - Four community members were presented with leadership awards for their dedication to civil society and the HIV response at a partners' forum organised by Alliance Myanmar in November 2007. The four were chosen as examples of this year's World AIDS Day theme as they have 'taken the lead' in their communities. In honouring them, the Alliance hopes to inspire others in the community to expand their work and to show examples of how people have learnt to work effectively in the Myanmar context.
Alliance Myanmar organised the forum for its 31 community-based partner organisations to discuss their work and look at ways to forge ahead.
One of the key messages coming out of the forum was that community-based organisations are adept at finding strategies to overcome the challenges they face in Myanmar, and despite the many operating challenges that civil society faces in Myanmar, there is room for organisations to manoeuvre and grow. One of the reasons for this is that the on-the-ground experiences of their members make them the best advocates to overcome local barriers.
The forum was also a chance to thank those who continue to work with their own community-based organisations, despite the many opportunities their new skills open up to them. Alliance Myanmar emphasised that the four award winners were just a few of the many invaluable community leaders in Myanmar. Through their work, they are inspiring others to take the lead.
Find out more about the leadership award winners, Htay Lwin Oo, Tin Tin Htwe, Thi Ha Kyaing, and Edward Nyein:
Htay Lwin Oo Htay Lwin Oo holds a prominent position in the city of Kyaukpadaung's society as the city's foremost event planner and philanthropist. He has used his influence to support the community of men who have sex with men and has invested his own funds to initiate prevention programmes. The organisation he founded, Mee Ein Shin Lay Myar (Lamp Holders Sharing the Light), provides not only HIV prevention programmes and testing, but also vocational training to help men who have sex with men support themselves. With the limited funds that he has received from the Alliance combined with his own, he founded a beauty salon and catering service to train and employ members of this group. Part of the income generated by these businesses is invested in ongoing HIV support programmes.
Despite discrimination against men who have sex with men, Htay Lwin Oo refuses to deny his sexual identity. He was nominated for a prestigious national award based on his generous donations to pagodas and for religious endeavours. When the committee came to see his contributions, he also showed them the work he had been doing on behalf of men who have sex with men, knowing full well that he could lose the opportunity to receive the award if his sexual identity was revealed. He was not presented with the award after this meeting, but he demonstrated his dedication and perseverance in the face of discrimination. His refusal to turn his back on his community demonstrates his value as a leader.
Tin Tin Htwe Tin Tin Htwe is a peer educator for Mawlamyine's sex worker community and a facilitator for non-governmental organisations working there. She has become the leading contact for international NGOs working with sex workers in Mawlamyine. Her sensitivity to confidentiality has earned her this position and helped her establish a strong network among sex workers.
Through her work with Mahaythi Myitta Shin (Loving Kindness for Women), Tin Tin Htwe has helped the NGO community to reach sex workers and enabled sex workers to share their experiences more easily with NGOs. It is difficult for outsiders to understand the circumstances of a sex worker's life, including the constant threat of harassment by authorities or the inability to have a 9 to 5 work schedule. This misunderstanding has hampered some of the outreach programmes there. Tin Tin Htwe, however, knows the intricacies of her work, both as a sex worker and peer educator. By taking the initiative to explain the reality of a sex worker's life, she has corrected unrealistic expectations of organisations, allowing them to better serve the community. She has also convinced other sex workers of the benefits of these programmes and to participate without any material compensation. The key quality that she possesses is her trustworthiness. She has established herself as a reliable voice for all sides and because of this has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader. has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader.
Thi Ha Kyaing Thi Ha Kyaing is one of the founders of the Yangon-based HIV positive support group, Phoenix. He learnt he was HIV positive in 2000 as he was completing medical examinations for a sailor position.
Many in Myanmar believe that HIV is a death sentence, but not Thi Ha Kyaing. This became his calling, a re-birth. After trying unsuccessfully to treat himself with traditional medicines, he returned to the Médecins Sans Frontières - Holland (AZG) clinic to receive treatment in 2004. Unfortunately, the clinic was unable to give Thi Ha Kyaing free treatment because he lived in a different district. In order to help offset his costs, AZG hired him to work as a lab assistant.
After looking into it, Thi Ha Kyaing found there was a great need for programming for people living with HIV. He had always had family support, but his research made him realise that this support network did not exist for many of those living with HIV. As a result he founded Phoenix.
Phoenix's social project rebuilt 60 houses in 2007, provided funds for school fees and funerals, and trained caretakers who are required for HIV positive people to be admitted for treatment in the hospitals here. Phoenix was the first group to provide care in hospitals and the success of the programme has prompted other groups to provide the service as well. The group also has a garment workshop and has provided small loans for people to start their own businesses. Thi Ha Kyaing has planned for the future by securing private funding for the organisation through fundraising activities like donation boxes at the Summit Parkview, one of Yangon's premiere hotels.
One of Thi Ha Kyaing's beliefs is that there are very many HIV positive people who are great leaders and have great ideas but they are afraid to come out because of their status. He is trying to change that by making sure others are participating in his programmes and encouraging them to act on their ideas. He works to actively involve the whole group in decision-making, instead of choosing on behalf of the group. It is this inclusive decision-making process and his dedication to the community of people living with HIV that prompted the Alliance to recognize him with a leadership award.
Edward Nyein In Pyay, Edward Nyein works as the care and support project manager for Karuna, a Catholic faith-based organisation. Working through a religious organisation can present many challenges, especially when working with sex workers or men who have sex with men. Edward Nyein has found a way to work around that. He has organised the church as a venue for NGOs working with these communities, providing them shelter from outside scrutiny.
The first project he took on involved care and support for people living with HIV. His potential as a leader quickly became evident and it was decided that the programme would expand to include educating sex workers. Edward agreed despite knowing that the church might not be comfortable with the approach. He was able to convince the leaders that the programme was needed and also was able to find a way for condoms to be distributed to the sex workers. He has learnt how to effectively negotiate terms and conditions so that Karuna can continue to produce positive results and expand the vision of those around him.
Through this work, he has played a critical role in training sex workers to be peer educators in the community. He has also advocated on their behalf with local police and lawyers. This can be a very risky role for someone linked with the church, but Edward Nyein has found a way to work with all these communities, maintain his good reputation, and stay within the limitations set up by the tenets of his religion.
[ Any views expressed in this article are those of the writer and not of Reuters. ]
International HIV/AIDS Alliance
Website: http://www.aidsalliance.org
Source: Alert Net
February 12, 2008 - Four community members were presented with leadership awards for their dedication to civil society and the HIV response at a partners' forum organised by Alliance Myanmar in November 2007. The four were chosen as examples of this year's World AIDS Day theme as they have 'taken the lead' in their communities. In honouring them, the Alliance hopes to inspire others in the community to expand their work and to show examples of how people have learnt to work effectively in the Myanmar context.
Alliance Myanmar organised the forum for its 31 community-based partner organisations to discuss their work and look at ways to forge ahead.
One of the key messages coming out of the forum was that community-based organisations are adept at finding strategies to overcome the challenges they face in Myanmar, and despite the many operating challenges that civil society faces in Myanmar, there is room for organisations to manoeuvre and grow. One of the reasons for this is that the on-the-ground experiences of their members make them the best advocates to overcome local barriers.
The forum was also a chance to thank those who continue to work with their own community-based organisations, despite the many opportunities their new skills open up to them. Alliance Myanmar emphasised that the four award winners were just a few of the many invaluable community leaders in Myanmar. Through their work, they are inspiring others to take the lead.
Find out more about the leadership award winners, Htay Lwin Oo, Tin Tin Htwe, Thi Ha Kyaing, and Edward Nyein:
Htay Lwin Oo Htay Lwin Oo holds a prominent position in the city of Kyaukpadaung's society as the city's foremost event planner and philanthropist. He has used his influence to support the community of men who have sex with men and has invested his own funds to initiate prevention programmes. The organisation he founded, Mee Ein Shin Lay Myar (Lamp Holders Sharing the Light), provides not only HIV prevention programmes and testing, but also vocational training to help men who have sex with men support themselves. With the limited funds that he has received from the Alliance combined with his own, he founded a beauty salon and catering service to train and employ members of this group. Part of the income generated by these businesses is invested in ongoing HIV support programmes.
Despite discrimination against men who have sex with men, Htay Lwin Oo refuses to deny his sexual identity. He was nominated for a prestigious national award based on his generous donations to pagodas and for religious endeavours. When the committee came to see his contributions, he also showed them the work he had been doing on behalf of men who have sex with men, knowing full well that he could lose the opportunity to receive the award if his sexual identity was revealed. He was not presented with the award after this meeting, but he demonstrated his dedication and perseverance in the face of discrimination. His refusal to turn his back on his community demonstrates his value as a leader.
Tin Tin Htwe Tin Tin Htwe is a peer educator for Mawlamyine's sex worker community and a facilitator for non-governmental organisations working there. She has become the leading contact for international NGOs working with sex workers in Mawlamyine. Her sensitivity to confidentiality has earned her this position and helped her establish a strong network among sex workers.
Through her work with Mahaythi Myitta Shin (Loving Kindness for Women), Tin Tin Htwe has helped the NGO community to reach sex workers and enabled sex workers to share their experiences more easily with NGOs. It is difficult for outsiders to understand the circumstances of a sex worker's life, including the constant threat of harassment by authorities or the inability to have a 9 to 5 work schedule. This misunderstanding has hampered some of the outreach programmes there. Tin Tin Htwe, however, knows the intricacies of her work, both as a sex worker and peer educator. By taking the initiative to explain the reality of a sex worker's life, she has corrected unrealistic expectations of organisations, allowing them to better serve the community. She has also convinced other sex workers of the benefits of these programmes and to participate without any material compensation. The key quality that she possesses is her trustworthiness. She has established herself as a reliable voice for all sides and because of this has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader. has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader.
Thi Ha Kyaing Thi Ha Kyaing is one of the founders of the Yangon-based HIV positive support group, Phoenix. He learnt he was HIV positive in 2000 as he was completing medical examinations for a sailor position.
Many in Myanmar believe that HIV is a death sentence, but not Thi Ha Kyaing. This became his calling, a re-birth. After trying unsuccessfully to treat himself with traditional medicines, he returned to the Médecins Sans Frontières - Holland (AZG) clinic to receive treatment in 2004. Unfortunately, the clinic was unable to give Thi Ha Kyaing free treatment because he lived in a different district. In order to help offset his costs, AZG hired him to work as a lab assistant.
After looking into it, Thi Ha Kyaing found there was a great need for programming for people living with HIV. He had always had family support, but his research made him realise that this support network did not exist for many of those living with HIV. As a result he founded Phoenix.
Phoenix's social project rebuilt 60 houses in 2007, provided funds for school fees and funerals, and trained caretakers who are required for HIV positive people to be admitted for treatment in the hospitals here. Phoenix was the first group to provide care in hospitals and the success of the programme has prompted other groups to provide the service as well. The group also has a garment workshop and has provided small loans for people to start their own businesses. Thi Ha Kyaing has planned for the future by securing private funding for the organisation through fundraising activities like donation boxes at the Summit Parkview, one of Yangon's premiere hotels.
One of Thi Ha Kyaing's beliefs is that there are very many HIV positive people who are great leaders and have great ideas but they are afraid to come out because of their status. He is trying to change that by making sure others are participating in his programmes and encouraging them to act on their ideas. He works to actively involve the whole group in decision-making, instead of choosing on behalf of the group. It is this inclusive decision-making process and his dedication to the community of people living with HIV that prompted the Alliance to recognize him with a leadership award.
Edward Nyein In Pyay, Edward Nyein works as the care and support project manager for Karuna, a Catholic faith-based organisation. Working through a religious organisation can present many challenges, especially when working with sex workers or men who have sex with men. Edward Nyein has found a way to work around that. He has organised the church as a venue for NGOs working with these communities, providing them shelter from outside scrutiny.
The first project he took on involved care and support for people living with HIV. His potential as a leader quickly became evident and it was decided that the programme would expand to include educating sex workers. Edward agreed despite knowing that the church might not be comfortable with the approach. He was able to convince the leaders that the programme was needed and also was able to find a way for condoms to be distributed to the sex workers. He has learnt how to effectively negotiate terms and conditions so that Karuna can continue to produce positive results and expand the vision of those around him.
Through this work, he has played a critical role in training sex workers to be peer educators in the community. He has also advocated on their behalf with local police and lawyers. This can be a very risky role for someone linked with the church, but Edward Nyein has found a way to work with all these communities, maintain his good reputation, and stay within the limitations set up by the tenets of his religion.
[ Any views expressed in this article are those of the writer and not of Reuters. ]
HRW To Myanmar: End Repression Before Referendum
February 12, 2008, (Nasdaq-RTTNews) - A prominent human rights watchdog has called upon Myanmar to end its repression of pro-democracy activists and allow a public debate - that should include members of opposition political parties and ethnic minority groups - on a proposed constitution before holding a referendum in May.
The referendum on a new constitution "should be conducted in an atmosphere of freedom and respect for basic rights, and not as a hollow exercise in the military's sham political reform process," Human Rights Watch said Tuesday in a statement.
The statement further says that a full and free public debate that entails freedom for the media to report and discuss the draft, as well as freedom of expression, association, and assembly for citizens to meet, debate, and criticize the draft, will also be necessary.
Additionally, it says to be free and fair, the referendum must be administered by a neutral election commission.
The US-based rights group's calls to Myanmar's military came after the later announced Saturday it would hold a referendum in May to set the stage for elections in 2010.
The human rights watchdog said the May referendum lacks credibility due to the absence of open dialogue between the government and opposition groups, most of whose leaders are in jail.
The group's Asia director, Brad Adams said: "The question is whether Myanmar's military government is willing to change course by allowing public debate and transparent voting in this referendum."
"In light of its massive crackdown on protests last year, there are no signs that the government believes in openness or debate," he said.
The elections if held as proposed, it would be the first time since 1990 that the democratic process gets under way in the impoverished country. In the 1990 elections democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party, the National League for Democracy or NLD swept to victory, but the military to refuse to accept the result.
The military junta's announcement of the referendum came amidst increasing international pressure on the regime following its bloody crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy protestors in September 2007, which left at least 31 people dead and 74 missing, according to the United Nations.
Human Rights Watch said last month about 100 people died during the September protests, against the 15 deaths reported by the junta.
For comments and feedback: contact editorial@rttnews.com
The referendum on a new constitution "should be conducted in an atmosphere of freedom and respect for basic rights, and not as a hollow exercise in the military's sham political reform process," Human Rights Watch said Tuesday in a statement.
The statement further says that a full and free public debate that entails freedom for the media to report and discuss the draft, as well as freedom of expression, association, and assembly for citizens to meet, debate, and criticize the draft, will also be necessary.
Additionally, it says to be free and fair, the referendum must be administered by a neutral election commission.
The US-based rights group's calls to Myanmar's military came after the later announced Saturday it would hold a referendum in May to set the stage for elections in 2010.
The human rights watchdog said the May referendum lacks credibility due to the absence of open dialogue between the government and opposition groups, most of whose leaders are in jail.
The group's Asia director, Brad Adams said: "The question is whether Myanmar's military government is willing to change course by allowing public debate and transparent voting in this referendum."
"In light of its massive crackdown on protests last year, there are no signs that the government believes in openness or debate," he said.
The elections if held as proposed, it would be the first time since 1990 that the democratic process gets under way in the impoverished country. In the 1990 elections democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party, the National League for Democracy or NLD swept to victory, but the military to refuse to accept the result.
The military junta's announcement of the referendum came amidst increasing international pressure on the regime following its bloody crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy protestors in September 2007, which left at least 31 people dead and 74 missing, according to the United Nations.
Human Rights Watch said last month about 100 people died during the September protests, against the 15 deaths reported by the junta.
For comments and feedback: contact editorial@rttnews.com
Tuesday, 12 February 2008
Sittwe Residents Forced to Welcome Monk
February 11, 2008, Sittwe: Burmese authorities in Arakan State's capital Sittwe forced residents on Sunday to welcome a monk who was awarded a high title by the military government for his religious studies, but many townspeople were opposed to the welcome program, said a town elder on condition of anonymity.
"Many people including monks in Sittwe were opposed to the welcoming of the abbot because the authority brought him to Sittwe to give the appearance to Burmese people that residents in Sittwe are now cooperating with the authority, and that there are no longer any boycotts by the monks against the military authority in the city," he said.
The authority in Sittwe ordered all households to send at least one person to welcome the monk at the airport and along the roadside.
Abbot Saradaw Tipidakara U Indapala is a prominent Arakanese monk who has received high educational qualifications from the military government in recent years for his study of Buddhist religious scriptures.
"We respected the monk, but it is not the right time for him to come to Sittwe with the authorities' plan, because many monks are still conducting their religious mission against the government, as they cracked down on the peaceful demonstrations of monks in Burma in September 2007," he said.
Many monks in Sittwe are still not cooperating with the military authorities and are still refusing to accept any alms from government officials, including food, robes, and other goods.
The town elder said, "The authority wants to organize monks in Sittwe to give up their boycott of the government, and the authority hopes this prominent monk can persuade monks to cooperate with the authorities by coming to Sittwe."
However, many monks did not join in yesterday's welcome ceremony for the abbot.
"Not only monks, but also lay citizens did not join the welcome ceremony, and many people were avoiding participating in the welcoming to show their opposition to the military government," he said.
The high authority ordered the Arakan Rice Merchant Association to organize the welcome ceremony, and the merchant group complied in hopes of being handed business opportunities in the rice trade in Arakan State.
Some family of the association's members and government civil servants participated in the welcome ceremony while most ordinary people avoided the event.
"Many people including monks in Sittwe were opposed to the welcoming of the abbot because the authority brought him to Sittwe to give the appearance to Burmese people that residents in Sittwe are now cooperating with the authority, and that there are no longer any boycotts by the monks against the military authority in the city," he said.
The authority in Sittwe ordered all households to send at least one person to welcome the monk at the airport and along the roadside.
Abbot Saradaw Tipidakara U Indapala is a prominent Arakanese monk who has received high educational qualifications from the military government in recent years for his study of Buddhist religious scriptures.
"We respected the monk, but it is not the right time for him to come to Sittwe with the authorities' plan, because many monks are still conducting their religious mission against the government, as they cracked down on the peaceful demonstrations of monks in Burma in September 2007," he said.
Many monks in Sittwe are still not cooperating with the military authorities and are still refusing to accept any alms from government officials, including food, robes, and other goods.
The town elder said, "The authority wants to organize monks in Sittwe to give up their boycott of the government, and the authority hopes this prominent monk can persuade monks to cooperate with the authorities by coming to Sittwe."
However, many monks did not join in yesterday's welcome ceremony for the abbot.
"Not only monks, but also lay citizens did not join the welcome ceremony, and many people were avoiding participating in the welcoming to show their opposition to the military government," he said.
The high authority ordered the Arakan Rice Merchant Association to organize the welcome ceremony, and the merchant group complied in hopes of being handed business opportunities in the rice trade in Arakan State.
Some family of the association's members and government civil servants participated in the welcome ceremony while most ordinary people avoided the event.
Arbitrary arrest for extortion in Maungdaw
Kaladan Press
Monday, 11 February 2008 - The police in Maungdaw Town, Arakan State have been making arbitrary arrests for extortion by planting Bangladeshi mobile phones in the victims' house and shops. On February 7 and 10, police arrested two men on the accusation of keeping Bangladeshi mobile phones. It is illegal in Burma to have phones without permission of the authorities.
The victims have been identified as Abul Kasim (55), son of Motu Chadar, hailing from Naya Para village and Abdullah (20), son of Abdul Matalab, belonging to Ward No.4 in Maungdaw Town, according to village a elder who requated anonymity.
Since last year, arbitrary extortion for money has been increased significantly in the Rohingya community by the police on false and fabricated cases. The victims complained to the higher authorities, but they paid no heed, so the police personnel are emboldened to commit more such crimes against the Rohingya community.
On February 7, Abul Kasim was arrested by police on the accusation of having a Bangladeshi mobile phone. It had been planted secretly in his house through a police agent before his arrest. He was brought to Maungdaw police station and kept in police custody and asked to pay kyat 600,000 for his release. But the victim was unable to pay, according to a close relative of the victim.
Similarly, on February 8 at about noon, Abdullah was arrested on the accusation of keeping a Bangladeshi mobile phone in his shop. At about 11 am, two police personnel in civilian dress went to his tea shop for tea. After having tea, one of them went to the cash counter to pay while another one secretly put a mobile phone on the owner's carton of condensed milk tins, a relative of the victim said.
It is learnt that most of tea-shop owners in Maungdaw town, keep cartons of condensed milk tins near the cashier to provide it to workers to keep a check on use and misuse.
After 15 minute, a police officer Nyi Nyi Hlwin Soe accompanied by three other policemen went to the Abdullah's tea shop and asked the tea-shop owner Abdullah why he had a Bangladesh mobile phone in his shop. He told themthat he had no phone. After hearing this, the police officer along with three others searched the cartons and found a mobile phone. Abdullah was brought to Maungdaw police station and is still in police custody.
The victim passed matriculation examinations but could not study further so he set up a tea-shop at Maungdaw market. He is innocent. However, the police officer demanded kyat 50,000 from the victim's father for his release. But his father refused to pay for his son's release, said a neighbour of the victim.
A friend of the victim said, "The victim's father doesn't want to compromise with the police as his son is innocent. He will raise the issue to with the higher authorities for justice."
According to sources, in Maungdaw Township, a gang of policemen has been extorting money from the Rohingya community since last year on false and fabricated cases. The charges are numerous like having a Bangladeshi mobile phone, involvement in human trafficking, Yaba tablet business and crossing the Burma- Bangladesh border r--- and have extorted at least kyat O.5 million to 3 million per head.
The police gang is identified has been identified as Major Aung Htwe, the SP of Maungdaw district, U Thin Tin, the ASP of Maungdaw police station and also head of the police surveillance group and Khin Maung police personnel among others, said sources.
In Maungdaw police station, the daily income is at least one crore. Every policeman has a motorcycle, and their wives have a lot of gold ornaments because they became rich very quickly. The SP and ASP of Maungdaw town have to pay kyat 5 million each to the district police officer per month as well as kyat 5 million to the state officer of police, said a close aide of police officer.
Monday, 11 February 2008 - The police in Maungdaw Town, Arakan State have been making arbitrary arrests for extortion by planting Bangladeshi mobile phones in the victims' house and shops. On February 7 and 10, police arrested two men on the accusation of keeping Bangladeshi mobile phones. It is illegal in Burma to have phones without permission of the authorities.
The victims have been identified as Abul Kasim (55), son of Motu Chadar, hailing from Naya Para village and Abdullah (20), son of Abdul Matalab, belonging to Ward No.4 in Maungdaw Town, according to village a elder who requated anonymity.
Since last year, arbitrary extortion for money has been increased significantly in the Rohingya community by the police on false and fabricated cases. The victims complained to the higher authorities, but they paid no heed, so the police personnel are emboldened to commit more such crimes against the Rohingya community.
On February 7, Abul Kasim was arrested by police on the accusation of having a Bangladeshi mobile phone. It had been planted secretly in his house through a police agent before his arrest. He was brought to Maungdaw police station and kept in police custody and asked to pay kyat 600,000 for his release. But the victim was unable to pay, according to a close relative of the victim.
Similarly, on February 8 at about noon, Abdullah was arrested on the accusation of keeping a Bangladeshi mobile phone in his shop. At about 11 am, two police personnel in civilian dress went to his tea shop for tea. After having tea, one of them went to the cash counter to pay while another one secretly put a mobile phone on the owner's carton of condensed milk tins, a relative of the victim said.
It is learnt that most of tea-shop owners in Maungdaw town, keep cartons of condensed milk tins near the cashier to provide it to workers to keep a check on use and misuse.
After 15 minute, a police officer Nyi Nyi Hlwin Soe accompanied by three other policemen went to the Abdullah's tea shop and asked the tea-shop owner Abdullah why he had a Bangladesh mobile phone in his shop. He told themthat he had no phone. After hearing this, the police officer along with three others searched the cartons and found a mobile phone. Abdullah was brought to Maungdaw police station and is still in police custody.
The victim passed matriculation examinations but could not study further so he set up a tea-shop at Maungdaw market. He is innocent. However, the police officer demanded kyat 50,000 from the victim's father for his release. But his father refused to pay for his son's release, said a neighbour of the victim.
A friend of the victim said, "The victim's father doesn't want to compromise with the police as his son is innocent. He will raise the issue to with the higher authorities for justice."
According to sources, in Maungdaw Township, a gang of policemen has been extorting money from the Rohingya community since last year on false and fabricated cases. The charges are numerous like having a Bangladeshi mobile phone, involvement in human trafficking, Yaba tablet business and crossing the Burma- Bangladesh border r--- and have extorted at least kyat O.5 million to 3 million per head.
The police gang is identified has been identified as Major Aung Htwe, the SP of Maungdaw district, U Thin Tin, the ASP of Maungdaw police station and also head of the police surveillance group and Khin Maung police personnel among others, said sources.
In Maungdaw police station, the daily income is at least one crore. Every policeman has a motorcycle, and their wives have a lot of gold ornaments because they became rich very quickly. The SP and ASP of Maungdaw town have to pay kyat 5 million each to the district police officer per month as well as kyat 5 million to the state officer of police, said a close aide of police officer.
Karen refugee camps warned of attack rumours
Maung Too
Democratic Voice of Burma
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–Karen refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border have been placed on high alert amid rumours of a possible attack by government troops and a Karen National Union breakaway group.
A coordinator from the Karen Refugee Committee said that security has been tightened in response to rumours that State Peace and Development Council troops are planning an attack along with the KNU Peace Council, a group led by former KNU brigade 7 commander Saw Htay Maung.
The coordinator said that they had taken precautions against a possible attack.
"We have tightened security in the refugee camps and imposed restrictions on people going out after 9pm,” he said.
“We have to put these measures in place in case these rumours are true."
General Saw Htay Maung’s son-in-law was killed by a bomb on 30 January in what was believed to have been a targeted assassination.
It has not yet been established who carried out the attack.
Democratic Voice of Burma
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–Karen refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border have been placed on high alert amid rumours of a possible attack by government troops and a Karen National Union breakaway group.
A coordinator from the Karen Refugee Committee said that security has been tightened in response to rumours that State Peace and Development Council troops are planning an attack along with the KNU Peace Council, a group led by former KNU brigade 7 commander Saw Htay Maung.
The coordinator said that they had taken precautions against a possible attack.
"We have tightened security in the refugee camps and imposed restrictions on people going out after 9pm,” he said.
“We have to put these measures in place in case these rumours are true."
General Saw Htay Maung’s son-in-law was killed by a bomb on 30 January in what was believed to have been a targeted assassination.
It has not yet been established who carried out the attack.
USDA member found headless
by Naw Say Phaw
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–The body of a Union Solidarity and Development Association was found beheaded in Htantabin township, Rangoon division, on 4 February, local residents said.
The USDA member, whose name was not given, was from Thone Thate ward in Hlaing Tharyar township, Rangoon division.
A resident of Hlaing Tharyar said that the USDA member had been decapitated and his skin partially removed.
“All the nerves on his body were exposed and his head was stuck up on a bamboo pole,” the resident said.
The USDA member was reportedly known for treating people in the township badly when he was alive.
Other USDA members in the area were said to be shaken by news of the circumstances of the killing.
“It seems other that USDA members who have heard about this murder are so scared they might face the same fate that they have been much quieter recently and have not been harassing local people,” the resident said.
Residents have not heard of any arrests made so far in connection with the case.
Htantabin township police station was unavailable for comment.
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–The body of a Union Solidarity and Development Association was found beheaded in Htantabin township, Rangoon division, on 4 February, local residents said.
The USDA member, whose name was not given, was from Thone Thate ward in Hlaing Tharyar township, Rangoon division.
A resident of Hlaing Tharyar said that the USDA member had been decapitated and his skin partially removed.
“All the nerves on his body were exposed and his head was stuck up on a bamboo pole,” the resident said.
The USDA member was reportedly known for treating people in the township badly when he was alive.
Other USDA members in the area were said to be shaken by news of the circumstances of the killing.
“It seems other that USDA members who have heard about this murder are so scared they might face the same fate that they have been much quieter recently and have not been harassing local people,” the resident said.
Residents have not heard of any arrests made so far in connection with the case.
Htantabin township police station was unavailable for comment.
Burmese Exile Leader Calls for Referendum Boycott
By LALIT K JHA / NEW YORK
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - The leader of Burma’s US-based government in exile has called for a boycott of the junta-announced referendum on a draft constitution and of elections planned for 2010.
Sein Win, prime minister of the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB), told The Irrawaddy neither a referendum nor an election would solve Burma’s problems and would only legitimize authoritarian military rule.
Sein Win said the announcement of a referendum, to be followed by an election in 2010, could not be accepted while opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi remained under house arrest. The regime hadn’t even started talks with opposition leaders and ethnic groups, he said.
By unilaterally announcing the planned referendum and election, Sein Win said, the junta had sent a message that it was moving ahead with its seven point road map. “This means that they do not want to take the opposition into confidence, and they are totally ignoring the 1990 elections. As such we are not confident of the next election,” he said.
The Washington-based NCGUB was constituted and endorsed by representatives elected in the 1990 elections in Burma. Sein Win, a cousin of Suu Kyi, has led it since 1990.
Sein Win said the NCGUB also opposed the regime’s plan for a referendum and election “because of the present situation when there is no freedom of media, and no rule of law. Under these circumstances, people should not take part in any of those processes.”
The regime should hold talks with Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, and with ethnic leaders, Sein Win said. Then, he added, “we will have our solution.”
Sein Win said it was also time for the UN Security Council to give a stronger mandate to the UN Secretary-General’s Office and the UN Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, allowing them to play an effective mediatory role in bringing about an equitable solution to the political deadlock in Burma.
Some observers have speculated that Saturday’s announcement may have been the result of pressure from China, concerned about a small but vocal movement to boycott the Beijing Olympics in August.
In a broadcast interview at the weekend, US first lady Laura Bush said China had not brought enough pressure to bear on the Burmese junta.
“They [China] have not pressed them enough to—for the regime to show any sort of movement,” Bush told PBS.
“And, of course, they have continued to support Burma financially by buying natural resources,” said Bush, who has taken a personal interest in the pro-democracy movement in Burma, especially since the September demonstrations.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - The leader of Burma’s US-based government in exile has called for a boycott of the junta-announced referendum on a draft constitution and of elections planned for 2010.
Sein Win, prime minister of the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB), told The Irrawaddy neither a referendum nor an election would solve Burma’s problems and would only legitimize authoritarian military rule.
Sein Win said the announcement of a referendum, to be followed by an election in 2010, could not be accepted while opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi remained under house arrest. The regime hadn’t even started talks with opposition leaders and ethnic groups, he said.
By unilaterally announcing the planned referendum and election, Sein Win said, the junta had sent a message that it was moving ahead with its seven point road map. “This means that they do not want to take the opposition into confidence, and they are totally ignoring the 1990 elections. As such we are not confident of the next election,” he said.
The Washington-based NCGUB was constituted and endorsed by representatives elected in the 1990 elections in Burma. Sein Win, a cousin of Suu Kyi, has led it since 1990.
Sein Win said the NCGUB also opposed the regime’s plan for a referendum and election “because of the present situation when there is no freedom of media, and no rule of law. Under these circumstances, people should not take part in any of those processes.”
The regime should hold talks with Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, and with ethnic leaders, Sein Win said. Then, he added, “we will have our solution.”
Sein Win said it was also time for the UN Security Council to give a stronger mandate to the UN Secretary-General’s Office and the UN Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, allowing them to play an effective mediatory role in bringing about an equitable solution to the political deadlock in Burma.
Some observers have speculated that Saturday’s announcement may have been the result of pressure from China, concerned about a small but vocal movement to boycott the Beijing Olympics in August.
In a broadcast interview at the weekend, US first lady Laura Bush said China had not brought enough pressure to bear on the Burmese junta.
“They [China] have not pressed them enough to—for the regime to show any sort of movement,” Bush told PBS.
“And, of course, they have continued to support Burma financially by buying natural resources,” said Bush, who has taken a personal interest in the pro-democracy movement in Burma, especially since the September demonstrations.
The Long Road to Liberation - [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
By AUNG NAING OO
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
October 1988: We left at dawn as villagers moved about in semi-darkness preparing for a new day. Our guide was a burly Mon man, about 45 years old, who had agreed to take us to the Karen rebel-held territory.
I walked right behind him. Another 15 people, including a well-known boxer, a former Burmese army corporal from Kayah [Karenni] State and other students, trailed behind me, like a train. The villagers remained silent, familiar with the spectacle of youthful, would-be rebels heading for the distant jungle. The soldiers we had spotted the previous day were nowhere to be seen; perhaps still in bed. Luck was on our side.
The sun rose as we crossed the Moulmein highway. Before us loomed a massive mountain, which we began to climb. Initially, I could not see any footpath, just rocks and dirt. We negotiated the boulders and the small sparse trees. After a while, I realized there was a faint, little-used path, seemingly perfect for clandestine purposes. It was reassuring, given our need to avoid military patrols or checkpoints.
When we reached the summit at about 7:30 am, our guide pointed to buildings on the distant plain and said, “Military.” I shivered with anxiety at the prospect of encountering patrols once we descended. But as we slowly climbed down, my creeping concern for military patrols was abruptly replaced by the more immediate fear of falling on the steep and rocky path.
By around 9 am, we reached the foot of the mountain and stood on the outskirts of a village. I was suddenly worried: villages were to be avoided. I stopped and looked back at my friends. They too had stopped. The guide sensed our hesitation but insisted: “No problem; we are safe.” I was wary, but had no choice than to trust him. I resumed walking and the whole gang followed silently.
Villagers glanced at us wordlessly, continuing about their business. Soon, we were on a road pitted with puddles of mud with traces of September rain. We kept on walking quietly, passing another two villages.
Then at around 11 am, on a dirt road outside a village, we suddenly ran head-on into a patrol of about 10 men, who were just coming out of a shop. My heart skipped a beat when I saw their police rifles slung over their shoulders. They were not wearing the green uniform of Burmese soldiers though. Their uniforms, which I had never seen before, were gold colored and decorated with a drake insignia—a symbol of the ethnic Mon minority. I realized they could be from a government-controlled Mon militia.
The men motioned us to stop. We did, terrified. The leader, a well-built man of about 40, spoke to our guide in Mon. I could not detect any emotion in his face. Then he suddenly turned and addressed me in Mon. I shook my head and mumbled something in Burmese, possibly about us being students.
I was consumed by fear, with thoughts of possible detention and torture in a military prison racing through my mind. The militia leader inspected us, stopping in front of one of my colleagues whose face was pale with terror. He spoke to the patrolman, though it was inaudible to me. I tried to assess our options, but realized there was no escape. There was no nearby forest to run into; rice fields surrounded us as far as I could see. I fixed my eyes on the patrolman, a cruel smugness on his face as he surveyed us, his captives.
Finally, the militia leader spoke to our guide again in Mon. Then he turned to me: “Don’t worry,” he said in Burmese. “We are Mon militia. We are not going to arrest you. You are going to do something that we can’t do. Now go on.”
Suddenly, he turned and walked away. Shaking with a combination of residual fear and relief, my feet started to move, following the guide as I tried to absorb what had just happened. Later, I regretted that I was too stunned to thank the patrolman.
We stopped for lunch at the next village. Then we hired a second guide, who we were told knew the terrain so well he could even lead us at night. We continued quickly and quietly, heading east. Soon there was no more road, not even a dirt track. We walked alongside or across rice paddies carved out of depleted forest, passing a few lonely huts. No one talked. The silence was broken only by the sound of our flip-flops.
When dinnertime came, there was still no hut or village where we could stop for food and so, without our own cooking utensils, we just kept walking. Then it started raining. In the moonless, pitch-black night, it was hard to see someone even from two feet away. Only the occasional flashes of lightning gave us a fleeting sense of our surroundings.
Our guides had flashlights but refused to use them, fearing they would be spotted by military patrols. Eventually, we took off our longyi, or sarongs, using them to form a human chain and hang on to in the black night.
We waded across fast-flowing rivers in complete darkness. The rain never stopped, just alternated between drizzle and heavy downpours. The guide seemed lost and could not find shelter. Then at about 2 am, we realized that our second guide, who was behind us, had disappeared. The remaining guide said he would go and look for shelter and asked us to wait, but we refused to let him go, following him wherever he went.
By 3 am we finally found a clearing at the edge of the forest with a hut and pagoda. Exhausted, cold and drained, we made a fire and tried to dry our clothes, without heeding the risk of being spotted.
At dawn we set off again, reaching a Karen village at midday. Our guide introduced us to an old Karen man, around 70, and then took his leave. After lunch, we continued our journey with our new Karen guide walking very fast, despite his age.
Finally, we arrived at the Karen National Union’s first security checkpoint, called Moe Wah, at around 4 pm. We gave the Karen officers our names, and they gave us food and a place to stay for the night.
In a “liberated” area, we felt safe and had a good night’s sleep. We did not realize that a long road toward liberation still lay ahead.
Aung Naing Oo left Burma after the 1988 uprising and went to Thailand, joining the All Burma Students' Democratic Front and becoming the organization’s longest serving foreign affairs secretary. He was camp secretary of the Thay Baw Boe camp, Karen State and head of the "Jungle University." Based now in Thailand, he writes about Burmese politics.
Source: The Irrawaddy News
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
October 1988: We left at dawn as villagers moved about in semi-darkness preparing for a new day. Our guide was a burly Mon man, about 45 years old, who had agreed to take us to the Karen rebel-held territory.
I walked right behind him. Another 15 people, including a well-known boxer, a former Burmese army corporal from Kayah [Karenni] State and other students, trailed behind me, like a train. The villagers remained silent, familiar with the spectacle of youthful, would-be rebels heading for the distant jungle. The soldiers we had spotted the previous day were nowhere to be seen; perhaps still in bed. Luck was on our side.
The sun rose as we crossed the Moulmein highway. Before us loomed a massive mountain, which we began to climb. Initially, I could not see any footpath, just rocks and dirt. We negotiated the boulders and the small sparse trees. After a while, I realized there was a faint, little-used path, seemingly perfect for clandestine purposes. It was reassuring, given our need to avoid military patrols or checkpoints.
When we reached the summit at about 7:30 am, our guide pointed to buildings on the distant plain and said, “Military.” I shivered with anxiety at the prospect of encountering patrols once we descended. But as we slowly climbed down, my creeping concern for military patrols was abruptly replaced by the more immediate fear of falling on the steep and rocky path.
By around 9 am, we reached the foot of the mountain and stood on the outskirts of a village. I was suddenly worried: villages were to be avoided. I stopped and looked back at my friends. They too had stopped. The guide sensed our hesitation but insisted: “No problem; we are safe.” I was wary, but had no choice than to trust him. I resumed walking and the whole gang followed silently.
Villagers glanced at us wordlessly, continuing about their business. Soon, we were on a road pitted with puddles of mud with traces of September rain. We kept on walking quietly, passing another two villages.
Then at around 11 am, on a dirt road outside a village, we suddenly ran head-on into a patrol of about 10 men, who were just coming out of a shop. My heart skipped a beat when I saw their police rifles slung over their shoulders. They were not wearing the green uniform of Burmese soldiers though. Their uniforms, which I had never seen before, were gold colored and decorated with a drake insignia—a symbol of the ethnic Mon minority. I realized they could be from a government-controlled Mon militia.
The men motioned us to stop. We did, terrified. The leader, a well-built man of about 40, spoke to our guide in Mon. I could not detect any emotion in his face. Then he suddenly turned and addressed me in Mon. I shook my head and mumbled something in Burmese, possibly about us being students.
I was consumed by fear, with thoughts of possible detention and torture in a military prison racing through my mind. The militia leader inspected us, stopping in front of one of my colleagues whose face was pale with terror. He spoke to the patrolman, though it was inaudible to me. I tried to assess our options, but realized there was no escape. There was no nearby forest to run into; rice fields surrounded us as far as I could see. I fixed my eyes on the patrolman, a cruel smugness on his face as he surveyed us, his captives.
Finally, the militia leader spoke to our guide again in Mon. Then he turned to me: “Don’t worry,” he said in Burmese. “We are Mon militia. We are not going to arrest you. You are going to do something that we can’t do. Now go on.”
Suddenly, he turned and walked away. Shaking with a combination of residual fear and relief, my feet started to move, following the guide as I tried to absorb what had just happened. Later, I regretted that I was too stunned to thank the patrolman.
We stopped for lunch at the next village. Then we hired a second guide, who we were told knew the terrain so well he could even lead us at night. We continued quickly and quietly, heading east. Soon there was no more road, not even a dirt track. We walked alongside or across rice paddies carved out of depleted forest, passing a few lonely huts. No one talked. The silence was broken only by the sound of our flip-flops.
When dinnertime came, there was still no hut or village where we could stop for food and so, without our own cooking utensils, we just kept walking. Then it started raining. In the moonless, pitch-black night, it was hard to see someone even from two feet away. Only the occasional flashes of lightning gave us a fleeting sense of our surroundings.
Our guides had flashlights but refused to use them, fearing they would be spotted by military patrols. Eventually, we took off our longyi, or sarongs, using them to form a human chain and hang on to in the black night.
We waded across fast-flowing rivers in complete darkness. The rain never stopped, just alternated between drizzle and heavy downpours. The guide seemed lost and could not find shelter. Then at about 2 am, we realized that our second guide, who was behind us, had disappeared. The remaining guide said he would go and look for shelter and asked us to wait, but we refused to let him go, following him wherever he went.
By 3 am we finally found a clearing at the edge of the forest with a hut and pagoda. Exhausted, cold and drained, we made a fire and tried to dry our clothes, without heeding the risk of being spotted.
At dawn we set off again, reaching a Karen village at midday. Our guide introduced us to an old Karen man, around 70, and then took his leave. After lunch, we continued our journey with our new Karen guide walking very fast, despite his age.
Finally, we arrived at the Karen National Union’s first security checkpoint, called Moe Wah, at around 4 pm. We gave the Karen officers our names, and they gave us food and a place to stay for the night.
In a “liberated” area, we felt safe and had a good night’s sleep. We did not realize that a long road toward liberation still lay ahead.
Aung Naing Oo left Burma after the 1988 uprising and went to Thailand, joining the All Burma Students' Democratic Front and becoming the organization’s longest serving foreign affairs secretary. He was camp secretary of the Thay Baw Boe camp, Karen State and head of the "Jungle University." Based now in Thailand, he writes about Burmese politics.
Source: The Irrawaddy News
Shan Activists Call for Release of Political Prisoners
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - Shan people all over the world held prayer ceremonies and candlelit vigils on Sunday calling for the immediate release of all political prisoners in Burma, including pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and prominent Shan leader, Hkun Htun Oo.
Campaigners held ceremonies in ten different countries, including Thailand, Singapore, Japan, the United States, Great Britain and Australia.
Shan activists also urged the international community to pressurize the Burmese military government to release all political prisoners immediately, implement a nationwide ceasefire and enhance tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and representatives of the ethnic nationalities.
In the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, about 80 people—mostly ethnic Shan—participated in a prayer ceremony and candlelight vigil at Wat Ku Tao monastery on Sunday.
Hkun Htun Oo is currently detained in Putao prison in northern Kachin State, upper Burma, and his health has seriously deteriorated in the past few months. According to a joint statement by Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) and Shan Youth Power, Hkun Htun Oo is suffering from diabetes, high blood pressure and prostate problems.
Hkun Htun Oo, 64, an elected leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, was arrested in February 2005 with other Shan State leaders for their advocacy of political reform.
Sai Awn Tai, one of the organizers of the Chiang Mai vigil, said, “A genuine federal union should be built on principles of justice and equality. Yet the regime, by imprisoning elected ethnic leaders and proceeding with its own coercive constitution-drafting process, has shown its complete contempt for these principles.”
Shan activists also expressed concerned about the health of seven other detained Shan leaders who were arrested with Hkun Htun Oo. One of those leaders, Myint Than, died in Sandoway prison in Arakan state in May 2006, according to Shan Women’s Action Network.
Hkun Htun Oo was sentenced to 93 years in jail for treason and defamation of the state, while the other Shan leaders received sentences of between 75 and 106 years, according to a statement issued by SWAN.
There are at least 1,864 political prisoners currently detained in Burmese prisons, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - Shan people all over the world held prayer ceremonies and candlelit vigils on Sunday calling for the immediate release of all political prisoners in Burma, including pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and prominent Shan leader, Hkun Htun Oo.
Campaigners held ceremonies in ten different countries, including Thailand, Singapore, Japan, the United States, Great Britain and Australia.
Shan activists also urged the international community to pressurize the Burmese military government to release all political prisoners immediately, implement a nationwide ceasefire and enhance tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and representatives of the ethnic nationalities.
In the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, about 80 people—mostly ethnic Shan—participated in a prayer ceremony and candlelight vigil at Wat Ku Tao monastery on Sunday.
Hkun Htun Oo is currently detained in Putao prison in northern Kachin State, upper Burma, and his health has seriously deteriorated in the past few months. According to a joint statement by Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) and Shan Youth Power, Hkun Htun Oo is suffering from diabetes, high blood pressure and prostate problems.
Hkun Htun Oo, 64, an elected leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, was arrested in February 2005 with other Shan State leaders for their advocacy of political reform.
Sai Awn Tai, one of the organizers of the Chiang Mai vigil, said, “A genuine federal union should be built on principles of justice and equality. Yet the regime, by imprisoning elected ethnic leaders and proceeding with its own coercive constitution-drafting process, has shown its complete contempt for these principles.”
Shan activists also expressed concerned about the health of seven other detained Shan leaders who were arrested with Hkun Htun Oo. One of those leaders, Myint Than, died in Sandoway prison in Arakan state in May 2006, according to Shan Women’s Action Network.
Hkun Htun Oo was sentenced to 93 years in jail for treason and defamation of the state, while the other Shan leaders received sentences of between 75 and 106 years, according to a statement issued by SWAN.
There are at least 1,864 political prisoners currently detained in Burmese prisons, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
USDA to Organize Referendum, Election
By WAI MOE
February 11, 2008, (Irrawaddy): The Union Solitary and Development Association (USDA) will organize the Burmese referendum on the constitution in May and the 2010 general election, including the selection of some candidates across the country, say USDA sources.
Sources close to the USDA told The Irrawaddy on Monday that USDA members at the township and district levels will form local commissions to oversee the referendum voting and general election process.
The USDA will also recruit respected local people to serve on the referendum and election commissions, said a source who requested anonymity.
Later, the USDA will play a role in the selection of what appears to be state-backed candidates in the general election, he said.
“Some people will be selected to serve as commissioners,” said one USDA member. “Some will be selected to be candidates in the 2010 election.”
“The association is now looking for well-educated, respected, wealthy people to be candidates in the election,” he said.
According to Khin Maung Gyi, the secretary general of the National Unity Party (NUP), the pro-junta USDA will transform itself into a political party in time to contest the 2010 elections.
The NUP secretary general told DPA news agency that he believed the 2010 elections would be free and fair, and could lead to an amnesty and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Sources said most USDA members were surprised when the junta announced on Saturday that general dates had been set for the referendum on the junta-backed constitution and general election.
Htay Aung, a Burmese researcher in Thailand, said the regime originally created the USDA to serve eventually as a junta-backed political party. In addition, he said, the USDA has been a source for junta-backed thugs who were used most recently to suppress the pro-democracy uprising in 2007.
“The military junta will use the USDA as a political tool during the referendum and the election,” said Htay Aung. “In November 2005, U Htay Oo, the secretary-general of the USDA, publicly said that if it is necessary, the association will be turned into a political party.”
Senior USDA members recently met with grassroots members, in what may have been preparations for the referendum and election, said the researcher.
According to official documents, the USDA, formed in 1993, has 24 million members or almost half of the population of Burma.
“The military regime is confident it can win the referendum and election,” said Htay Aung. “The regime thinks votes by USDA members alone can keep the generals in power.”
According to The New Light of Myanmar, a state-run newspaper, the USDA’s Htay Oo and Brig-Gen Kyaw Swe, the commander of the armed forces’ southwest command, recently met with local members in Bassein as well as in Ngapudaw and Labutta in Irrawaddy Division.
Htay Oo also attended a USDA meeting on youth affairs in Naypyidaw on February 10.
In what is seen as a privileged perk for USDA members, the authorities recently gave the green light for state-approved cell phone licenses to be purchased by USDA members. The USDA also has been active in local state water supply projects and the registration process for identity cards across the country, work that is seen as enhancing its grassroots image.
USDA members held 633 seats, or 58 percent, at the National Convention which was convened in 1993 to prepare guidelines for the new constitution. The guidelines were finally approved in 2007.
Opposition group observers say that most USDA members are civil servants who were recruited by harassment and intimidation. It also includes teachers, students, business people and political activists.
Many Burmese view the USDA as principally an instrument of the regime that carries out violent acts against opposition activists and civilians. The group has paramilitary members who perform surveillance and search for dissidents in hiding.
USDA members played a key role in the bloody crackdowns during the 2007 uprising and in a deadly attack on Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade in 2003, in which about 100 people were killed.
Source: The Irrawaddy News - www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008, (Irrawaddy): The Union Solitary and Development Association (USDA) will organize the Burmese referendum on the constitution in May and the 2010 general election, including the selection of some candidates across the country, say USDA sources.
Sources close to the USDA told The Irrawaddy on Monday that USDA members at the township and district levels will form local commissions to oversee the referendum voting and general election process.
The USDA will also recruit respected local people to serve on the referendum and election commissions, said a source who requested anonymity.
Later, the USDA will play a role in the selection of what appears to be state-backed candidates in the general election, he said.
“Some people will be selected to serve as commissioners,” said one USDA member. “Some will be selected to be candidates in the 2010 election.”
“The association is now looking for well-educated, respected, wealthy people to be candidates in the election,” he said.
According to Khin Maung Gyi, the secretary general of the National Unity Party (NUP), the pro-junta USDA will transform itself into a political party in time to contest the 2010 elections.
The NUP secretary general told DPA news agency that he believed the 2010 elections would be free and fair, and could lead to an amnesty and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Sources said most USDA members were surprised when the junta announced on Saturday that general dates had been set for the referendum on the junta-backed constitution and general election.
Htay Aung, a Burmese researcher in Thailand, said the regime originally created the USDA to serve eventually as a junta-backed political party. In addition, he said, the USDA has been a source for junta-backed thugs who were used most recently to suppress the pro-democracy uprising in 2007.
“The military junta will use the USDA as a political tool during the referendum and the election,” said Htay Aung. “In November 2005, U Htay Oo, the secretary-general of the USDA, publicly said that if it is necessary, the association will be turned into a political party.”
Senior USDA members recently met with grassroots members, in what may have been preparations for the referendum and election, said the researcher.
According to official documents, the USDA, formed in 1993, has 24 million members or almost half of the population of Burma.
“The military regime is confident it can win the referendum and election,” said Htay Aung. “The regime thinks votes by USDA members alone can keep the generals in power.”
According to The New Light of Myanmar, a state-run newspaper, the USDA’s Htay Oo and Brig-Gen Kyaw Swe, the commander of the armed forces’ southwest command, recently met with local members in Bassein as well as in Ngapudaw and Labutta in Irrawaddy Division.
Htay Oo also attended a USDA meeting on youth affairs in Naypyidaw on February 10.
In what is seen as a privileged perk for USDA members, the authorities recently gave the green light for state-approved cell phone licenses to be purchased by USDA members. The USDA also has been active in local state water supply projects and the registration process for identity cards across the country, work that is seen as enhancing its grassroots image.
USDA members held 633 seats, or 58 percent, at the National Convention which was convened in 1993 to prepare guidelines for the new constitution. The guidelines were finally approved in 2007.
Opposition group observers say that most USDA members are civil servants who were recruited by harassment and intimidation. It also includes teachers, students, business people and political activists.
Many Burmese view the USDA as principally an instrument of the regime that carries out violent acts against opposition activists and civilians. The group has paramilitary members who perform surveillance and search for dissidents in hiding.
USDA members played a key role in the bloody crackdowns during the 2007 uprising and in a deadly attack on Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade in 2003, in which about 100 people were killed.
Source: The Irrawaddy News - www.irrawaddy.org
Burma: Proposed roadmap to democracy will rubber-stamp regime authority
Asian Tribune
London, 12 February 2008: Numerous international organizations including Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) has called the ‘roadmap to democracy’ announced by the Burmese military regime on Saturday a sham, which will serve only to ‘rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime’.
The announcement was made on the evening news for state radio and television on Saturday 9 February 2008, and outlined plans to hold a referendum on the proposed constitution in May 2008 and a general election in 2010. This is the first timetable that has been outlined for a constitution and elections.
The draft constitution is being written by the National Convention, where the overwhelming majority of delegates are handpicked by the regime. None of the nine pro-democracy parties which took part in the 1990 elections and won 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats are included in the constitution drafting process. In addition no major representatives from the ethnic nationalities which make up 40 per cent of the population of Burma are included. Questioning or criticising the National Convention and communicating with the international media about the process are crimes under the regime’s Order 5/96 and carry a 20-year jail sentence.
CSW is currently in the region on a fact-finding visit and has obtained fresh evidence of systematic and widespread human rights violations including forced labour, rape and torture. First-hand testimonies were obtained from Burmese monks who fled as a result of the September crackdown, Shan and Karen internally displaced people and refugees.
CSW’s Chief Executive, Mervyn Thomas, said: "Far from being a positive development, this timetable will simply rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime. For there to be real change in Burma the regime must immediately release Aung San Suu Kyi and all the political prisoners, open all parts of the country to unhindered access for international humanitarian and human rights organisations and enter into meaningful tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and ethnic nationalities. We call on the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki- Moon, to go in person to Burma to facilitate these steps as a matter of urgency. The world must not be conned by this sham."
London, 12 February 2008: Numerous international organizations including Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) has called the ‘roadmap to democracy’ announced by the Burmese military regime on Saturday a sham, which will serve only to ‘rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime’.
The announcement was made on the evening news for state radio and television on Saturday 9 February 2008, and outlined plans to hold a referendum on the proposed constitution in May 2008 and a general election in 2010. This is the first timetable that has been outlined for a constitution and elections.
The draft constitution is being written by the National Convention, where the overwhelming majority of delegates are handpicked by the regime. None of the nine pro-democracy parties which took part in the 1990 elections and won 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats are included in the constitution drafting process. In addition no major representatives from the ethnic nationalities which make up 40 per cent of the population of Burma are included. Questioning or criticising the National Convention and communicating with the international media about the process are crimes under the regime’s Order 5/96 and carry a 20-year jail sentence.
CSW is currently in the region on a fact-finding visit and has obtained fresh evidence of systematic and widespread human rights violations including forced labour, rape and torture. First-hand testimonies were obtained from Burmese monks who fled as a result of the September crackdown, Shan and Karen internally displaced people and refugees.
CSW’s Chief Executive, Mervyn Thomas, said: "Far from being a positive development, this timetable will simply rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime. For there to be real change in Burma the regime must immediately release Aung San Suu Kyi and all the political prisoners, open all parts of the country to unhindered access for international humanitarian and human rights organisations and enter into meaningful tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and ethnic nationalities. We call on the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki- Moon, to go in person to Burma to facilitate these steps as a matter of urgency. The world must not be conned by this sham."
Opposition questions Myanmar election plan
February 9, 2008 -(CNN) -- Pro-democracy opposition leaders from Myanmar have reacted with skepticism and concern about the ruling military junta's announced plan to hold a referendum on a new constitution in May and national elections in 2010.e.
State-run media from Myanmar -- also known as Burma -- reported Saturday that decrees issued by the regime said the constitutional referendum was the fourth step of a "seven-step road map to democracy." It said the 2010 elections would choose a representative government to replace the military junta.
The Irrawaddy, an online newspaper published by Burmese exiles, quoted a spokesman of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) as noting that the new constitution was drawn up by a committee chosen by the junta and that opposition groups were left out of the process.
"If the junta only does this kind of one-sided proposal, it will mean the military junta will continue its rule in Burma," Nyan Win told Irrawaddy.
A leader of the 88 Generation Students, an opposition coalition group, questioned how there could be a free and fair referendum since the junta issued a decree in 1996 outlawing any criticism of the national convention.
"That means the Burmese people could face a bloodbath in the future because there is no meaningful resolution in the junta's plans, and there will be mass protests again if the people do not get a real democracy," Tun Myint Aung said.
Myanmar last held multiparty elections in 1990, but the military junta ignored the results. The regime has come under intense international pressure, especially after using force last year to suppress a pro-democracy movement.
The junta last September suppressed the biggest pro-democracy protests in two decades. At least 30 people are believed to have been killed, according to The Associated Press. Thousands more were detained, though most have since been released.
After violently quelling the protests, the junta came under increased international pressure to work toward political reconciliation and quickly return to democracy. At least 30 people died in the crackdown, according to a U.N. estimate.
The country's most prominent human rights activist, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been held in varying degrees of detention for 12 of the past 18 years. A Nobel peace Prize winner, Suu Kyi remains under house arrest.
Her National League for Democracy won the country's first free multiparty elections in 1990 -- the first in 30 years -- but the military junta refused to hand over power.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, when the army brutally put down earlier pro-democracy demonstrations.
State-run media from Myanmar -- also known as Burma -- reported Saturday that decrees issued by the regime said the constitutional referendum was the fourth step of a "seven-step road map to democracy." It said the 2010 elections would choose a representative government to replace the military junta.
The Irrawaddy, an online newspaper published by Burmese exiles, quoted a spokesman of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) as noting that the new constitution was drawn up by a committee chosen by the junta and that opposition groups were left out of the process.
"If the junta only does this kind of one-sided proposal, it will mean the military junta will continue its rule in Burma," Nyan Win told Irrawaddy.
A leader of the 88 Generation Students, an opposition coalition group, questioned how there could be a free and fair referendum since the junta issued a decree in 1996 outlawing any criticism of the national convention.
"That means the Burmese people could face a bloodbath in the future because there is no meaningful resolution in the junta's plans, and there will be mass protests again if the people do not get a real democracy," Tun Myint Aung said.
Myanmar last held multiparty elections in 1990, but the military junta ignored the results. The regime has come under intense international pressure, especially after using force last year to suppress a pro-democracy movement.
The junta last September suppressed the biggest pro-democracy protests in two decades. At least 30 people are believed to have been killed, according to The Associated Press. Thousands more were detained, though most have since been released.
After violently quelling the protests, the junta came under increased international pressure to work toward political reconciliation and quickly return to democracy. At least 30 people died in the crackdown, according to a U.N. estimate.
The country's most prominent human rights activist, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been held in varying degrees of detention for 12 of the past 18 years. A Nobel peace Prize winner, Suu Kyi remains under house arrest.
Her National League for Democracy won the country's first free multiparty elections in 1990 -- the first in 30 years -- but the military junta refused to hand over power.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, when the army brutally put down earlier pro-democracy demonstrations.
Dissidents line up to fight Myanmar constitution
By Ed Cropley
Editing by
Michael Battye and
Alex Richardson
Reuters
February 11, 2008 - MAE SOT, Thailand (Reuters) - A referendum on an army-made constitution in Myanmar will be a "major battlefield" between the junta and a people wanting to be rid of military rule, the country's biggest dissident group said on Monday.
In a statement given to Reuters in the Myanmar-Thai border town of Mae Sot, the "88 Generation Students" -- named after a brutally suppressed 1988 uprising -- called on the former Burma's 53 million people to reject the charter in the May vote.
"The regime is attempting to legalize the military dictatorship with a sham constitution," said the group, whose leaders were jailed in last year's protests.
"This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma."
The army, which has run Myanmar under various guises since 1962, announced the referendum on Saturday, saying it would be followed by "multi-party, democratic elections" two years later.
The elections would be the first since 1990, when opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a huge landslide only to see the generals ignore the result. Suu Kyi has spent most of the interim under house arrest.
The NLD has called the junta's proposal -- part of a seven-step "roadmap to democracy" unveiled in 2003 -- "erratic" and highlighted the irony of announcing an election even before the result of the referendum.
Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner now living in Thailand, said that having been denied any chance of contributing to its creation, the NLD would be forced to reject a charter that appears to yield little ground to civilian rule.
Although not yet completed -- let alone published -- snippets in state-controlled media suggest the army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful figure in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power "in times of emergency".
Bo Kyi said the 88 Generation and, in all probability, the NLD would campaign for a no vote to tell the generals they could not get away with introducing reform on their terms only, to the exclusion of all other points of view.
"The main thing we want is to work together to solve the problems. We need dialogue. We want dialogue," he said. "We can conduct a campaign very easily. People who want change will help us."
UNDERGROUND "NO" CAMPAIGN
The timing of the announcement is particularly ironic given the generals' unrelenting crackdown on dissent in the wake of September's monk-led pro-democracy demonstrations which evolved from small protests against massive fuel price increases.
"If they are truly committed to democratic change, then they should create a democratic environment -- allow freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and freedom for all political prisoners," Bo Kyi said.
Given the constraints of campaigning in one of the world's most repressive states, most of the work will be done by word of mouth, distribution of leaflets and CDs, and dissident radio and television, he added.
According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), nearly 700 people are still in detention as a result of the crackdown, in which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed.
The whereabouts of around 300 prisoners are known, Bo Kyi said, but the others have simply disappeared into the Myanmar gulag. Rumors abound of internment camps on remote tropical islands in the Andaman Sea or the swamps of the Irrawaddy delta.
"If they are in prison, at least we know where they are. If they are in a secret place, they could be being tortured or even killed," Bo Kyi said.
Editing by
Michael Battye and
Alex Richardson
Reuters
February 11, 2008 - MAE SOT, Thailand (Reuters) - A referendum on an army-made constitution in Myanmar will be a "major battlefield" between the junta and a people wanting to be rid of military rule, the country's biggest dissident group said on Monday.
In a statement given to Reuters in the Myanmar-Thai border town of Mae Sot, the "88 Generation Students" -- named after a brutally suppressed 1988 uprising -- called on the former Burma's 53 million people to reject the charter in the May vote.
"The regime is attempting to legalize the military dictatorship with a sham constitution," said the group, whose leaders were jailed in last year's protests.
"This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma."
The army, which has run Myanmar under various guises since 1962, announced the referendum on Saturday, saying it would be followed by "multi-party, democratic elections" two years later.
The elections would be the first since 1990, when opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a huge landslide only to see the generals ignore the result. Suu Kyi has spent most of the interim under house arrest.
The NLD has called the junta's proposal -- part of a seven-step "roadmap to democracy" unveiled in 2003 -- "erratic" and highlighted the irony of announcing an election even before the result of the referendum.
Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner now living in Thailand, said that having been denied any chance of contributing to its creation, the NLD would be forced to reject a charter that appears to yield little ground to civilian rule.
Although not yet completed -- let alone published -- snippets in state-controlled media suggest the army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful figure in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power "in times of emergency".
Bo Kyi said the 88 Generation and, in all probability, the NLD would campaign for a no vote to tell the generals they could not get away with introducing reform on their terms only, to the exclusion of all other points of view.
"The main thing we want is to work together to solve the problems. We need dialogue. We want dialogue," he said. "We can conduct a campaign very easily. People who want change will help us."
UNDERGROUND "NO" CAMPAIGN
The timing of the announcement is particularly ironic given the generals' unrelenting crackdown on dissent in the wake of September's monk-led pro-democracy demonstrations which evolved from small protests against massive fuel price increases.
"If they are truly committed to democratic change, then they should create a democratic environment -- allow freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and freedom for all political prisoners," Bo Kyi said.
Given the constraints of campaigning in one of the world's most repressive states, most of the work will be done by word of mouth, distribution of leaflets and CDs, and dissident radio and television, he added.
According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), nearly 700 people are still in detention as a result of the crackdown, in which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed.
The whereabouts of around 300 prisoners are known, Bo Kyi said, but the others have simply disappeared into the Myanmar gulag. Rumors abound of internment camps on remote tropical islands in the Andaman Sea or the swamps of the Irrawaddy delta.
"If they are in prison, at least we know where they are. If they are in a secret place, they could be being tortured or even killed," Bo Kyi said.
Monday, 11 February 2008
Elation over a murder?
By Goldie Shwe
10 February 2008 - I was just skimming through the DVB (Democratic Voice of Burma) for Burma’s daily news when I saw that report of the murder of a member of USDA (Union Solidarity and Development Association) - junta's paramilitary wing of 'social welfare' organization. I had hardly finished reading the summary before I started smacking my own arms; the Burmese style war dance and challenge, similar to Maori Haka. My own reaction surprised me and made me think why I naturally reacted with elation and triumph.
Not only was I brought up as a Buddhist, it was also my choice of religion and I have great and fundamental respect for Buddha's teaching. I learnt the 'Five Precepts', the most important basic rules of Buddhism, at an early age. The first of those was not to kill, and have respect for all life. The Buddha said, "Life is precious to all beings. They have the right to live the same as we do." We should respect all life and not kill anything. Killing ants and mosquitoes is also breaking this precept. We should have an attitude of loving-kindness towards all beings, wishing them to be happy and free from harm.
Although I cannot boast that I am one of the most religious and decent of people, I try my best to follow the Five Precepts, most of all not to kill. So why then was I so jubilant, why did I jump up and down in celebration over a horrible murder case?
I have been angry. I have been extremely angry since September 2007. When all the protests and the crackdown of them happening I was unhappy, sad, frightened for people who would be tortured and killed. Eventually my feelings have changed. Everywhere I turned I saw reports of bullies, torturing and killings that junta is doing to innocent and vulnerable civilians in Burma.
I was angry that 400 children die everyday in Burma, either through hunger or diseases related to malnourishment.
I was angry that a monk was tortured, killed and his body thrown into a river.
I was angry that monasteries were raided at night, monks killed, or locked up in prisons.
I was angry that so many elected politicians are locked up in prisons long-term, and denied access to basic medical treatment.
I was angry that many poor unknown people were locked up in prisons and tortured while their families made to travel many miles to visit them.
I was angry that Nilar Thein is on the run, while her husband is in jail and their baby separated from her.
I was angry that United Nations could do nothing to protect innocent people of Burma.
I was angry that the junta's thugs bully and blackmail local people so that they cannot support the members of National League for Democracy Party, which won the landslide election victory in 1990.
I was angry that Aids (HIV) sufferers are denied treatment in hospitals, the monastery which provided their free accommodation was stripped and sealed off, the monks chased away from the place, and their care manager Phyu Phyu Thin is also on the run, and was unable to be with her dying father or at his funeral.
I was angry that street children have been abducted by the junta's thugs and sold to serve in the military and for the girls become prostitutes.
I was angry that the junta's generals and their sycophants are robbing all the country's natural resources, to stuff their own over-full bank accounts.
I was angry that so many ethnic groups have been wiped out by the junta.
I was angry that human rights abuse and forced labour records and reports are so long and depressing that I was too upset to continue reading.
Every item of news and report that I find about Burma has been nothing but intimidation, bullying, torture and the killing of the people by cowardly junta. I have become unable to feel anything other than cold anger, indignation, outrage at the appalling record of the junta.
The feeling of revenge and some satisfaction therefore seemed quite natural when I read about the killing of one of the junta's thugs. The DVB reported that the man, a member of the USDA of Hlaing Tharyar, one of the poorest and most repressed areas of the capital Rangoon, was notorious for his arrogant and threatening behaviour towards the residents. His head was left on public display by unknown assailants in a primitive display for the losers of the fighting or a war. His headless body found nearby was lacerated all over, each cut reflecting the people’s long pent-up hatred for the junta and its minions.
The fact that neither head nor the mutilated body were hidden but left on public display has sent a very clear and loud message to junta and their thug followers that the people will not, and cannot, forget or forgive their treatment for so many long decades. The chilling nature of the murder must have sent shockwaves across the country - the first clear response indicating that the breaking point of the people may be near.
The repugnant Than Shwe and his shameless group of cowardly generals and their families might be residing in huge heavily-guarded estates in Pyin Manar Nay Pyi Daw, enjoying the wealth they have robbed from the country and giving orders to their thugs on how to repress the public and still keeping the most revolting grins on their faces but even they must have seen the first batch of dark clouds that is now beginning to loom over their heads.
For junta's thugs, who were given a share of power and equipped with weapons to control the public, life has been very easy and pleasant. Apart from intimidating and threatening people with their junta-backed power, and occasional arrests and tortures, life has been easy. On top of the benefits of delegated power and weapons, these men have been well paid, with performance bonuses and rewards, and exclusive access to gadgets like mobile phones and video cameras not available to the public. This has all been icing on a very nourishing cake for those official members of junta's many paramilitary organizations.
The report also stated that, following the chilling murder of one of their number, the teams of junta thugs seem to have been rather quiet. More interestingly, the public found that gone is the hitherto haughty and pompous behaviour, to be replaced by a slightly more considerate attitude. The most obvious outcome, immediately after the murder, has been that the thugs have abruptly abandoned their habit of intimidating and harassing the general public.
The rewards and bribes they receive from the junta for carrying out the practicalities of repressing the public have been good, especially when they can have real power over the lives of many poor and struggling people. Suddenly they are under threat themselves and have to think about the possible price of their activities to themselves and possibly their relatives? At least locally, their demeanour has changed dramatically in the face of these life-threatening issue of a popular fight-back spreading more widely.
Every action provokes its own reaction. The people of Burma have been suffering for too long. Their suffering and distress have been too great that they have been left with no option but to take the law into their own hands.
Yes, we are Buddhist. And yes, the Lord Buddha told us not to kill. And yet, I applauded the cruel murder. My own reaction has shocked me so I had to decide to give myself some time to reflect. After a sleepless night, thinking through every aspect, I still feel exactly the same. I still strongly believe that the murdered junta thug thoroughly deserved his fate. It seems to be the only way that people of Burma can get some form of justice. The ordinary people of Burma are at war with the cruel bullies, torturers and killers of the junta, and this murder somehow seems a fair response to the decades of abuse and robbery. The fight-back may have begun.
And for my own peace of mind, I decided to record my satisfaction and triumph over this horrible murder to be very honest with myself and others, because if I don't, I will only be breaking another of Buddha's Five Precepts - No Lying.
Goldie Shwe's Blog
10 February 2008 - I was just skimming through the DVB (Democratic Voice of Burma) for Burma’s daily news when I saw that report of the murder of a member of USDA (Union Solidarity and Development Association) - junta's paramilitary wing of 'social welfare' organization. I had hardly finished reading the summary before I started smacking my own arms; the Burmese style war dance and challenge, similar to Maori Haka. My own reaction surprised me and made me think why I naturally reacted with elation and triumph.
Not only was I brought up as a Buddhist, it was also my choice of religion and I have great and fundamental respect for Buddha's teaching. I learnt the 'Five Precepts', the most important basic rules of Buddhism, at an early age. The first of those was not to kill, and have respect for all life. The Buddha said, "Life is precious to all beings. They have the right to live the same as we do." We should respect all life and not kill anything. Killing ants and mosquitoes is also breaking this precept. We should have an attitude of loving-kindness towards all beings, wishing them to be happy and free from harm.
Although I cannot boast that I am one of the most religious and decent of people, I try my best to follow the Five Precepts, most of all not to kill. So why then was I so jubilant, why did I jump up and down in celebration over a horrible murder case?
I have been angry. I have been extremely angry since September 2007. When all the protests and the crackdown of them happening I was unhappy, sad, frightened for people who would be tortured and killed. Eventually my feelings have changed. Everywhere I turned I saw reports of bullies, torturing and killings that junta is doing to innocent and vulnerable civilians in Burma.
I was angry that 400 children die everyday in Burma, either through hunger or diseases related to malnourishment.
I was angry that a monk was tortured, killed and his body thrown into a river.
I was angry that monasteries were raided at night, monks killed, or locked up in prisons.
I was angry that so many elected politicians are locked up in prisons long-term, and denied access to basic medical treatment.
I was angry that many poor unknown people were locked up in prisons and tortured while their families made to travel many miles to visit them.
I was angry that Nilar Thein is on the run, while her husband is in jail and their baby separated from her.
I was angry that United Nations could do nothing to protect innocent people of Burma.
I was angry that the junta's thugs bully and blackmail local people so that they cannot support the members of National League for Democracy Party, which won the landslide election victory in 1990.
I was angry that Aids (HIV) sufferers are denied treatment in hospitals, the monastery which provided their free accommodation was stripped and sealed off, the monks chased away from the place, and their care manager Phyu Phyu Thin is also on the run, and was unable to be with her dying father or at his funeral.
I was angry that street children have been abducted by the junta's thugs and sold to serve in the military and for the girls become prostitutes.
I was angry that the junta's generals and their sycophants are robbing all the country's natural resources, to stuff their own over-full bank accounts.
I was angry that so many ethnic groups have been wiped out by the junta.
I was angry that human rights abuse and forced labour records and reports are so long and depressing that I was too upset to continue reading.
Every item of news and report that I find about Burma has been nothing but intimidation, bullying, torture and the killing of the people by cowardly junta. I have become unable to feel anything other than cold anger, indignation, outrage at the appalling record of the junta.
The feeling of revenge and some satisfaction therefore seemed quite natural when I read about the killing of one of the junta's thugs. The DVB reported that the man, a member of the USDA of Hlaing Tharyar, one of the poorest and most repressed areas of the capital Rangoon, was notorious for his arrogant and threatening behaviour towards the residents. His head was left on public display by unknown assailants in a primitive display for the losers of the fighting or a war. His headless body found nearby was lacerated all over, each cut reflecting the people’s long pent-up hatred for the junta and its minions.
The fact that neither head nor the mutilated body were hidden but left on public display has sent a very clear and loud message to junta and their thug followers that the people will not, and cannot, forget or forgive their treatment for so many long decades. The chilling nature of the murder must have sent shockwaves across the country - the first clear response indicating that the breaking point of the people may be near.
The repugnant Than Shwe and his shameless group of cowardly generals and their families might be residing in huge heavily-guarded estates in Pyin Manar Nay Pyi Daw, enjoying the wealth they have robbed from the country and giving orders to their thugs on how to repress the public and still keeping the most revolting grins on their faces but even they must have seen the first batch of dark clouds that is now beginning to loom over their heads.
For junta's thugs, who were given a share of power and equipped with weapons to control the public, life has been very easy and pleasant. Apart from intimidating and threatening people with their junta-backed power, and occasional arrests and tortures, life has been easy. On top of the benefits of delegated power and weapons, these men have been well paid, with performance bonuses and rewards, and exclusive access to gadgets like mobile phones and video cameras not available to the public. This has all been icing on a very nourishing cake for those official members of junta's many paramilitary organizations.
The report also stated that, following the chilling murder of one of their number, the teams of junta thugs seem to have been rather quiet. More interestingly, the public found that gone is the hitherto haughty and pompous behaviour, to be replaced by a slightly more considerate attitude. The most obvious outcome, immediately after the murder, has been that the thugs have abruptly abandoned their habit of intimidating and harassing the general public.
The rewards and bribes they receive from the junta for carrying out the practicalities of repressing the public have been good, especially when they can have real power over the lives of many poor and struggling people. Suddenly they are under threat themselves and have to think about the possible price of their activities to themselves and possibly their relatives? At least locally, their demeanour has changed dramatically in the face of these life-threatening issue of a popular fight-back spreading more widely.
Every action provokes its own reaction. The people of Burma have been suffering for too long. Their suffering and distress have been too great that they have been left with no option but to take the law into their own hands.
Yes, we are Buddhist. And yes, the Lord Buddha told us not to kill. And yet, I applauded the cruel murder. My own reaction has shocked me so I had to decide to give myself some time to reflect. After a sleepless night, thinking through every aspect, I still feel exactly the same. I still strongly believe that the murdered junta thug thoroughly deserved his fate. It seems to be the only way that people of Burma can get some form of justice. The ordinary people of Burma are at war with the cruel bullies, torturers and killers of the junta, and this murder somehow seems a fair response to the decades of abuse and robbery. The fight-back may have begun.
And for my own peace of mind, I decided to record my satisfaction and triumph over this horrible murder to be very honest with myself and others, because if I don't, I will only be breaking another of Buddha's Five Precepts - No Lying.
Goldie Shwe's Blog
Myanmar junta's election plan, constitutional referendum meets with skepticism
February 11, 2008 (AP)- YANGON, Myanmar: Military-ruled Myanmar's surprise announcement that it will hold a vote on a new constitution this May and a general election in 2010 was criticized as too little, too late by the regime's critics.
The official announcements late Saturday of the constitutional referendum and the election were the government's first-ever moves to set dates for stages of its so-called road map to democracy.
But the ruling junta's critics — who claim that the long-delayed road map is designed to perpetuate military rule, not promote democracy — pointed out Sunday that that the process has so far excluded detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other independent political voices.
"We're frankly very skeptical. We're not persuaded that this is anything more than a cynical sham," said Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith.
"Any genuine movement towards democracy or respect for human rights can only be done in cooperation with the international community and also with the political leaders in Burma," he said, using the former name for Myanmar.
Britain earlier voiced similar sentiments and called for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Britain and Australia, like the United States and other Western nations, impose political and economic sanctions on the junta because of its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Even Japan, which leans toward engaging the military government rather than isolating it, expressed disappointment that the junta had not gone further.
"We credit that the Myanmar government showed a timeframe for the democratization process by announcing its plans to hold the constitutional referendum and the election," said a Japanese Foreign Ministry statement.
"However, the process does not allow participation by Aung San Suu Kyi and other (opposition) parties," the statement said. "Japan believes that a true dialogue participated in by all parties is crucial in achieving Myanmar's national reconciliation."
Myanmar's last election took place in 1990, but the military refused to hand over power to the winning party — Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy or NLD. Since then the country has been in a political deadlock.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, after the army crushed earlier pro-democracy demonstrations and the current junta took power.
Suu Kyi's party reacted cautiously to Saturday's announcements, noting the lack of detail on how the referendum would be carried out.
"The announcement is vague, incomplete and strange," said NLD party spokesman Nyan Win.
Reaction was mixed in Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, where there was little show of enthusiasm for the plans.
"I have no faith in the government-sponsored referendum," said lawyer Tun Wai, 62, who charged that the junta has "never kept their promises."
Some conceded, however, that the plans had a few merits.
"I will vote for the constitution as it is better to have a constitution than not having any at all," said 57-year-old university lecturer Tint Lwin.
Source: International Herald Tribune
The official announcements late Saturday of the constitutional referendum and the election were the government's first-ever moves to set dates for stages of its so-called road map to democracy.
But the ruling junta's critics — who claim that the long-delayed road map is designed to perpetuate military rule, not promote democracy — pointed out Sunday that that the process has so far excluded detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other independent political voices.
"We're frankly very skeptical. We're not persuaded that this is anything more than a cynical sham," said Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith.
"Any genuine movement towards democracy or respect for human rights can only be done in cooperation with the international community and also with the political leaders in Burma," he said, using the former name for Myanmar.
Britain earlier voiced similar sentiments and called for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Britain and Australia, like the United States and other Western nations, impose political and economic sanctions on the junta because of its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Even Japan, which leans toward engaging the military government rather than isolating it, expressed disappointment that the junta had not gone further.
"We credit that the Myanmar government showed a timeframe for the democratization process by announcing its plans to hold the constitutional referendum and the election," said a Japanese Foreign Ministry statement.
"However, the process does not allow participation by Aung San Suu Kyi and other (opposition) parties," the statement said. "Japan believes that a true dialogue participated in by all parties is crucial in achieving Myanmar's national reconciliation."
Myanmar's last election took place in 1990, but the military refused to hand over power to the winning party — Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy or NLD. Since then the country has been in a political deadlock.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, after the army crushed earlier pro-democracy demonstrations and the current junta took power.
Suu Kyi's party reacted cautiously to Saturday's announcements, noting the lack of detail on how the referendum would be carried out.
"The announcement is vague, incomplete and strange," said NLD party spokesman Nyan Win.
Reaction was mixed in Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, where there was little show of enthusiasm for the plans.
"I have no faith in the government-sponsored referendum," said lawyer Tun Wai, 62, who charged that the junta has "never kept their promises."
Some conceded, however, that the plans had a few merits.
"I will vote for the constitution as it is better to have a constitution than not having any at all," said 57-year-old university lecturer Tint Lwin.
Source: International Herald Tribune
Myanmar welcomes junta election promise
10 February 2008 - (Reuters) - YANGON - People in Myanmar welcomed the military government’s promise of multi-party elections in 2010 on Sunday as an opportunity to be seized, despite deep scepticism from opposition politicians and abroad.
“Just get on whatever horse you can catch. Then try to find better ones gradually,” a retired professor said four months after the army crushed monk-led, pro-democracy protests, killing at least 31 people.
Roadside food vendor Aung Min, 28, was positively excited. ”I can’t wait to vote in an election,” he said. But, he added: ”The most important is all major parties should be allowed to run in it.”
The junta’s announcement of a May referendum followed by elections in 2010 on state television on Saturday night did not make clear whether detained opposition icon’s Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy would be allowed to take part.
The election would be the first held in the former Burma since 1990, when the NLD won a multi-party vote rejected by the military, which has ruled in various guises since 1962 and detained Suu Kyi for much of the interim.
The NLD was sceptical, asking how the junta could set an election date before knowing the outcome of the referendum.
“I can’t help but wonder how the referendum will be conducted,” NLD spokesman Nyan Win said.
The Burma Campaign UK, a pro-democracy group, dismissed the announcement as “public relations spin” and “nothing to do with democracy”.
“It is no coincidence that the announcement comes at a time when the regime is facing increasing economic sanctions following its brutal crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations,” Campaign director Mark Farmaner said in a statement.
Britain’s Foreign Office called for the release of Suu Kyi and other detained political leaders to ensure a “genuine and inclusive process of national reconciliation”.
Anything’s better
But people in Yangon felt it was a positive development in a country that has seen little of those over the decades.
“It’s just like finding somewhere to live for the homeless. Of course it isn’t the house of our choice, but it will give us some protection,” a retired government officer said.
“We can expect at least a coalition government. That’s far better than now,” he added.
The retired professor said the NLD, which boycotted a national convention working out the principles for a ”disciplined” democracy completed late in 2007 after 14 years, should run in the election.
“If they boycott the election, we will have to wait another three or four decades in deadlock,” he said.
A committee of mainly military officers and civil servants assigned to draft the constitution would finish its work soon, the junta statement said.
“A nationwide referendum will be held in May 2008 to ratify the newly drafted constitution,” it said.
“We have achieved success in economic, social and other sectors and in restoring peace and stability,” said the statement issued in the name of Secretary Number One Lieutenant-General Tin Aung Myint Oo, a top member of the junta.
“So multi-party, democratic elections will be held in 2010.”
Snippets of the constitution’s basic principles, which have appeared in state- controlled media do not point to any transfer of power to a civilian administration, or greater autonomy for Myanmar’s 100-plus ethnic minorities.
The army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful man in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power ”in times of emergency”.
The military will hold 25 percent of the seats in the new parliament and hold veto power over its decisions.
The constitution is also believed likely to disbar Suu Kyi from office by ruling out anyone married to a foreigner.
Suu Kyi’s husband, British academic Michael Aris, died 1999.
The surprise announcement from the junta came after Suu Kyi told her party leaders on Jan. 30 that she feared she was being strung along by the generals and worried her meetings with the junta liaison minister might lead to false hope.
“Just get on whatever horse you can catch. Then try to find better ones gradually,” a retired professor said four months after the army crushed monk-led, pro-democracy protests, killing at least 31 people.
Roadside food vendor Aung Min, 28, was positively excited. ”I can’t wait to vote in an election,” he said. But, he added: ”The most important is all major parties should be allowed to run in it.”
The junta’s announcement of a May referendum followed by elections in 2010 on state television on Saturday night did not make clear whether detained opposition icon’s Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy would be allowed to take part.
The election would be the first held in the former Burma since 1990, when the NLD won a multi-party vote rejected by the military, which has ruled in various guises since 1962 and detained Suu Kyi for much of the interim.
The NLD was sceptical, asking how the junta could set an election date before knowing the outcome of the referendum.
“I can’t help but wonder how the referendum will be conducted,” NLD spokesman Nyan Win said.
The Burma Campaign UK, a pro-democracy group, dismissed the announcement as “public relations spin” and “nothing to do with democracy”.
“It is no coincidence that the announcement comes at a time when the regime is facing increasing economic sanctions following its brutal crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations,” Campaign director Mark Farmaner said in a statement.
Britain’s Foreign Office called for the release of Suu Kyi and other detained political leaders to ensure a “genuine and inclusive process of national reconciliation”.
Anything’s better
But people in Yangon felt it was a positive development in a country that has seen little of those over the decades.
“It’s just like finding somewhere to live for the homeless. Of course it isn’t the house of our choice, but it will give us some protection,” a retired government officer said.
“We can expect at least a coalition government. That’s far better than now,” he added.
The retired professor said the NLD, which boycotted a national convention working out the principles for a ”disciplined” democracy completed late in 2007 after 14 years, should run in the election.
“If they boycott the election, we will have to wait another three or four decades in deadlock,” he said.
A committee of mainly military officers and civil servants assigned to draft the constitution would finish its work soon, the junta statement said.
“A nationwide referendum will be held in May 2008 to ratify the newly drafted constitution,” it said.
“We have achieved success in economic, social and other sectors and in restoring peace and stability,” said the statement issued in the name of Secretary Number One Lieutenant-General Tin Aung Myint Oo, a top member of the junta.
“So multi-party, democratic elections will be held in 2010.”
Snippets of the constitution’s basic principles, which have appeared in state- controlled media do not point to any transfer of power to a civilian administration, or greater autonomy for Myanmar’s 100-plus ethnic minorities.
The army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful man in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power ”in times of emergency”.
The military will hold 25 percent of the seats in the new parliament and hold veto power over its decisions.
The constitution is also believed likely to disbar Suu Kyi from office by ruling out anyone married to a foreigner.
Suu Kyi’s husband, British academic Michael Aris, died 1999.
The surprise announcement from the junta came after Suu Kyi told her party leaders on Jan. 30 that she feared she was being strung along by the generals and worried her meetings with the junta liaison minister might lead to false hope.
Referendum: Seeking Legitimacy for Military Rule in Burma
Statement of Canadian Friends of Burma
February 10, 2008, Ottawa - The Burmese military regime announced yesterday that they would hold a referendum within two months on a constitution that they drafted since 1993. This latest development seems to be a conciliatory gesture to counter increasing international pressures. However, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) could not see it as a positive step but a trigger of wider political turmoil in the country.
“There is nothing to be excited about this announcement and people would be even shocked if they put a little effort to look at the whole process,” said Tin Maung Htoo, executive director of Canadian Friends of Burma. “This is the process with which to legitimate the military rule in Burma,” he exclaimed. “
According to the draft constitution, a quarter of parliamentary seats and key cabinet portfolios including Defence and Home Affairs will be directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. Those unelected military appointees sitting together with elected members will also choose their own presidential candidate who will become either president or vice-president of the country. The most powerful ‘Security Council’ or Supreme Body will be also dominated by the military.
“This is totally against democratic principles. This is awful example of ‘disciplined democracy’ that the Burmese military wants to flourish in Burma. International community should be vigilant, as the military is pretty much determined to win or rob this legitimacy. People could be forced or coerced to support this authoritarian constitution. What Burmese want is democracy that guarantees their rights and freedoms, and the kind of government they want and they can choose,” added Tin Maung Htoo.
A number of ceased-fire groups including New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) do not support the constitution drafting process and the main political party that won a landslide in 1990 elections – National League for Democracy (NLD) - boycotted this process since 1996. However, the military regime continued to draft the constitution, with a directive that ‘the military must play a leading role in the national politics of the future state.’
This Saturday announcement for a referendum in May, 2008 is nothing but a desperate attempt to seek legitimacy for the military rule that is to be guaranteed by the constitution. Therefore, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) urges the International community, the Government of Canada and all Canadians to speak out against this shame and undemocratic process in Burma.
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
February 10, 2008, Ottawa - The Burmese military regime announced yesterday that they would hold a referendum within two months on a constitution that they drafted since 1993. This latest development seems to be a conciliatory gesture to counter increasing international pressures. However, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) could not see it as a positive step but a trigger of wider political turmoil in the country.
“There is nothing to be excited about this announcement and people would be even shocked if they put a little effort to look at the whole process,” said Tin Maung Htoo, executive director of Canadian Friends of Burma. “This is the process with which to legitimate the military rule in Burma,” he exclaimed. “
According to the draft constitution, a quarter of parliamentary seats and key cabinet portfolios including Defence and Home Affairs will be directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. Those unelected military appointees sitting together with elected members will also choose their own presidential candidate who will become either president or vice-president of the country. The most powerful ‘Security Council’ or Supreme Body will be also dominated by the military.
“This is totally against democratic principles. This is awful example of ‘disciplined democracy’ that the Burmese military wants to flourish in Burma. International community should be vigilant, as the military is pretty much determined to win or rob this legitimacy. People could be forced or coerced to support this authoritarian constitution. What Burmese want is democracy that guarantees their rights and freedoms, and the kind of government they want and they can choose,” added Tin Maung Htoo.
A number of ceased-fire groups including New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) do not support the constitution drafting process and the main political party that won a landslide in 1990 elections – National League for Democracy (NLD) - boycotted this process since 1996. However, the military regime continued to draft the constitution, with a directive that ‘the military must play a leading role in the national politics of the future state.’
This Saturday announcement for a referendum in May, 2008 is nothing but a desperate attempt to seek legitimacy for the military rule that is to be guaranteed by the constitution. Therefore, the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) urges the International community, the Government of Canada and all Canadians to speak out against this shame and undemocratic process in Burma.
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
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