By JIM ANDREWS
The Irrawaddy News
SEPTEMBER, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.9
Why the fate of Thailand’s fugitive ex-premier has captured attention in Naypyidaw?
BURMA’s generals must be following with more than passing interest the drama of former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s flight into exile.
It lies beyond the wildest imagination to believe they could ever join their erstwhile business crony in seeking refuge in the West. Nevertheless, in a world where the cat’s cradle of international treaties and alliances of convenience is constantly changing, the number of countries where they are assured of a welcome is possibly shrinking.
Thaksin and his family reportedly took months to work out where they could count on refuge if Thai law finally caught up with them. It’s perhaps no surprise that they chose England, where they have two expensive homes and large investments—and where Thaksin owns, at least for the present, a major football club, Manchester City.
But did China ever come into consideration? And if it did, why was exile there ruled out? Thaksin, after all, has distant Chinese ancestors, and he and his family obviously feel well at home there. These are questions and considerations that could occupy the generals’ attention if ever events in Burma caused them to seek exile abroad.
The likelihood of the generals ever being forced into exile lies at present in the “pigs might fly” realm of fantasy, of course—particularly as international governments appear to be gearing up to accept the results of the 2010 general election, which will enshrine for the foreseeable future the leading role of the military in governing Burma.
The nearer Burma gets to the critical 2010 date, the smaller becomes the political opposition’s chance to forestall the election. Any amendment of the constitution is now out of reach, and the doctored result of the referendum that endorsed the document has now been chiseled in stone—not only in Burma, but also in the wider world. Even the media of the free world repeats without comment the official fiction that the referendum was approved by more than 90 percent of the population.
In these circumstances, Burma’s military leaders can surely relax and feel secure from the threat of ever having to flee. Or can they?
Consider the case of Thaksin Shinawatra. Who in their right mind only three years ago, when Thaksin won a landslide election victory and consolidated an apparently invincible power base, would have predicted that his image would slide off the society pages and onto a “Wanted” poster displayed at Thailand’s border entry points?
This is the man who graduated with a PhD in “criminal justice” at a US university, enabling him with impunity to place the title “Dr” before his name in honors-conscious Britain.
The nature of his studies in the US gave him the background for a career in Thailand’s police department, which also provided him with the chance to lay the basis of his business fortune when he secured a contract to supply the department with computer software.
Five years later, he established a software marketing company, which spawned various lucrative ventures but also a spider’s web of shady dealings that finally enmeshed Thaksin and his family.
By now, he was eyeing a career in politics and after joining the government of the time he was appointed foreign minister in 1994 and deputy prime minister the following year. In 1998, he founded his own party, Thai Rak Thai (TRT), leading it to a crushing victory in a general election in January 2001.
Suspicions that business interests were conflicting with Thaksin’s public duties surfaced early on in his administration, however, and he narrowly survived charges of failing to fully disclose his assets during his time as deputy prime minister.
Thaksin’s rapid rise on parallel paths to the pinnacle of political power and to the status of Thailand’s wealthiest individual fuelled growing concern and opposition, particularly among the country’s influential middle-class intellectuals and the old conservative, royalist guard.
A snap election called by Thaksin in April 2006 returned him and his TRT party to power with a massive mandate but failed to stem the demonstrations, and in September 2006 he was overthrown by a military coup while abroad.
He returned to Thailand in February 2008, following the December 2007 election that brought current prime minister and Thaksin ally Samak Sundaravej to power.
As legal investigations of Thaksin’s business dealings intensified and after his wife was sentenced to three years imprisonment for withholding tax on share dealings, the couple fled last month to Beijing and then Britain.
If Thaksin is extradited by Britain or returns home voluntarily, he faces a raft of corruption and malfeasance charges, including one involving approval by his government of a loan to Burma to buy telecommunications technology from a Shinawatra family-owned enterprise—another reason why the Thaksin drama commands great interest in Naypyidaw.
Wednesday, 3 September 2008
Will Soe Tha Get It Right this Time?
The Irrawaddy News
Intelligence - Sep'08
Stung by charges that millions of dollars are being creamed off cyclone aid in a sophisticated currency scam, the Burmese regime has come up with a proposal it hopes will allay the accusations.
The military government’s minister for national planning and economic development, Soe Tha, suggests that aid agencies could bypass dubious currency exchange regulations by paying dollars directly into the bank accounts of Burmese vendors from whom they purchase goods and services.
At present, aid agencies have to exchange their dollars for foreign exchange certificates at a rate below the real value of the US currency. The discrepancy results in the disappearance of large amounts of dollars, and some donor countries are demanding to know where the money goes.
However, Soe Tha’s proposal hasn’t been received with much enthusiasm by the aid agencies.
Soe Tha is the man who exaggerated the cost of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis, telling the donor conference in Rangoon in May that US $11 billion would be required to rebuild the devastated areas and their economies. The Asean-Burma-UN group that surveyed the damage put the cost at $4 billion, however.
In another misleading statement, Soe Tha said the rice output in Irrawaddy and Rangoon divisions made up only 2.3 percent of the nation’s total production. Experts agree that the two regions, in fact, produce more than 50 percent of the country’s rice.
Soe Tha was appointed minister for national planning and economic development in 1999, after the dismissal of Brig-Gen David Abel. His area of expertise before this appointment was in the postal service and telecommunications—where observers say he should have gained greater skills in economic planning and reliable prognosis.
Intelligence - Sep'08
Stung by charges that millions of dollars are being creamed off cyclone aid in a sophisticated currency scam, the Burmese regime has come up with a proposal it hopes will allay the accusations.
The military government’s minister for national planning and economic development, Soe Tha, suggests that aid agencies could bypass dubious currency exchange regulations by paying dollars directly into the bank accounts of Burmese vendors from whom they purchase goods and services.
At present, aid agencies have to exchange their dollars for foreign exchange certificates at a rate below the real value of the US currency. The discrepancy results in the disappearance of large amounts of dollars, and some donor countries are demanding to know where the money goes.
However, Soe Tha’s proposal hasn’t been received with much enthusiasm by the aid agencies.
Soe Tha is the man who exaggerated the cost of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis, telling the donor conference in Rangoon in May that US $11 billion would be required to rebuild the devastated areas and their economies. The Asean-Burma-UN group that surveyed the damage put the cost at $4 billion, however.
In another misleading statement, Soe Tha said the rice output in Irrawaddy and Rangoon divisions made up only 2.3 percent of the nation’s total production. Experts agree that the two regions, in fact, produce more than 50 percent of the country’s rice.
Soe Tha was appointed minister for national planning and economic development in 1999, after the dismissal of Brig-Gen David Abel. His area of expertise before this appointment was in the postal service and telecommunications—where observers say he should have gained greater skills in economic planning and reliable prognosis.
Behind the Scenes at the Bush Meeting
The Irrawaddy News
Intelligence Sep'08
US President George W Bush met with Thailand-based Burmese exiles in August, in a strong show of American support for Burma’s beleaguered pro-democracy movement.
The meeting was the first of its kind between a US head of state and members of the Burmese diaspora in Thailand. Earlier suggestions that it might take place in Chiang Mai, home to many Burmese exiles, were soon dropped in favor of an informal lunch gathering at the US ambassador’s residence in Bangkok, to allay Thai concerns about roiling relations with its neighbor.
Although Bush did not signal any change in the US policy of isolating Burma’s military rulers, those who attended the gathering noted the presence of a Burmese aid worker involved in Cyclone Nargis relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta. Some members of the exiled dissident community suggested that the last-minute invitation to this individual was intended to represent the pro-engagement camp. However, inside sources said that the aid worker was a professional who maintained her distance from the regime.
While Bush played host to his Burmese guests, his wife, Laura, visited the Mae Tao clinic in the Thai-Burmese border town of Mae Sot and the Mae La refugee camp, home to some 45,000 refugees. Despite Thai concerns about the safety of the US delegation in an area notorious for cross-border raids by groups allied to the Burmese army, the visit was completed without a hitch.
The exiles who met the Bushes were pleasantly surprised by their level of interest in Burmese issues. US officials later said that both had learned a great deal from their encounters with the Thai-based exiles. The president came away from his meeting with a sense that the problems facing Burma were “complex,” said a Washington-based official.
Intelligence Sep'08
US President George W Bush met with Thailand-based Burmese exiles in August, in a strong show of American support for Burma’s beleaguered pro-democracy movement.
The meeting was the first of its kind between a US head of state and members of the Burmese diaspora in Thailand. Earlier suggestions that it might take place in Chiang Mai, home to many Burmese exiles, were soon dropped in favor of an informal lunch gathering at the US ambassador’s residence in Bangkok, to allay Thai concerns about roiling relations with its neighbor.
Although Bush did not signal any change in the US policy of isolating Burma’s military rulers, those who attended the gathering noted the presence of a Burmese aid worker involved in Cyclone Nargis relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta. Some members of the exiled dissident community suggested that the last-minute invitation to this individual was intended to represent the pro-engagement camp. However, inside sources said that the aid worker was a professional who maintained her distance from the regime.
While Bush played host to his Burmese guests, his wife, Laura, visited the Mae Tao clinic in the Thai-Burmese border town of Mae Sot and the Mae La refugee camp, home to some 45,000 refugees. Despite Thai concerns about the safety of the US delegation in an area notorious for cross-border raids by groups allied to the Burmese army, the visit was completed without a hitch.
The exiles who met the Bushes were pleasantly surprised by their level of interest in Burmese issues. US officials later said that both had learned a great deal from their encounters with the Thai-based exiles. The president came away from his meeting with a sense that the problems facing Burma were “complex,” said a Washington-based official.
Thai Buddhists Help Needy Burmese Children
By THE IRRAWADDYSEPTEMBER, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.9
Needy children in Burma will benefit from an initiative launched by the Phuttika Network, a coalition of “socially engaged’’ Buddhists in Thailand.
Every year, at Buddhist Lent, the Phuttika Network chooses a worthy cause to support. This year it launched a “Fund for Education of Poor Children in Burma,” at a charity event in late August at Bangkok’s Wat Thong Nopphakhun.
The Phuttika Network noted that more than 1,400 monasteries across Burma play a crucial role in providing education and shelter for destitute young people and orphans.
They receive very little support from the Burmese government, particularly after the monk-led September 2007 demonstrations. Financial support from the Burmese public has also dropped sharply because of the dire economic situation in Burma.
The monk who heads Phuttika Network, Phra Paisan Visalo, said support for the network’s initiative would be pivotal in easing the plight of needy young people in Burma.
“True compassion transcends any race, language, or geographical boundaries,” he said. “For above it all, every human is related as brother and sister. A heart full of compassion will be so big that ‘they’ become part of ‘us,’ or even better, there will be neither ‘us’ nor ‘them’.”
Donors are invited to contribute to the network’s fund.
Further information can be obtained by calling
(66) 02-883-0592,
(66) 02-886-9881 or
(66) 08-6300-5458.
Spare the Child
Street kids in Rangoon are often employed as laborers. (Photo: Aung Thet Wine/The Irrawaddy)By AUNG THET WINE - The Irrawaddy News - V16-9
RANGOON — ABOUT 6:30 p.m., a sudden, heavy rain poured down on the Thirimingala vegetable market, sending crowds of shoppers, traders and laborers running for cover.Burma’s military government pays lip service to the rights of children,
but still allows child labor and recruits underage soldiers
A group of children in ragged clothes paid no attention to the drenching rain. They continued picking through wilted and soiled vegetables and fruit that had been dumped in piles of garbage behind the market.
Bits of vegetables and fruit that appeared edible were quickly stuffed into their bags. Next to the children, a few adult men and women also sifted through putrid piles of foodstuff.
The children, about 30 in total, outnumbered the adults. They were part of a small army of child laborers in Rangoon who struggle for survival, forsaking school for odd jobs, begging and scavenging.
“I come from Hlaing Tharyar,” said Ywun Ei San, a 10-year-old girl who was collecting discarded foodstuff to sell to market vendors in her hometown on the outskirts of Rangoon.“Usually, the trucks and vegetable wholesalers throw away their damaged vegetables around 4 a.m., and at about 6:30 in the evening. We collect the good pieces. We can earn a thousand kyat a day (US $0.85).
Ywun Ei San has survived by collecting garbage for more than a year. Usually, a child, if asked what they would most like to have, says something about toys, games or candy. However, Ywun Ei San, in a resigned voice, said she wanted “vegetables that I can sell.”
Nobody knows the number of child laborers in Burma, but they number perhaps in the hundreds of thousands, working in markets, teashops, restaurants, small industry and on construction sites. Some children also end up as domestic servants, while others are exploited in the sex trade.
At 4 o’clock one morning, eight children in their teens had already started their jobs at the Win teashop in Mayangone Township on the Rangoon-Insein road. With sleep still in their eyes, some washed cups and plates, while others prepared a fire to boil water, cooked snacks and arranged tables and stools.
“We get up at 3:30 in the morning. The shop opens at 5:30. About 6:30, the customers start coming in and we start serving them. The shop owner feeds us at 8,” said Maung Thaw Kaung, a skinny 12-year-old boy. His bones pressed against his skin, and his hands were rough and worn.
“We have to serve the customers all day until the shop closes at 10:30 at night,” he said. “We have to clean and get the things in order after the shop closes, and then we go to bed about midnight. I have worked here for more than three years now, and I earn 8,000 kyat ($7) a month. Phoe Lone and Wae Htoo [two child co-workers] have just started their work here. Each of them earns 4,500 kyat ($3.70) a month. The shop feeds us two meals a day. We put these stools together with a blanket, and they are our beds.”
Burmese labor laws officially allow 8-hour working days for adults, but the children at Win teashop put in more than 17 hours a day.
“When I started running this shop, I hired five adult waiters and two children for menial jobs,” said the teashop’s owner. “Later, I learned the adults were not good at the work. Children don’t complain as much, and they do whatever I ask them to do, so I gave all the work to children.”
Many employers say the same thing about child workers, and they have little to fear because of the loose enforcement of child labor laws by authorities.
An elected representative of the National League for Democracy (NLD) said child workers were among the “silent voices” of Burma. “Nowadays, we can see child workers everywhere, from maid services to big construction sites, and it is rare to see work sites in Burma with no children. That shows our country’s future is in trouble,” he said.
An officer with an NGO that works to protect children’s rights said, “Burma signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991, but the government performance in this regard is inadequate and unsatisfactory.”
“Children here don’t enjoy the rights which were accepted in the CRC,” he said. “We have laws, but it is very difficult to implement them.”
According to the CRC, every child is entitled to a standard of living with adequate physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development. This essentially means all children should have basic shelter, nutritious food, clean water, basic health care, the right to an education, the right to be protected from all forms of exploitation, violence and neglect and the right to express their views freely in accordance with age and maturity.
The Burmese military government, however, fails in guaranteeing such protection and is itself a major violator through its conscription and use of child soldiers in the Burmese military. Residents in Kyeemyindaing Township in Rangoon have reported that military recruiters approach street children in the areas of Central San Pya fish market and the Thirimingala market.
A resident living near the central fish market of Kyeemyindaing Township said, “There are many street children hanging around Thirimingala market. Some children have parents, but they are so poor, they can’t raise their children, and they put them on the streets. Other children are orphans. They survive by odd jobs, living on the street. Many of these street children are rounded up and forced to serve in the military.”
Similar reports are common throughout Burma even as the military government has consistently claimed to support child labor laws and denied allegations of forced child recruitment in the military.
A lawyer from Mayangone Township in Rangoon who has studied the child labor issue said, “Burma has promulgated the ‘1993 National Child Labor Law’ and the ‘2001 Rules Related to Child Labor Laws,’ but actually, these laws are only on paper and are not enforced.”
Stories of child laborers, child soldiers and abandoned street children almost never appear in the state-run media or privately owned press. When such accounts are written by journalists or concerned activists, the junta’s censorship board red flags the stories and they are discarded, said a senior journalist in Rangoon.
“I see many examples of child laborers and child soldiers while going around the city,” he said. “The censorship board is sensitive about that kind of news.”
The NLD representative is left to wonder why the military government refuses to fulfill its responsibility to protect children from neglect and exploitation.
“To stop the use of child laborers and child soldiers, we need to overhaul the whole administration system,” he said. “Until we have a system where the law is respected and actually enforced, we will continue to see more child laborers, child soldiers and child abuse,” he said.
Gambira to Snub Military Court
By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy News
Ashin Gambira, the detained leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), will not appear for trial on Thursday if the Burmese military authorities do not accede to his request to be tried under Buddhist law, his lawyers and relatives in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
“Ashin Gambira has stated that he refuses to wear handcuffs,” Aung Thein, one of his lawyers, said. “In accordance with Buddhist law he should also be allowed to wear his monk’s robes when he appears for trial.”
However, his requests were denied by Insein prison court on Monday, his lawyer said.
Aung Thein told The Irrawaddy that Ashin Gambira had been charged with nine separate criminal offenses by the military court. The alleged offences include: State Offence Act 505 A and B, Immigration Act 13/1, Illegal Organization Act 17/1, Electronic Act 303 A and Organization Act 6.
Ashin Gambira was one of the monks who spearheaded last year’s pro-democracy uprising. After security forces brutally suppressed peaceful demonstrations on September 26-27, the head monk was arrested and subsequently disrobed by the authorities without consultating the Sangha, the institution of the Buddhist monkhood.
“We appealed to the military court to try Ashin Gambira before a Buddhist system of justice,” Aung Thein said. “The authorities have no right to disrobe him or to charge him with criminal offenses.”
Ashin Gambira’s legal adviser added that the army has its own code of military discipline, as does the national police. In turn, the law of the Sangha should be equally recognized, he added.
“The state’s senior monks should be permitted to hear the case against Ashin Gambira, because he is a monk,” Aung Thein said. “There is no law in Burma forbidding persons to chant the Metta Sutta [the Buddha’s words on loving kindness].”
The ABMA led thousands of monks and civilian protesters in street demonstrations last year. The military authorities’ bloody crackdown left at least 10 persons dead, although human rights groups claim up to 31 protesters may have been killed while thousands of monks and civilians were arrested and detained.
The Thailand-based Burmese Lawyers’ Council released a statement on Tuesday calling for the Burmese military government to immediately cease bringing Buddhist monks before a military court.
Meanwhile, the state-run Burmese State Sangha Nayaka Committee has begun eliciting signatures from monks at Zayawaddy monastery in Rangoon as guarantees that they will refrain from involvement in political affairs, according to a monk close to the monastery.
The monk said that 70 monks are studying at Zayawaddy monastery and that most monks had already signed the pledge.
The Irrawaddy News
Ashin Gambira, the detained leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), will not appear for trial on Thursday if the Burmese military authorities do not accede to his request to be tried under Buddhist law, his lawyers and relatives in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
“Ashin Gambira has stated that he refuses to wear handcuffs,” Aung Thein, one of his lawyers, said. “In accordance with Buddhist law he should also be allowed to wear his monk’s robes when he appears for trial.”
However, his requests were denied by Insein prison court on Monday, his lawyer said.
Aung Thein told The Irrawaddy that Ashin Gambira had been charged with nine separate criminal offenses by the military court. The alleged offences include: State Offence Act 505 A and B, Immigration Act 13/1, Illegal Organization Act 17/1, Electronic Act 303 A and Organization Act 6.
Ashin Gambira was one of the monks who spearheaded last year’s pro-democracy uprising. After security forces brutally suppressed peaceful demonstrations on September 26-27, the head monk was arrested and subsequently disrobed by the authorities without consultating the Sangha, the institution of the Buddhist monkhood.
“We appealed to the military court to try Ashin Gambira before a Buddhist system of justice,” Aung Thein said. “The authorities have no right to disrobe him or to charge him with criminal offenses.”
Ashin Gambira’s legal adviser added that the army has its own code of military discipline, as does the national police. In turn, the law of the Sangha should be equally recognized, he added.
“The state’s senior monks should be permitted to hear the case against Ashin Gambira, because he is a monk,” Aung Thein said. “There is no law in Burma forbidding persons to chant the Metta Sutta [the Buddha’s words on loving kindness].”
The ABMA led thousands of monks and civilian protesters in street demonstrations last year. The military authorities’ bloody crackdown left at least 10 persons dead, although human rights groups claim up to 31 protesters may have been killed while thousands of monks and civilians were arrested and detained.
The Thailand-based Burmese Lawyers’ Council released a statement on Tuesday calling for the Burmese military government to immediately cease bringing Buddhist monks before a military court.
Meanwhile, the state-run Burmese State Sangha Nayaka Committee has begun eliciting signatures from monks at Zayawaddy monastery in Rangoon as guarantees that they will refrain from involvement in political affairs, according to a monk close to the monastery.
The monk said that 70 monks are studying at Zayawaddy monastery and that most monks had already signed the pledge.
The UN’s Dangerous Detour
By KYAW ZWA MOE
The Irrawaddy News
You know that the United Nations’ efforts to broker reconciliation talks in Burma are failing miserably when all the visiting UN envoy wants to talk about is the ruling junta’s “road map” to a sham democracy.
Ibrahim Gambari’s latest trip to Burma was more than a disappointment: it was a disgrace. In the course of his nearly weeklong visit, the UN envoy held two brief consultations with members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and spent the rest of his time speaking with handpicked advocates of a political process that deliberately excludes anyone who questions the military’s right to rule.
It should have come as no surprise, then, that detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi declined to meet with Gambari lest she further legitimize his failed mission, which is still being carried out under a mandate that he has evidently abandoned.
The objectives of Gambari’s mission are clear: to secure the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners and to initiate a dialogue between leaders of the regime and the democratic opposition. He has failed on both accounts, and has now taken it upon himself to sell critics of the regime on the idea that an election slated for 2010 could be the way forward.
The 2010 election is the fourth step in the regime’s seven-step “road map” to a “disciplined democracy.” In his discussions with senior members of the NLD, Gambari said that the UN would do its utmost to ensure that polling is conducted in a “free and fair” manner.
It is difficult, however, to have much faith in the UN’s ability to guarantee anything in Burma. After all, it had no influence whatsoever on the regime’s decision to foist a phony referendum on a country still reeling from the effects of Cyclone Nargis in early May. Indeed, it virtually had to beg to be allowed to assist victims of the deadly storm.
Strangely, the UN’s crucial role in the ongoing relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta appears to have given it no political leverage inside Burma. On the contrary, the world body seems to be going out of its way to avoid displeasing the ruling generals.
Perhaps this reflects a new humanitarian focus, one that obscures the political quagmire underlying the country’s seemingly endless suffering. Or maybe it is something more cynical—an attempt to take the path of least resistance, even if it means sidelining Suu Kyi and her party.
Either way, the UN is taking a dangerous gamble on the goodwill of the Burmese junta. And even if the regime honors any promises that it may have made—which is extremely unlikely, given its record—it is ludicrous to buy into its vision of a future where the military is the ultimate arbiter of what constitutes a true democracy, particularly when its starting point is the eradication of the democratic opposition.
The UN must realize that the “road map” is nothing more than an attempt to return Burma to the days before the NLD’s historic electoral victory in 1990. Unless it gets back on track and starts pushing seriously for genuine dialogue between the generals and Burma’s legitimate leaders, the UN will be justifiably accused of sacrificing the country’s interests to save face.
The United Nations and the rest of the international community must never make the mistake of believing that Suu Kyi or the principles she represents are irrelevant. Until genuine reconciliation is reached, Burma will remain a victim of the generals’ whims—and every apparent step forward will be followed by seven steps back.
This article appeared in the September issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.
The Irrawaddy News
By allowing the junta to hijack its mandate,
the United Nations risks destroying Burma’s only hope for real progress: dialogue
You know that the United Nations’ efforts to broker reconciliation talks in Burma are failing miserably when all the visiting UN envoy wants to talk about is the ruling junta’s “road map” to a sham democracy.
Ibrahim Gambari’s latest trip to Burma was more than a disappointment: it was a disgrace. In the course of his nearly weeklong visit, the UN envoy held two brief consultations with members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and spent the rest of his time speaking with handpicked advocates of a political process that deliberately excludes anyone who questions the military’s right to rule.
It should have come as no surprise, then, that detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi declined to meet with Gambari lest she further legitimize his failed mission, which is still being carried out under a mandate that he has evidently abandoned.
The objectives of Gambari’s mission are clear: to secure the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners and to initiate a dialogue between leaders of the regime and the democratic opposition. He has failed on both accounts, and has now taken it upon himself to sell critics of the regime on the idea that an election slated for 2010 could be the way forward.
The 2010 election is the fourth step in the regime’s seven-step “road map” to a “disciplined democracy.” In his discussions with senior members of the NLD, Gambari said that the UN would do its utmost to ensure that polling is conducted in a “free and fair” manner.
It is difficult, however, to have much faith in the UN’s ability to guarantee anything in Burma. After all, it had no influence whatsoever on the regime’s decision to foist a phony referendum on a country still reeling from the effects of Cyclone Nargis in early May. Indeed, it virtually had to beg to be allowed to assist victims of the deadly storm.
Strangely, the UN’s crucial role in the ongoing relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta appears to have given it no political leverage inside Burma. On the contrary, the world body seems to be going out of its way to avoid displeasing the ruling generals.
Perhaps this reflects a new humanitarian focus, one that obscures the political quagmire underlying the country’s seemingly endless suffering. Or maybe it is something more cynical—an attempt to take the path of least resistance, even if it means sidelining Suu Kyi and her party.
Either way, the UN is taking a dangerous gamble on the goodwill of the Burmese junta. And even if the regime honors any promises that it may have made—which is extremely unlikely, given its record—it is ludicrous to buy into its vision of a future where the military is the ultimate arbiter of what constitutes a true democracy, particularly when its starting point is the eradication of the democratic opposition.
The UN must realize that the “road map” is nothing more than an attempt to return Burma to the days before the NLD’s historic electoral victory in 1990. Unless it gets back on track and starts pushing seriously for genuine dialogue between the generals and Burma’s legitimate leaders, the UN will be justifiably accused of sacrificing the country’s interests to save face.
The United Nations and the rest of the international community must never make the mistake of believing that Suu Kyi or the principles she represents are irrelevant. Until genuine reconciliation is reached, Burma will remain a victim of the generals’ whims—and every apparent step forward will be followed by seven steps back.
This article appeared in the September issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.
Suu Kyi Continues Legal Battle
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
Burma’s detained democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, met with her lawyer yesterday to discuss a legal challenge to the ruling junta’s decision to extend her house arrest earlier this year.
NLD spokesman Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday that Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer—the third since early August—concerned a lawsuit that she is mounting against her continuing detention, which was extended in May. She has been under house arrest since May 2003.
Nyan Win said that time constraints made it impossible for Suu Kyi and her lawyer to finish their business.
“Her discussions with her lawyer couldn’t conclude because the meeting was limited to just 30 minutes,” he said, adding that it was not clear when the authorities would allow Suu Kyi and her lawyer to meet again to discuss her case.
Political observers in Rangoon noted that this was the first time that Suu Kyi had attempted to use the courts to challenge the junta’s right to keep her under house arrest. Some also said that she was in touch with members of her party and the authorities to discuss the case.
Meanwhile, a diplomatic source suggested that Suu Kyi could be released before the end of this year. However, other sources said that Suu Kyi would also demand the release of all political prisoners if the junta decides to free her.
Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer came amid rumors that she had begun a hunger strike.
Her lawyer, Kyi Win, said that Suu Kyi made no mention of a hunger strike, and in response to questions about her condition, quoted her as saying: “I am well, but I have lost some weight. I am a little tired and I need to rest.”
This was not the first time that Suu Kyi was rumored to be on a hunger strike. There were reports in September 2003 that she was refusing food. Those rumors proved to be inaccurate.
Observers suggested that the current rumors were also unlikely to be true, since the junta wouldn’t allow her to meet with her lawyer if she were staging a hunger strike.
Suu Kyi’s colleague, veteran journalist Ohn Kyaing, said that she takes meditation and other Buddhist practices seriously, and may be losing weight because she is abstaining from eating dinner for religious reasons during the three-month Buddhist Lent.
Thakin Chun Tun, a veteran politician in Rangoon, said Suu Kyi needed to be healthy so she could engage in a genuine dialogue with the regime to break the ongoing crises in the country.
“Burma’s crises can only be resolved through a genuine dialogue between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Than Shwe, head of the ruling junta,” he said. “I hope she will take care of her health.”
The veteran politician said that while hunger strikes were an effective non-violent tactic during the country’s colonial period, they are less likely to succeed today.
“The current political environment is totally different from the colonial period,” he said.
“Burma is now ruled by the military—human life has less value now than under British rule.”
The Irrawaddy News
Burma’s detained democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, met with her lawyer yesterday to discuss a legal challenge to the ruling junta’s decision to extend her house arrest earlier this year.
NLD spokesman Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday that Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer—the third since early August—concerned a lawsuit that she is mounting against her continuing detention, which was extended in May. She has been under house arrest since May 2003.
Nyan Win said that time constraints made it impossible for Suu Kyi and her lawyer to finish their business.
“Her discussions with her lawyer couldn’t conclude because the meeting was limited to just 30 minutes,” he said, adding that it was not clear when the authorities would allow Suu Kyi and her lawyer to meet again to discuss her case.
Political observers in Rangoon noted that this was the first time that Suu Kyi had attempted to use the courts to challenge the junta’s right to keep her under house arrest. Some also said that she was in touch with members of her party and the authorities to discuss the case.
Meanwhile, a diplomatic source suggested that Suu Kyi could be released before the end of this year. However, other sources said that Suu Kyi would also demand the release of all political prisoners if the junta decides to free her.
Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer came amid rumors that she had begun a hunger strike.
Her lawyer, Kyi Win, said that Suu Kyi made no mention of a hunger strike, and in response to questions about her condition, quoted her as saying: “I am well, but I have lost some weight. I am a little tired and I need to rest.”
This was not the first time that Suu Kyi was rumored to be on a hunger strike. There were reports in September 2003 that she was refusing food. Those rumors proved to be inaccurate.
Observers suggested that the current rumors were also unlikely to be true, since the junta wouldn’t allow her to meet with her lawyer if she were staging a hunger strike.
Suu Kyi’s colleague, veteran journalist Ohn Kyaing, said that she takes meditation and other Buddhist practices seriously, and may be losing weight because she is abstaining from eating dinner for religious reasons during the three-month Buddhist Lent.
Thakin Chun Tun, a veteran politician in Rangoon, said Suu Kyi needed to be healthy so she could engage in a genuine dialogue with the regime to break the ongoing crises in the country.
“Burma’s crises can only be resolved through a genuine dialogue between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Than Shwe, head of the ruling junta,” he said. “I hope she will take care of her health.”
The veteran politician said that while hunger strikes were an effective non-violent tactic during the country’s colonial period, they are less likely to succeed today.
“The current political environment is totally different from the colonial period,” he said.
“Burma is now ruled by the military—human life has less value now than under British rule.”
Burma: More than 39 activists arrested, and 21 imprisoned during August 2008
Bangkok, 03 September, (Asiantribune.com): The politically motivated arrests and imprisonments have dramatically increased in Burma.
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) has pointed out that this alarming increase in the arrests and incarceration has been recorded during the first six months of 2008, despite the Special Advisor of the Secretary- General of the United Nations, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Burma to the United Nations, were appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to visit Burma in order to try to help improve the Burmese political and human rights situation.
The report further reveals that the military regime of Burma arrested at least 39 activists in August 2008, and 21 activists were imprisoned.
The detainees are members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Human Rights Defenders and Protestors (HRDP) and Student Unions. Some of them were arrested, not because of current activities, but because of their activities in August and September 2007.
Ko Tate Naing, the secretary of the AAPP, said that even though UN high level representatives visited Burma to try to solve the problems of human rights violations, the regime continues to arrest and imprison democracy activists with impunity. This means that the regime is not cooperating with the United Nations or the International Community. Due to these facts we need to reconsider the process of UN involvement in Burma.
During 2008, at least 286 activists have been arrested so far, how many more will it take for the United Nations organization and member states to understand that the rule of law does not exist in Burma and that the people they recognize, refer to and negotiate with as the government of Burma are nothing more than an illegal and brutal dictatorship?
- Asian Tribune -
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) has pointed out that this alarming increase in the arrests and incarceration has been recorded during the first six months of 2008, despite the Special Advisor of the Secretary- General of the United Nations, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Burma to the United Nations, were appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to visit Burma in order to try to help improve the Burmese political and human rights situation.
The report further reveals that the military regime of Burma arrested at least 39 activists in August 2008, and 21 activists were imprisoned.
The detainees are members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Human Rights Defenders and Protestors (HRDP) and Student Unions. Some of them were arrested, not because of current activities, but because of their activities in August and September 2007.
Ko Tate Naing, the secretary of the AAPP, said that even though UN high level representatives visited Burma to try to solve the problems of human rights violations, the regime continues to arrest and imprison democracy activists with impunity. This means that the regime is not cooperating with the United Nations or the International Community. Due to these facts we need to reconsider the process of UN involvement in Burma.
During 2008, at least 286 activists have been arrested so far, how many more will it take for the United Nations organization and member states to understand that the rule of law does not exist in Burma and that the people they recognize, refer to and negotiate with as the government of Burma are nothing more than an illegal and brutal dictatorship?
- Asian Tribune -
Tuesday, 2 September 2008
Villagers forced to help prepare for visit of commander’s wife
Sep 1, 2008 (DVB)–Villagers in Muse township in northern Shan State have been ordered to contribute money and labour to preparations for the upcoming visit of the wife of the northeastern commander, a local told DVB.
Daw Cherry, the wife of the new local commander, brigadier general Aung Than Htut of Northeast Command, will be in Muse in early September to inspect the Maternal and Child Healthcare Association there.
A local resident said that representatives from villages in the Mutaunglon village tract had been summoned to a monastery in Mutaunglon for a special meeting on 26 August by Muse district Peace and Development Council chairperson U Kyi Win and township Peace and Development Council chairperson U Nyunt Han to talk about Daw Cherry’s visit.
The villager, who attended the meeting, said locals had been told they would have to help with the preparations for her visit.
“So since 28 August we have had to paint the monastery hall, clean, cut the grass and so on to prepare the place to receive her visit,” said the villager.
“We were also told that each village had to provide 10 bamboo poles to raise flags during her trip,” he said.
“Moreover, U Kyi Win said each family in Mutaunglon village tract had to contribute 1500 kyat to spend on welcoming and dinning costs for her. We don’t have any choice but to provide both labour and money.”
There are over 600 houses in Mutaunglon village tract, which comprises ten villages including Mutaunglon, Mutaungkut, Mahtnyu, Khopane and Khokay.
The villager told DVB that locals were very disappointed with the additional workload they had to shoulder for the commander’s wife’s visit since they were already busy clearing their farms and they also had to provide voluntary labour on castor oil plant fields every week.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Daw Cherry, the wife of the new local commander, brigadier general Aung Than Htut of Northeast Command, will be in Muse in early September to inspect the Maternal and Child Healthcare Association there.
A local resident said that representatives from villages in the Mutaunglon village tract had been summoned to a monastery in Mutaunglon for a special meeting on 26 August by Muse district Peace and Development Council chairperson U Kyi Win and township Peace and Development Council chairperson U Nyunt Han to talk about Daw Cherry’s visit.
The villager, who attended the meeting, said locals had been told they would have to help with the preparations for her visit.
“So since 28 August we have had to paint the monastery hall, clean, cut the grass and so on to prepare the place to receive her visit,” said the villager.
“We were also told that each village had to provide 10 bamboo poles to raise flags during her trip,” he said.
“Moreover, U Kyi Win said each family in Mutaunglon village tract had to contribute 1500 kyat to spend on welcoming and dinning costs for her. We don’t have any choice but to provide both labour and money.”
There are over 600 houses in Mutaunglon village tract, which comprises ten villages including Mutaunglon, Mutaungkut, Mahtnyu, Khopane and Khokay.
The villager told DVB that locals were very disappointed with the additional workload they had to shoulder for the commander’s wife’s visit since they were already busy clearing their farms and they also had to provide voluntary labour on castor oil plant fields every week.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Burmese blogger conference banned
Sep 1, 2008 (DVB)–A technical conference for Burmese bloggers due to be held on 31 August in Rangoon was banned by the military authorities at short notice after organisers had already advertised the event.
The conference was organised by the Myanmar Computer Experts Association and was to be held at Rangoon’s International Business Centre, situated on the bank of Inya Lake.
The organisers had arranged for Burmese bloggers and writers such as Thitsani and Kyaw Win to attend the conference and deliver lectures.
A member of staff from the computer association said the government had claimed the theme of the conference was not valid.
“We said that we were going to talk about technical development and they insisted that [blogging] does not have much to do with technology,” he said.
“That’s why it was cancelled – the authorities insisted that it was not relevant.”
A blogger who was due to attend the conference said getting people interested in blogging had the potential to make news and information sharing more accessible.
“We planned to lecture on making the blogging world more effective and interesting,” the blogger said.
“We did it with the intention of sharing ideas about the technical difficulties faced by the participants,” he said.
“Some people know nothing about blogging. It is not like other media – it is far-reaching and easily sharable.”
In 2007, a technical conference for bloggers held at the International Business Centre was attended by more than 300 people.
The Burmese military regime has made efforts to control blogging since last September’s Saffron Revolution, when bloggers played a key role in getting the latest reports and images out on the demonstrations and the government’s crackdown.
One well-known blogger, Nay Phone Latt, was arrested on 29 January and is still being detained.
Reporting by Htet Yarzar
The conference was organised by the Myanmar Computer Experts Association and was to be held at Rangoon’s International Business Centre, situated on the bank of Inya Lake.
The organisers had arranged for Burmese bloggers and writers such as Thitsani and Kyaw Win to attend the conference and deliver lectures.
A member of staff from the computer association said the government had claimed the theme of the conference was not valid.
“We said that we were going to talk about technical development and they insisted that [blogging] does not have much to do with technology,” he said.
“That’s why it was cancelled – the authorities insisted that it was not relevant.”
A blogger who was due to attend the conference said getting people interested in blogging had the potential to make news and information sharing more accessible.
“We planned to lecture on making the blogging world more effective and interesting,” the blogger said.
“We did it with the intention of sharing ideas about the technical difficulties faced by the participants,” he said.
“Some people know nothing about blogging. It is not like other media – it is far-reaching and easily sharable.”
In 2007, a technical conference for bloggers held at the International Business Centre was attended by more than 300 people.
The Burmese military regime has made efforts to control blogging since last September’s Saffron Revolution, when bloggers played a key role in getting the latest reports and images out on the demonstrations and the government’s crackdown.
One well-known blogger, Nay Phone Latt, was arrested on 29 January and is still being detained.
Reporting by Htet Yarzar
Burmese Coalition urges world community to save Aung San Suu Kyi's live
By Solomon
New Delhi (Mizzima)- A coalition of Burmese civic organizations across the world has expressed concern over the news of hunger strike by detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and has call on international communities to immediately intervene to save her life.
National Campaign for Food and Freedom, a coalition formed with 28 Burmese organizations, on Thursday said the health of the 63 years old, Burmese democracy icon, could be grave danger, following the news of her refusal to accept food supply.
"Her health is in terrible danger if in fact she has been on a hunger strike for two weeks," the coalition said in their statement.
Dr. Raymond Tint Way, spokesman of Australia-based Concerned Burmese Physicians and Professionals (CBPP), a member group of the coalition said, they are calling on the international community to exert strong pressure on the Burmese regime on their actions against Aung San Suu Kyi.
"She as the leader of the country has been suffering under the injustice practices of the junta and the international communities should not watch silently," Tint Way said.
Last week, following the UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari's visit to the country, Burmese people as well as the international community was shocked by the news that detained Nobel Peace Laureate had refused to accept her regular weekly food supplies.
While her party spokesperson said he cannot confirm the information due to lack of communication, the exiled wing of her party – National League for Democracy/Liberated Area – said she last receive her food supply on August 15.
"We believe she is into hunger strike protest, so we are worried over her health if she should continue," he added.
But the information was merely rebuffed by the military government, saying it was purely rumors.
But on Monday, Nyan Win said, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed another rare meeting with her Lawyer Kyi Win, who then said her health condition was fine but she needed rest.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for the past 12 of 18 years, was allowed a meeting with her lawyer as well as her family physician in August.
"We want the regime to allow physicians, visitors and diplomats and members of her party, National League for Democracy to see her," Dr Raymond said.
The NCFF said in urging the international community to immediately intervene, it is all set to hold protest rallies in major cities around the world.
New Delhi (Mizzima)- A coalition of Burmese civic organizations across the world has expressed concern over the news of hunger strike by detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and has call on international communities to immediately intervene to save her life.
National Campaign for Food and Freedom, a coalition formed with 28 Burmese organizations, on Thursday said the health of the 63 years old, Burmese democracy icon, could be grave danger, following the news of her refusal to accept food supply.
"Her health is in terrible danger if in fact she has been on a hunger strike for two weeks," the coalition said in their statement.
Dr. Raymond Tint Way, spokesman of Australia-based Concerned Burmese Physicians and Professionals (CBPP), a member group of the coalition said, they are calling on the international community to exert strong pressure on the Burmese regime on their actions against Aung San Suu Kyi.
"She as the leader of the country has been suffering under the injustice practices of the junta and the international communities should not watch silently," Tint Way said.
Last week, following the UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari's visit to the country, Burmese people as well as the international community was shocked by the news that detained Nobel Peace Laureate had refused to accept her regular weekly food supplies.
While her party spokesperson said he cannot confirm the information due to lack of communication, the exiled wing of her party – National League for Democracy/Liberated Area – said she last receive her food supply on August 15.
"We believe she is into hunger strike protest, so we are worried over her health if she should continue," he added.
But the information was merely rebuffed by the military government, saying it was purely rumors.
But on Monday, Nyan Win said, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed another rare meeting with her Lawyer Kyi Win, who then said her health condition was fine but she needed rest.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for the past 12 of 18 years, was allowed a meeting with her lawyer as well as her family physician in August.
"We want the regime to allow physicians, visitors and diplomats and members of her party, National League for Democracy to see her," Dr Raymond said.
The NCFF said in urging the international community to immediately intervene, it is all set to hold protest rallies in major cities around the world.
Loudspeaker Diplomacy vs. the Rule of Law
By YENI
The Irrawaddy News
More than a week after Aung San Suu Kyi apparently refused to meet with UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari, rumors that she is continuing her silent protest—by rejecting her weekly supply of food—have raised questions about her motives, as well as concerns about her health.
Officials from her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy that Suu Kyi’s latest act of defiance may be linked to her continuing detention and the harassment of her housekeepers, who are subjected to stringent restrictions by the military authorities, despite the fact that they have not been charged with any offense.
Suu Kyi’s confinement to her lakeside home in Rangoon was extended in May, despite international pleas to the ruling generals to end her latest stretch of detention, which began in May 2003.
The NLD insists that her ongoing house arrest is illegal and has demanded that the junta accept an appeal against her detention. Suu Kyi met with her lawyer to discuss the case just before Gambari started his latest Burma visit.
When Suu Kyi failed to appear for a meeting with the UN envoy, it served to highlight the nature of the severe constraints placed upon her freedom, said lawyers for the NLD. Under normal circumstances, Suu Kyi is forbidden to leave her home or have any contact with foreign diplomats.
However, the junta conveniently ignores these rules when it suits its own purposes. NLD lawyers noted that when UN and military officials appeared outside her home with loudspeakers, they were trying to get her to do something that “would have forced her to violate the restrictions” imposed on her by the regime.
Suu Kyi was thus perfectly justified in declining to meet with Gambari, who is supposed to be working for her release—not providing the regime with a pretext for continuing her detention.
The UN Security Council has repeatedly stated that Suu Kyi’s release is a necessary first step towards political dialogue and reconciliation in Burma. But the world body is looking increasingly ineffectual in its efforts to get results in the country. It has failed not only to secure the release of more than 2,000 political prisoners, but also to ensure that a referendum held in May met even the most basic standards for a “free and fair” vote.
It seems that the UN, like the junta, badly needs to be reminded of its own rules.
Political activists in Burma have suffered prolonged and unlawful detentions, and the UN has done virtually nothing to change this sad state of affairs. According to family sources, the leaders of the 88 Generation Students group are calling for open trials and protections which guarantee their rights under the prison law.
However, Gambari, on his latest visit to Burma, failed to focus on the current lack of political freedom and rule of law. Instead of working to fulfill his mandate to negotiate between the military regime and the opposition, he followed a schedule set by the junta and offered to help prepare for regime-controlled elections in 2010.
Gambari still has no comment about what, if anything, his trip accomplished. It is time the UN, as well as China, India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to speak out sincerely and energetically about how to break Burma’s political deadlock.
This time, the UN and its “Group of Friends on Myanmar” must call on Burma’s supreme military leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, to come out of his bunker in Naypyidaw and begin a dialogue with Suu Kyi. This time, they might be justified in using a loudspeaker.
The Irrawaddy News
More than a week after Aung San Suu Kyi apparently refused to meet with UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari, rumors that she is continuing her silent protest—by rejecting her weekly supply of food—have raised questions about her motives, as well as concerns about her health.
Officials from her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy that Suu Kyi’s latest act of defiance may be linked to her continuing detention and the harassment of her housekeepers, who are subjected to stringent restrictions by the military authorities, despite the fact that they have not been charged with any offense.
Suu Kyi’s confinement to her lakeside home in Rangoon was extended in May, despite international pleas to the ruling generals to end her latest stretch of detention, which began in May 2003.
The NLD insists that her ongoing house arrest is illegal and has demanded that the junta accept an appeal against her detention. Suu Kyi met with her lawyer to discuss the case just before Gambari started his latest Burma visit.
When Suu Kyi failed to appear for a meeting with the UN envoy, it served to highlight the nature of the severe constraints placed upon her freedom, said lawyers for the NLD. Under normal circumstances, Suu Kyi is forbidden to leave her home or have any contact with foreign diplomats.
However, the junta conveniently ignores these rules when it suits its own purposes. NLD lawyers noted that when UN and military officials appeared outside her home with loudspeakers, they were trying to get her to do something that “would have forced her to violate the restrictions” imposed on her by the regime.
Suu Kyi was thus perfectly justified in declining to meet with Gambari, who is supposed to be working for her release—not providing the regime with a pretext for continuing her detention.
The UN Security Council has repeatedly stated that Suu Kyi’s release is a necessary first step towards political dialogue and reconciliation in Burma. But the world body is looking increasingly ineffectual in its efforts to get results in the country. It has failed not only to secure the release of more than 2,000 political prisoners, but also to ensure that a referendum held in May met even the most basic standards for a “free and fair” vote.
It seems that the UN, like the junta, badly needs to be reminded of its own rules.
Political activists in Burma have suffered prolonged and unlawful detentions, and the UN has done virtually nothing to change this sad state of affairs. According to family sources, the leaders of the 88 Generation Students group are calling for open trials and protections which guarantee their rights under the prison law.
However, Gambari, on his latest visit to Burma, failed to focus on the current lack of political freedom and rule of law. Instead of working to fulfill his mandate to negotiate between the military regime and the opposition, he followed a schedule set by the junta and offered to help prepare for regime-controlled elections in 2010.
Gambari still has no comment about what, if anything, his trip accomplished. It is time the UN, as well as China, India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to speak out sincerely and energetically about how to break Burma’s political deadlock.
This time, the UN and its “Group of Friends on Myanmar” must call on Burma’s supreme military leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, to come out of his bunker in Naypyidaw and begin a dialogue with Suu Kyi. This time, they might be justified in using a loudspeaker.
Nargis Orphan Numbers Don’t Add Up
By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy News
Despite an estimated 138,000 people dead or missing after Cyclone Nargis lashed the southern Burmese coast some four months ago, only 112 orphans are officially registered in state-run temporary orphanages.
However, the UN has estimated the number of children orphaned in the May 2-3 storm at about 2,000 and observers have told The Irrawaddy they fear that many orphans have been recruited into the Tatmadaw, Burma’s armed forces.
An official from Myaung Mya temporary camp confirmed that 112 orphans are officially registered at the shelters, although initial estimates in the wake of the cyclone put the number at more than 500.
“There are 100 orphans registered at Myaung Mya camp and 12 orphans at Maubin camp, all between the ages of four and nineteen,” she said, referring to the only shelters that have been founded for orphans of Cyclone Nargis.
However, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said in June that at least 2,000 children in the region had been orphaned, while international and local aid agencies put the figure at much higher.
Sources in Laputta Township in Irrawaddy Division said there were more than 1,000 orphans in that area alone after Nargis struck.
Rev Lu Aye from Thanlyin Township, south of Rangoon, said that his church had planned to adopt 20 orphans from Pyapon, Bogalay and Laputta townships in the wake of the disaster, but had been unable to.
“We have already built the orphanages,” the Methodist church leader told The Irrawaddy. “However, although we are actively looking for orphans, we can’t get any information about them.
“I have no idea where they are staying,” he added.
The Burmese military authorities will not allow orphans to be adopted by any random organization or individual, according to an official from the Social Welfare Department.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official told The Irrawaddy on Monday that if a child had no parents the government would be responsible for them.
“We will not allow individuals to legally adopt orphans,” she said. “However, if family members can produce the correct documents we will allow them to be reunited with their orphaned relatives.”
She said that the government is also helping to locate the orphans’ surviving family members and is currently providing education for orphans up to university and institute level in accordance with the child’s educational standard.
Residents in cyclone-ravaged Laputta Township said that the military authorities had promised to build two orphanages in Laputta and Pyapon to house 300 orphans each.
However, according to a former teacher in Laputta, no facilities have yet been built.
“I was impressed by the local communities’ response to the orphans, especially by monks who offered shelters to orphans and took care of them,” she added.
The Irrawaddy News
Despite an estimated 138,000 people dead or missing after Cyclone Nargis lashed the southern Burmese coast some four months ago, only 112 orphans are officially registered in state-run temporary orphanages.
However, the UN has estimated the number of children orphaned in the May 2-3 storm at about 2,000 and observers have told The Irrawaddy they fear that many orphans have been recruited into the Tatmadaw, Burma’s armed forces.
An official from Myaung Mya temporary camp confirmed that 112 orphans are officially registered at the shelters, although initial estimates in the wake of the cyclone put the number at more than 500.
“There are 100 orphans registered at Myaung Mya camp and 12 orphans at Maubin camp, all between the ages of four and nineteen,” she said, referring to the only shelters that have been founded for orphans of Cyclone Nargis.
However, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said in June that at least 2,000 children in the region had been orphaned, while international and local aid agencies put the figure at much higher.
Sources in Laputta Township in Irrawaddy Division said there were more than 1,000 orphans in that area alone after Nargis struck.
Rev Lu Aye from Thanlyin Township, south of Rangoon, said that his church had planned to adopt 20 orphans from Pyapon, Bogalay and Laputta townships in the wake of the disaster, but had been unable to.
“We have already built the orphanages,” the Methodist church leader told The Irrawaddy. “However, although we are actively looking for orphans, we can’t get any information about them.
“I have no idea where they are staying,” he added.
The Burmese military authorities will not allow orphans to be adopted by any random organization or individual, according to an official from the Social Welfare Department.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official told The Irrawaddy on Monday that if a child had no parents the government would be responsible for them.
“We will not allow individuals to legally adopt orphans,” she said. “However, if family members can produce the correct documents we will allow them to be reunited with their orphaned relatives.”
She said that the government is also helping to locate the orphans’ surviving family members and is currently providing education for orphans up to university and institute level in accordance with the child’s educational standard.
Residents in cyclone-ravaged Laputta Township said that the military authorities had promised to build two orphanages in Laputta and Pyapon to house 300 orphans each.
However, according to a former teacher in Laputta, no facilities have yet been built.
“I was impressed by the local communities’ response to the orphans, especially by monks who offered shelters to orphans and took care of them,” she added.
Security Beefed up in Burma's Major Cities
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese authorities have increased security in Rangoon and other cities that were at the center of last year’s Buddhist monk-led protests, according local residents.
Residents claimed that security has been stepped up due to fears of a repeat of last year’s protests against the military government, which erupted one year ago this month. Sources said that the increased security may be deployed until the end of the month.
Other major locations where security forces have been increased are Burma’s second-largest city, Mandalay; Sittwe Township in Arakan state; Pegu Division; and Pakokku Township in Magwe Division.
“Security forces are now deployed all over Rangoon,” said one resident of the former capital. “The authorities are using more forces than we have ever seen before.”
A senior monk at Bawdi Mandine Monastery in Pakokku Township said that security forces were often seen patrolling downtown and some plainclothes security guards were deployed in public areas and around local monasteries, including his monastery.
“They are worried about the possibility of protests this month because of the protests that happened in September last year. So they are preparing in advance,” said the monk. “We think that they will deploy the security guards until the end of September.”
Pakokku Township was the scene of the first crackdown on protesting Buddhist monks last year. Burmese troops tied monks to utility poles and beat them with the butts of their rifles, sparking outrage that spread to other cities.
Pyinya Zawta, an exiled leader of the underground All Burma Monks Alliance, said that security forces, including members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, have been deployed in local monasteries and public areas such as markets.
Speaking from the Thai border town of Mae Sot, he said that he had received reports that security has been especially tight around Mandalay’s New Masoeyein Monastery for the past three days.
As part of a brutal crackdown, the authorities raided more than 130 monasteries in Mandalay alone, forcibly defrocking and imprisoning monks. Tens of thousands of peaceful protesters were detained throughout the country, and according to the United Nations, 31 people were killed.
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese authorities have increased security in Rangoon and other cities that were at the center of last year’s Buddhist monk-led protests, according local residents.
Residents claimed that security has been stepped up due to fears of a repeat of last year’s protests against the military government, which erupted one year ago this month. Sources said that the increased security may be deployed until the end of the month.
Other major locations where security forces have been increased are Burma’s second-largest city, Mandalay; Sittwe Township in Arakan state; Pegu Division; and Pakokku Township in Magwe Division.
“Security forces are now deployed all over Rangoon,” said one resident of the former capital. “The authorities are using more forces than we have ever seen before.”
A senior monk at Bawdi Mandine Monastery in Pakokku Township said that security forces were often seen patrolling downtown and some plainclothes security guards were deployed in public areas and around local monasteries, including his monastery.
“They are worried about the possibility of protests this month because of the protests that happened in September last year. So they are preparing in advance,” said the monk. “We think that they will deploy the security guards until the end of September.”
Pakokku Township was the scene of the first crackdown on protesting Buddhist monks last year. Burmese troops tied monks to utility poles and beat them with the butts of their rifles, sparking outrage that spread to other cities.
Pyinya Zawta, an exiled leader of the underground All Burma Monks Alliance, said that security forces, including members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, have been deployed in local monasteries and public areas such as markets.
Speaking from the Thai border town of Mae Sot, he said that he had received reports that security has been especially tight around Mandalay’s New Masoeyein Monastery for the past three days.
As part of a brutal crackdown, the authorities raided more than 130 monasteries in Mandalay alone, forcibly defrocking and imprisoning monks. Tens of thousands of peaceful protesters were detained throughout the country, and according to the United Nations, 31 people were killed.
Burmese Troops on Alert over Border Dispute with Thailand
By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese military forces have reportedly stepped up security along a section of Burma’s border with Northern Thailand as the two countries discuss a disputed piece of territory there.
At a session of the Regional Border Committee (RBC) in Chiang Rai, Northern Thailand, the Burmese delegation demanded the return of Loilang, known in Thai as Doilang, a 32 square kilometre area of land once controlled by the Mong Tai Army but taken over by the Thai Army in 1987. The land is sandwiched between Monghsat in Burma and the Thai village of Mae Ai.
The Shan Herald Agency for News reported that the leader of the Burmese delegation, Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyoe, commander of Burmese forces in the Gold Triangle region, had accused Thailand of “violating the territorial integrity” of Burma during a speech delivered to local officials in Mongton township, Shan State.
Referring to Thailand’s dispute with Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple. Kyaw Phyoe said:
"Just as they (Thailand) have unilaterally taken possession of the Cambodian territory, they are doing the same at Loilang. The time will come when we'll have to deal with the issue properly.”
The English language daily The Bangkok Post reported that the issue has now been referred to the Thai and Burmese governments in the hope of resolving the dispute.
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese military forces have reportedly stepped up security along a section of Burma’s border with Northern Thailand as the two countries discuss a disputed piece of territory there.
At a session of the Regional Border Committee (RBC) in Chiang Rai, Northern Thailand, the Burmese delegation demanded the return of Loilang, known in Thai as Doilang, a 32 square kilometre area of land once controlled by the Mong Tai Army but taken over by the Thai Army in 1987. The land is sandwiched between Monghsat in Burma and the Thai village of Mae Ai.
The Shan Herald Agency for News reported that the leader of the Burmese delegation, Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyoe, commander of Burmese forces in the Gold Triangle region, had accused Thailand of “violating the territorial integrity” of Burma during a speech delivered to local officials in Mongton township, Shan State.
Referring to Thailand’s dispute with Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple. Kyaw Phyoe said:
"Just as they (Thailand) have unilaterally taken possession of the Cambodian territory, they are doing the same at Loilang. The time will come when we'll have to deal with the issue properly.”
The English language daily The Bangkok Post reported that the issue has now been referred to the Thai and Burmese governments in the hope of resolving the dispute.
Thursday, 28 August 2008
Burmese refugee stops in Utica after 3,000-mile walk
DAVE LONDRES / Observer-DispatchBurmese refugee Athein speaks with Compass director Shelly Callahan at the Mohawk Valley Resource Center for Refugees Wednesday, August 27, 2008.
GateHouse News Service
27 August 2008 - UTICA
Burmese refugee Athein visited Utica after a 3,000-mile walk from Portland, Ore., to the United Nations building in New York City.
Athein, who said he did not have a surname, and friend Zaw Min Htwe stopped here Wednesday because of the large Burmese population, he said. His next stop: Washington, D.C.
“We are going to walk toward peaceful freedom and to witness to Burma,” he said, referring to the widespread persecution and lack of freedom reported in that country, now known as Myanmar.
Peter Vogelaar, executive director of Mohawk Valley Resource Center for Refugees, said that the Burmese man’s walk was especially significant now because at this time last year, the Saffron Revolution began in Burma.
The Saffron Revolution is the name for massive protests by Burmese citizens, and comes from the saffron-colored robes worn by the thousands of monks involved in the protests.
For information, check out www.88portland.wordpress.com.
Gambari meets Indonesian President – ASEAN divided
Mizzima News, 27 August 2008 - United Nations Special Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, today concluded a meeting with the President of Indonesia concerning his ongoing efforts toward brokering a political solution to the fractured country.
Speaking in Jakarta, Indonesian presidential spokesperson Dino Patti Djalal told reporters that Gambari refused to divulge details of his visit last week to Burma, maintaining that he must first brief U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
According to Dino, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudyohono informed the Special Envoy of Indonesia's desire that he increase the frequency of his visits to Burma in the run-up to the 2010 general elections, as this would assist in enhancing Burma's credibility in the view of the international community.
Also, with Gambari having failed yet again to meet with the top leaders of the junta, Dino added that, "The President also promised to maintain correspondence with Myanmar's Senior General Shwe."
However, Gambari has recently received mixed messages from ASEAN members Indonesia and Thailand as to what Burma's political landscape – and specifically the 2010 general elections – should look like going forward.
Meeting yesterday with Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda, the Special Envoy was again apprised of Indonesia's belief that opposition and National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi must be involved in the 2010 general elections.
Yet, Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, in meeting with Gambari ahead of the latter's stop in Jakarta, was quite clear in his remarks to the Special Envoy that insistence on the inclusion of Aung San Suu Kyi only hinders the process, referring to the opposition leader as a "political tool" of the West.
Instead, Samak advised the Special Envoy on Monday that the international community "should talk about how to bring democracy to Burma and focus on the constitution and the elections,'' instead of focusing on the incorporation of the Nobel Laureate into the process.
It is expected that Gambari will discuss his latest trip to Burma with Ban during a stopover in Italy in the upcoming days.
As for ASEAN, with Burma continuing to loom as decisive as ever, the ten nation consortium is poised to hold its summit this December in Bangkok, as Thailand currently holds the chair.
Speaking in Jakarta, Indonesian presidential spokesperson Dino Patti Djalal told reporters that Gambari refused to divulge details of his visit last week to Burma, maintaining that he must first brief U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
According to Dino, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudyohono informed the Special Envoy of Indonesia's desire that he increase the frequency of his visits to Burma in the run-up to the 2010 general elections, as this would assist in enhancing Burma's credibility in the view of the international community.
Also, with Gambari having failed yet again to meet with the top leaders of the junta, Dino added that, "The President also promised to maintain correspondence with Myanmar's Senior General Shwe."
However, Gambari has recently received mixed messages from ASEAN members Indonesia and Thailand as to what Burma's political landscape – and specifically the 2010 general elections – should look like going forward.
Meeting yesterday with Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda, the Special Envoy was again apprised of Indonesia's belief that opposition and National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi must be involved in the 2010 general elections.
Yet, Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, in meeting with Gambari ahead of the latter's stop in Jakarta, was quite clear in his remarks to the Special Envoy that insistence on the inclusion of Aung San Suu Kyi only hinders the process, referring to the opposition leader as a "political tool" of the West.
Instead, Samak advised the Special Envoy on Monday that the international community "should talk about how to bring democracy to Burma and focus on the constitution and the elections,'' instead of focusing on the incorporation of the Nobel Laureate into the process.
It is expected that Gambari will discuss his latest trip to Burma with Ban during a stopover in Italy in the upcoming days.
As for ASEAN, with Burma continuing to loom as decisive as ever, the ten nation consortium is poised to hold its summit this December in Bangkok, as Thailand currently holds the chair.
Ad industry in a spot over Mayor's order
Mizzima News
New Delhi — Chaos laced with loss of revenue prevails following a new order by Rangoon's Mayor where outdoor advertising companies are being forced to remove all advertising hoardings that have 'provocative' pictures.
Rangoon's City Mayor Brig. Gen Aung Thein Linn at a meeting on Tuesday told advertising companies to remove all 'provocative' outdoor advertising, including billboards, causing panic among advertising firms.
A proprietor of Burma's leading advertising company told Mizzima that the Mayor gave a deadline of a week to replace all outdoor advertisements that have indecent pictures as it is against Burmese tradition and culture.
According to the proprietor, who requested anonymity for fear of reprisal, the Mayor's order has to do with removing all pictures that reveals much of women's bodies, women dressed in night gowns, and sensual postures of couples.
"The Mayor showed us pictures of some of the billboards with a projector and told us to replace them," the proprietor said.
The Mayor's presentation included pictures of model Moe Hay Ko in black leather shorts revealing her cleavage that is used in Rangoon's famous lottery shop, Moe Yan Shwe Lamin, the proprietor said.
It also included Nivea's body lotion advertisement in which a woman in a mini-skirt reveals much of her back as well as other parts of her torso, he added.
The Mayor was silent on compensating the companies for the removal and replacement of pictures and designs on outdoor hoardings.
Burma's amateur advertising industry, according to proprietors and marketing executives, has been struggling to survive amidst the agonizing procedures of getting permission from the Yangon City Development Committee, a civic body that oversees development of the city.
Advertising companies, before they can set up outdoor advertising such as billboards or light boxes, have to seek permission from the YCDC, which then checks and scrutinizes the contents of the advertisement before granting permission.
A marketing executive in Rangoon said, in order to obtain permission smoothly the palms of officials at the YCDC have to be greased heavily. And most businesses maintain a relationship, where they regularly pay the officials, to operate smoothly.
But the latest hurdle, according to another advertising business proprietor, impacts not only the advertising firms but the client companies that are advertising as it will require re-designing of the advertisements.
"As for us, we will not charge clients anything but incur all the expenses ourselves because they will be incurring expenses while redesigning the advertisements," said the proprietor.
He added that the new order entails taking pictures of outdoor advertisements and submitting it to the YCDC for fresh scrutiny.
"We will have to change whatever the YCDC finds unacceptable," he added.
A marketing executive of another advertising company said her company will bear all the expenses relating to the removal and change of the billboards, while the advertisers will incur expenses relating to changing the design or re-designing the advertisement.
"This means a loss for both, but we have to give priority to the clients because relationship with them is important," she added.
New Delhi — Chaos laced with loss of revenue prevails following a new order by Rangoon's Mayor where outdoor advertising companies are being forced to remove all advertising hoardings that have 'provocative' pictures.
Rangoon's City Mayor Brig. Gen Aung Thein Linn at a meeting on Tuesday told advertising companies to remove all 'provocative' outdoor advertising, including billboards, causing panic among advertising firms.
A proprietor of Burma's leading advertising company told Mizzima that the Mayor gave a deadline of a week to replace all outdoor advertisements that have indecent pictures as it is against Burmese tradition and culture.
According to the proprietor, who requested anonymity for fear of reprisal, the Mayor's order has to do with removing all pictures that reveals much of women's bodies, women dressed in night gowns, and sensual postures of couples.
"The Mayor showed us pictures of some of the billboards with a projector and told us to replace them," the proprietor said.
The Mayor's presentation included pictures of model Moe Hay Ko in black leather shorts revealing her cleavage that is used in Rangoon's famous lottery shop, Moe Yan Shwe Lamin, the proprietor said.
It also included Nivea's body lotion advertisement in which a woman in a mini-skirt reveals much of her back as well as other parts of her torso, he added.
The Mayor was silent on compensating the companies for the removal and replacement of pictures and designs on outdoor hoardings.
Burma's amateur advertising industry, according to proprietors and marketing executives, has been struggling to survive amidst the agonizing procedures of getting permission from the Yangon City Development Committee, a civic body that oversees development of the city.
Advertising companies, before they can set up outdoor advertising such as billboards or light boxes, have to seek permission from the YCDC, which then checks and scrutinizes the contents of the advertisement before granting permission.
A marketing executive in Rangoon said, in order to obtain permission smoothly the palms of officials at the YCDC have to be greased heavily. And most businesses maintain a relationship, where they regularly pay the officials, to operate smoothly.
But the latest hurdle, according to another advertising business proprietor, impacts not only the advertising firms but the client companies that are advertising as it will require re-designing of the advertisements.
"As for us, we will not charge clients anything but incur all the expenses ourselves because they will be incurring expenses while redesigning the advertisements," said the proprietor.
He added that the new order entails taking pictures of outdoor advertisements and submitting it to the YCDC for fresh scrutiny.
"We will have to change whatever the YCDC finds unacceptable," he added.
A marketing executive of another advertising company said her company will bear all the expenses relating to the removal and change of the billboards, while the advertisers will incur expenses relating to changing the design or re-designing the advertisement.
"This means a loss for both, but we have to give priority to the clients because relationship with them is important," she added.
Cambodian MP urges UN, ASEAN to fulfill Burma promise
Mungpi
27 August 2008, New Delhi (Mizzima)- A Cambodian Parliamentarian on Wednesday called on the Secretary Generals of the United Nations and Association of Southeast Asian Nations to fulfill their promise on Burma by initiating a new approach to finding a political solution for the country.
Son Chhay, Chairperson of Committee on Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Media of the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia, in separate letters on Wednesday reminded both the Secretary Generals of UN and ASEAN the need for them to abide by their promises on Burma.
"They have both promised to look into the sufferings of the Burmese people and find a solution to the crisis. But till date there is no solid evidence that the promise has been kept or put into practice," Son Chhay told Mizzima over telephone.
Son Chhay, who is also the Chairperson of ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) Cambodia Chapter, said it is a matter of deep concern for the international community to hear reports about detained Burmese democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi living without food.
"I believe that she [Aung San Suu Kyi] is on hunger strike… I think it is the right time to remind them [UN and ASEAN General Secretaries], that they must abide to their promise," Son Chhay.
Reports said Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under detention for the last 12 of 18 years, has refused to accept food supplies since mid-August, though the reason for her refusal is still not known.
A Burmese political party in exile told Mizzima earlier that Aung San Suu Kyi might be on hunger strike demanding direct talks with the ruling generals with regard to the ensuing 2010 general elections.
But spokesperson of her party – the National League for Democracy – Nyan Win said they could not confirm the information as they lack communication with their detained leader.
Son Chhay said Ban Ki-moon should realize that the current process of interaction with the Burmese military junta is not leading to a solution but is strengthening their rule.
Though Gambari had visited military-ruled country several times, there has been no productive outcome, Son Chhay said, adding that he agrees with Aung San Suu Kyi's decision not to meet the UN envoy during his last visit.
"We want a more serious action. Perhaps, the UN Secretary General should appoint somebody else," he added.
He said, Gambari had not been very effective or capable of producing any positive solution to the problems of Burma.
"I think it is about time that we find someone who is more capable," Son Chhay added.
And similarly, Son Chhay urged the ASEAN Secretary General, Surin Pitsuwan, to pay a personal visit to Burma and find a realistic solution to the political crisis in the country.
Meanwhile, the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), in a press statement released on Wednesday expressed its concern over reports of Aung San Suu Kyi refusing food.
The AIPMC called on the UN and ASEAN to intervene and to ensure that Aung San Suu Kyi is given necessary attention.
The group urged the ASEAN Secretary-General to personally visit Aung San Suu Kyi and conduct a comprehensive assessment on her health.
"The Secretary General should also look into the reasons as to why she is refusing her food supply," the statement said.
The group also said Aung San Suu Kyi's refusal to meet visiting UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week is "an indication that his mandate is failing."
27 August 2008, New Delhi (Mizzima)- A Cambodian Parliamentarian on Wednesday called on the Secretary Generals of the United Nations and Association of Southeast Asian Nations to fulfill their promise on Burma by initiating a new approach to finding a political solution for the country.
Son Chhay, Chairperson of Committee on Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Media of the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia, in separate letters on Wednesday reminded both the Secretary Generals of UN and ASEAN the need for them to abide by their promises on Burma.
"They have both promised to look into the sufferings of the Burmese people and find a solution to the crisis. But till date there is no solid evidence that the promise has been kept or put into practice," Son Chhay told Mizzima over telephone.
Son Chhay, who is also the Chairperson of ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) Cambodia Chapter, said it is a matter of deep concern for the international community to hear reports about detained Burmese democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi living without food.
"I believe that she [Aung San Suu Kyi] is on hunger strike… I think it is the right time to remind them [UN and ASEAN General Secretaries], that they must abide to their promise," Son Chhay.
Reports said Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under detention for the last 12 of 18 years, has refused to accept food supplies since mid-August, though the reason for her refusal is still not known.
A Burmese political party in exile told Mizzima earlier that Aung San Suu Kyi might be on hunger strike demanding direct talks with the ruling generals with regard to the ensuing 2010 general elections.
But spokesperson of her party – the National League for Democracy – Nyan Win said they could not confirm the information as they lack communication with their detained leader.
Son Chhay said Ban Ki-moon should realize that the current process of interaction with the Burmese military junta is not leading to a solution but is strengthening their rule.
Though Gambari had visited military-ruled country several times, there has been no productive outcome, Son Chhay said, adding that he agrees with Aung San Suu Kyi's decision not to meet the UN envoy during his last visit.
"We want a more serious action. Perhaps, the UN Secretary General should appoint somebody else," he added.
He said, Gambari had not been very effective or capable of producing any positive solution to the problems of Burma.
"I think it is about time that we find someone who is more capable," Son Chhay added.
And similarly, Son Chhay urged the ASEAN Secretary General, Surin Pitsuwan, to pay a personal visit to Burma and find a realistic solution to the political crisis in the country.
Meanwhile, the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), in a press statement released on Wednesday expressed its concern over reports of Aung San Suu Kyi refusing food.
The AIPMC called on the UN and ASEAN to intervene and to ensure that Aung San Suu Kyi is given necessary attention.
The group urged the ASEAN Secretary-General to personally visit Aung San Suu Kyi and conduct a comprehensive assessment on her health.
"The Secretary General should also look into the reasons as to why she is refusing her food supply," the statement said.
The group also said Aung San Suu Kyi's refusal to meet visiting UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week is "an indication that his mandate is failing."
Dialogue Suu Kyi’s Real Motive
By KYAW ZWA MOE
The Irrawaddy News
The burning question is: What was the real meaning and motive behind Aung San Suu Kyi’s refusal to meet UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week?
Does it represent the first step in a new political strategy to blunt the relentless march to the 2010 elections?
The Nobel Peace Laureate may feel that time is running out for the country’s opposition, and the momentum is now in favor of the ruling military regime in its effort to establish a civilian government based on “disciplined democracy.”
There’s no doubt she sent a strong message to the world, and many observers call it a “smart, but risky move.”
Yes, it’s smart and risky, but she had no other choice. It was time for a bold move, and she made it.
Actually the motive is clear—to initiate an effective, long-sought direct dialogue between her and the top military leaders. She clearly believes a dialogue—with compromise on both sides—is the most effective chance to establish real democracy in Burma, which she has called for since she entered politics in 1988.
Last November, Suu Kyi sent a message through Gambari in which she again called for direct dialogue with top military leaders, rather than with Aung Kyi, the liaison minister appointed by the junta last year in a move to ease mounting international pressure following the monk-led uprising in 2007 September.
Also, Suu Kyi, in the past months, has sent a specific message to the UN, one critical of its lack of backbone in demanding a time-bound dialogue process and sticking to substantive issues, rather than allowing itself to be manipulated by the junta’s efforts to legitimize itself.
Nyan Win, the spokesperson for her opposition group, the National League for democracy, quoting her when she met with seven NLD executive members in January 2007, said, “She must be really disappointed with the UN’s current process because of the lack of a time frame,”
Nyan Win recently told The Irrawaddy, “It would be one of causes of her refusal to meet with the UN envoy.”
“We can’t continue to work with Mr Gambari under this condition without a time frame,” said Nyan Win. During Gambari’s latest trip, said Nyan Win, he discussed the upcoming elections in meetings with the NLD executive members, and he met with junta-backed political and civil groups. “That was not on the list of what he is supposed to do,” said Nyan Win. “It’s outside his mission.”
Earlier, Gambari had said the UN has offered to assist in the upcoming elections in an effort to ensure fairness and establish international credibility. “We suggested that he not talk about the upcoming 2010 elections,” said Nyan Win. “But he said nothing about our suggestion.”
Gambari’s publically stated mission includes securing the release of all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi, and restarting direct talks between Suu Kyi and top junta leaders.
Nyan Win bluntly said Gambari’s latest trip was a waste of time. Marie Okabe, a deputy spokeswoman for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, countered such criticism, calling the envoy’s visits a “process, not an event.”
Suu Kyi must believe that she has very little time left to craft a constructive agreement with the junta that could bring true democracy to Burma. She knows the junta is good at using “a process” to stall. The countdown to the 2010 elections draws nearer with each day.
Indeed, Suu Kyi has probably made a risky move, but it may be the only chance left to alter the junta’s march to a “disciplined democracy,” a euphemism for military rule.
The Irrawaddy News
The burning question is: What was the real meaning and motive behind Aung San Suu Kyi’s refusal to meet UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week?
Does it represent the first step in a new political strategy to blunt the relentless march to the 2010 elections?
The Nobel Peace Laureate may feel that time is running out for the country’s opposition, and the momentum is now in favor of the ruling military regime in its effort to establish a civilian government based on “disciplined democracy.”
There’s no doubt she sent a strong message to the world, and many observers call it a “smart, but risky move.”
Yes, it’s smart and risky, but she had no other choice. It was time for a bold move, and she made it.
Actually the motive is clear—to initiate an effective, long-sought direct dialogue between her and the top military leaders. She clearly believes a dialogue—with compromise on both sides—is the most effective chance to establish real democracy in Burma, which she has called for since she entered politics in 1988.
Last November, Suu Kyi sent a message through Gambari in which she again called for direct dialogue with top military leaders, rather than with Aung Kyi, the liaison minister appointed by the junta last year in a move to ease mounting international pressure following the monk-led uprising in 2007 September.
Also, Suu Kyi, in the past months, has sent a specific message to the UN, one critical of its lack of backbone in demanding a time-bound dialogue process and sticking to substantive issues, rather than allowing itself to be manipulated by the junta’s efforts to legitimize itself.
Nyan Win, the spokesperson for her opposition group, the National League for democracy, quoting her when she met with seven NLD executive members in January 2007, said, “She must be really disappointed with the UN’s current process because of the lack of a time frame,”
Nyan Win recently told The Irrawaddy, “It would be one of causes of her refusal to meet with the UN envoy.”
“We can’t continue to work with Mr Gambari under this condition without a time frame,” said Nyan Win. During Gambari’s latest trip, said Nyan Win, he discussed the upcoming elections in meetings with the NLD executive members, and he met with junta-backed political and civil groups. “That was not on the list of what he is supposed to do,” said Nyan Win. “It’s outside his mission.”
Earlier, Gambari had said the UN has offered to assist in the upcoming elections in an effort to ensure fairness and establish international credibility. “We suggested that he not talk about the upcoming 2010 elections,” said Nyan Win. “But he said nothing about our suggestion.”
Gambari’s publically stated mission includes securing the release of all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi, and restarting direct talks between Suu Kyi and top junta leaders.
Nyan Win bluntly said Gambari’s latest trip was a waste of time. Marie Okabe, a deputy spokeswoman for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, countered such criticism, calling the envoy’s visits a “process, not an event.”
Suu Kyi must believe that she has very little time left to craft a constructive agreement with the junta that could bring true democracy to Burma. She knows the junta is good at using “a process” to stall. The countdown to the 2010 elections draws nearer with each day.
Indeed, Suu Kyi has probably made a risky move, but it may be the only chance left to alter the junta’s march to a “disciplined democracy,” a euphemism for military rule.
Arrested Monks Held in Rangoon Detention Center
By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy News
Two young monks arrested at their Rangoon monastery on Saturday are being held at Insein interrogation center, according to colleagues.
A senior monk told The Irrawaddy that Burmese police and local authorities arrested the two monks, Damathara and Nandara, at Thardu monastery in Rangoon’s Kyimyindaing Township. He said it wasn’t known why they were arrested.
Meanwhile, the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)—the AAPP—reported on Tuesday that at least seven detained monks, including U Gambira, leader of the All Burma Monks Association (ABMA), are in poor health. Three had been tortured and stripped of their monks’ robes, the AAPP said.
The AAPP said on Wednesday that 196 monks were among Burma’s more than 2,000 political prisoners.
One prominent prisoner, Ashin Gambira, leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), had been disrobed by the authorities and appeared in court on August 20 charged with offences he allegedly committed in the aftermath of the September 2007 uprising, the AAPP said.
Gambira’s lawyer, Aung Thein, told The Irrawaddy that the charges are connected with immigration laws, contacting banned organizations, illegal contacts with foreign organizations through the Internet and other offenses.
Pyinnya Jota, a leading ABMA member who fled to Thailand in February, said: “The military government never respects monks, the sons of Buddha, if they affect the government’s interests.”
Several thousand monks led last September’s massive pro-democracy demonstrations, which were brutally suppressed by the military.
The Irrawaddy News
Two young monks arrested at their Rangoon monastery on Saturday are being held at Insein interrogation center, according to colleagues.
A senior monk told The Irrawaddy that Burmese police and local authorities arrested the two monks, Damathara and Nandara, at Thardu monastery in Rangoon’s Kyimyindaing Township. He said it wasn’t known why they were arrested.
Meanwhile, the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)—the AAPP—reported on Tuesday that at least seven detained monks, including U Gambira, leader of the All Burma Monks Association (ABMA), are in poor health. Three had been tortured and stripped of their monks’ robes, the AAPP said.
The AAPP said on Wednesday that 196 monks were among Burma’s more than 2,000 political prisoners.
One prominent prisoner, Ashin Gambira, leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), had been disrobed by the authorities and appeared in court on August 20 charged with offences he allegedly committed in the aftermath of the September 2007 uprising, the AAPP said.
Gambira’s lawyer, Aung Thein, told The Irrawaddy that the charges are connected with immigration laws, contacting banned organizations, illegal contacts with foreign organizations through the Internet and other offenses.
Pyinnya Jota, a leading ABMA member who fled to Thailand in February, said: “The military government never respects monks, the sons of Buddha, if they affect the government’s interests.”
Several thousand monks led last September’s massive pro-democracy demonstrations, which were brutally suppressed by the military.
More Deaths Reported from Famine in Chin State
By LAWI WENG
The Irrawaddy News
Famine deaths are still being reported from a region of Burma’s northwestern Chin State, where inhabitants of 45 villages are being forced to forage for food in the jungle because their rice stocks have been lost to a plague of rats.
The villages are in the State’s Tlangtlang Township, the worst-hit area.
More than 40 children have already died in the famine, according to Chin humanitarian groups in exile.
Many of the children died from food poisoning as a result of eating plants foraged in the jungle.
"The people are hungry, so they are eating whatever they can find in the forest," said a Christian missionary in Vawng Tu village.
Exiled Chin groups say the famine is affecting about 20 percent of the state’s population, or at least 100,000 people. Many are leaving for Chin State towns or even neighboring Bangladesh in search of food and assistance.
Several UN agencies and international non-government organizations are working on a relief program for the region. They hope to launch the six-month program in early September.
The Irrawaddy News
Famine deaths are still being reported from a region of Burma’s northwestern Chin State, where inhabitants of 45 villages are being forced to forage for food in the jungle because their rice stocks have been lost to a plague of rats.
The villages are in the State’s Tlangtlang Township, the worst-hit area.
More than 40 children have already died in the famine, according to Chin humanitarian groups in exile.
Many of the children died from food poisoning as a result of eating plants foraged in the jungle.
"The people are hungry, so they are eating whatever they can find in the forest," said a Christian missionary in Vawng Tu village.
Exiled Chin groups say the famine is affecting about 20 percent of the state’s population, or at least 100,000 people. Many are leaving for Chin State towns or even neighboring Bangladesh in search of food and assistance.
Several UN agencies and international non-government organizations are working on a relief program for the region. They hope to launch the six-month program in early September.
Global, Asean Intervention Needed on Suu Kyi Case: AIPMC
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
Influential international and regional leaders should act immediately to help detained Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi get her message out to the world, according to a leading rights group.
Speaking with The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, Roshan Jason, executive director and spokesperson for Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), said, “We don’t know what Suu Kyi’s intentions are. She could be refusing food for many reasons. It may be a protest. But, if there is a problem, we cannot find out.
“Suu Kyi is not a criminal. We must at least allow her to have a voice. She cannot be cut off from the world.
“We are calling for international intervention from Asean’s secretary-general and the UN secretary-general to get involved,” he added. “The very least they should do is check her status—is she really on hunger strike?”
In a statement released on Wednesday, AIPMC urged UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, as well as Surin Pitsuwan, the general-secretary of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to pay visits to Burma and meet with Suu Kyi as soon as possible.
The statement said that Suu Kyi’s refusal to receive UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari during his visit to Burma last week was a sign that his mandate is failing.
A comprehensive assessment of Suu Kyi’s health must be carried out as soon as possible, the statement concluded, adding that the secretary-general of Asean should also look into the reasons as to why she may be refusing her food supplies.
Suu Kyi, who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years under house arrest, has reportedly refused to accept food supplies since August 15. Some observers have suggested she is on hunger strike.
The AIPMC also reminded the UN and Asean that the continued well-being of Suu Kyi is vital to achieving a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Burma.
Meanwhile, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who met with Ibrahim Gambari on Wednesday, said that the UN envoy’s mission to Burma had not failed yet, and that the “Group of Friends on Myanmar” still supported his role.
The Irrawaddy News
Influential international and regional leaders should act immediately to help detained Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi get her message out to the world, according to a leading rights group.
Speaking with The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, Roshan Jason, executive director and spokesperson for Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), said, “We don’t know what Suu Kyi’s intentions are. She could be refusing food for many reasons. It may be a protest. But, if there is a problem, we cannot find out.
“Suu Kyi is not a criminal. We must at least allow her to have a voice. She cannot be cut off from the world.
“We are calling for international intervention from Asean’s secretary-general and the UN secretary-general to get involved,” he added. “The very least they should do is check her status—is she really on hunger strike?”
In a statement released on Wednesday, AIPMC urged UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, as well as Surin Pitsuwan, the general-secretary of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to pay visits to Burma and meet with Suu Kyi as soon as possible.
The statement said that Suu Kyi’s refusal to receive UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari during his visit to Burma last week was a sign that his mandate is failing.
A comprehensive assessment of Suu Kyi’s health must be carried out as soon as possible, the statement concluded, adding that the secretary-general of Asean should also look into the reasons as to why she may be refusing her food supplies.
Suu Kyi, who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years under house arrest, has reportedly refused to accept food supplies since August 15. Some observers have suggested she is on hunger strike.
The AIPMC also reminded the UN and Asean that the continued well-being of Suu Kyi is vital to achieving a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Burma.
Meanwhile, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who met with Ibrahim Gambari on Wednesday, said that the UN envoy’s mission to Burma had not failed yet, and that the “Group of Friends on Myanmar” still supported his role.
Wednesday, 27 August 2008
Self-criticism and Burma’s democracy movement
Aug 26, 2008 (DVB)–While there have been no tangible political improvements 20 years after the 8888 uprising, the thinking and ideas of the people have changed and there has been open and outspoken criticism of the government.
This change in mentality could be said to be the most significant sign of progress in the past 20 years.
But political analysts and journalists have said this level of analysis and criticism should not only be directed against the military government but should also focus on pro-democracy groups.
At the same time, some political activists are concerned that such open self-criticism within the democracy movement is tantamount to “airing one’s dirty linen in public” and is ripe for exploitation by the military government.
DVB’s Htet Aung Kyaw asked Irrawaddy editor Aung Zaw, political analyst Aung Naing Oo and elected National League for Democracy MP Khun Myint Tun how far they thought this culture of criticism should apply to the democracy movement.
Aung Zaw: “There are two parts to this discussion. In my view, the people inside Burma – despite the oppression – are daring more and more to express their opinions and are becoming more willing to say these kinds of things to the outside media such as the DVB or BBC radio stations. It shows how brave they are despite the massive oppression. I think this is positive.
“At the same time, there is more communication between those inside and outside. Before, when you made phone calls from abroad, as we are living outside the country, they didn’t know whether we were with the governments or the opposition or rebel groups. People didn’t dare to meet us or speak to us. But the line between inside and outside is becoming more blurred and that is a good thing.
“When we talk about criticism among the opposition and pro-democracy people, it is mostly personal attacks. When it comes to the culture of criticism towards each other, we are still weak in using facts and figures and lacking the skills to make the other side hear us out calmly.
“But at the same time, if you look at bloggers, the internet, websites and Irrawaddy publications, we have been looking at the weaknesses of the opposition almost constantly. But it is still weak. At the same time, we also see that this side thinks that they should be considerate to the other side. This is because people who are now working in these organisations were at one time involved in opposition groups themselves – they are ex-activists, ex-student leaders, ex-students of 88 generation. They have reined in their criticism and feel they should be more considerate.”
Aung Naing Oo: “My view is that if there is no criticism, there can not be much improvement. When it comes to criticism itself, it is not criticising with closed eyes. One should accept it when it is done appropriately and for the right reasons. In a word, it becomes necessary to have what is termed “critical thinking” in which we have to think properly, deeply, reciprocally. Therefore, at the 20-year point, if we say the movement has not been successful for one year, two years, three years, 20 years, it is necessary to think why it has not been successful. As far as this goes, we are in a position where have to employ other people to “air our dirty linen” instead of doing it ourselves. So we need to think about whether we cannot accept criticisms or can’t be bothered to listen because we don’t share our views.
“When it comes to the nature of conflict, if you see it in black and white, there can be no solution. But within this conflict, there are also shades of grey. Therefore, instead of just concentrating on the black and white, if one could look at other nuances, people, subjects, interests contained in the conflict more properly and inclusively, we will be able to understand and see the criticism within a wider context.”
But many political activists believe this kind of public self-criticism could serve as ammunition for opponents of pro-democracy groups.
Khun Myint Tun: “The main basis of democracy is transparency. The NLD has policies. The first policy of the NLD is openness, honesty and mutual respect. In order to be open, we must be able to criticise ourselves and our organisation. But this criticism has to be constructive. Especially among ourselves, we need to be disciplined and take care not to damage our unity.
“We have to accept it if it is done in a spirit of improvement and development, and we have to listen to it whether we like it or not when it is done in this way. This is because everyone has individual strengths and weaknesses. In order to build on our strengths and address our weaknesses, we need criticism from within our community. We should not just ignore these criticisms from our peers and do whatever we want. Criticism is necessary for individuals and for the country. But, it must not be excessive. For example, some people in the past have used the media to carry out political attacks on one another. This is not good. One thing that is necessary is to criticise logically from the top, within the framework of the revolution.”
How could one criticise within the limits of the revolution? By criticising the military government harshly and the opposition gently?
Aung Zaw: “In my view, compared to the past, [the opposition] has become thick-skinned. This habit has been developed inside and outside [Burma]. Those who are under the military government are pushing the issue imperceptibly. On the outside, those who were involved in the opposition groups and their sympathisers in the media are doing the same for the opposition groups.
“When we were writing in around 1996-97, they [pro-democracy groups] were rather touchy about it. We heard, ‘We will sue you’ and so on. Some armed groups even threatened our lives. But in this day and age, some are becoming quite thick-skinned. We are seeing more self-criticism. Within 20 years, we see that there are more people who are criticising themselves. Why did we lose? Where did we go wrong? What is happening to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? What is wrong with her strategy? What should the strategy of the NLD be? We are seeing these questions more than before.
“I think it is healthy, but as I said before: are we criticising the people, are we talking about the policies, are we talking with facts and figures, are we doing it in an acceptable way, are we talking like adults as much as we can? If we could increase that culture, if we could do that among ourselves, be more precise and behave like adults, there could be more maturity.”
Aung Zaw was himself threatened with a lawsuit ten years ago for saying in an editorial that an exile government was impracticable.
Aung Naing Oo: “There is severe criticism of the military government. If mistakes are made by opposition groups and activists and no one is allowed to point this out – this is not the right thing. If we talk about the faults of the military government while ignoring the faults of the opposition, it doesn’t bode well for our country’s future prospects. In 2004, I wrote an article saying that the actions of the military government and some opposition groups are quite similar and that it is quite worrying. For this, some opposition groups criticised me. ‘Why did you write this? This should not be written,’ I was told. Then, I asked them, ‘Was what I said wrong?’ – ‘What you said was not wrong,’ was the reply. ‘If it is not wrong, I will stand by my point,’ I said. Then, I faced a situation in which our relationship deteriorated. Therefore, if something is wrong, we need to point out the mistake for what it is.”
Khun Myint Tun: “It is useless to attack ourselves with chicken feathers and others with rakes. Even when we criticize the SPDC, we need to criticise it honestly on the basis of the revolution. It is the same when we do it to each other, but we have to avoid actions that could destroy our unity.
“In our view, during our revolution, if everyone in the revolution is an analyst and there are no revolutionaries and political activists, it will be useless. As we have people who really oppose, leaders and people who take responsibilities, we also really need people to watch and criticise these people. Just as in football we need not only coaches for footballers to instruct them, we also need the spectators.
“Whatever it is, we accept and welcome criticism. But, in the Burmese language, some people see the word ‘wayban’ [criticise] in a bad light. We welcome and accept it if it is done in the spirit of improvement. But in human nature, our subconscious doesn’t like criticism. I am the same way. In my subconscious, when someone criticises me, I feel that that person sees me in a negative way and so your conscience needs to accept the fact that you need to accept criticism.”
What is the outlook for the future?
Khun Myint Tun: “When it comes to the limits of freedom, many things have been said. Each person has a different idea of what the limits of freedom should be. But as we love freedom, we welcome free criticism. We must also practise accepting it. The more we can tolerate criticism, the more chance for the emergence of democracy, that’s our view. But the people [of Burma] regard broadcasters such as DVB as the voice of the revolutionary. As it is, it is necessary to allow the free expression of views within the boundaries of the revolution.”
Aung Naing Oo: “We are currently seeing people are criticising not only the military government but also the opposition groups. We also hear people criticising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We are hearing endless criticism of the military government. Inside the country, there are some people whispering their opinions and others speaking out loudly. Some people are bravely expressing their dislike of the military government to the international newspapers.
“When we look back over the past 20 years, there has been considerable openness and I think that’s a very good thing. Instead of keeping it inside our hearts, if we can express it properly and openly, become more daring in our criticism and think carefully about the subject of criticism, and if necessary, make changes, then that will be a good basis for the future.”
Aung Zaw: “That is the weakness of 8888, I think. [The] ‘I know how to do it and I am right about everything’ [attitude]. I haven’t seen much in the past twenty years. I observe people examining where it went wrong, what could have been done with the right opportunities, how things could have been handled better and so on. I think this is good. It takes a certain time to reach the destination; 20 years is actually a fairly short time.
“We have to work harder to ingrain that culture in us, because, if you look at neighbouring countries, we can see that their sense of democracy is more mature than ours. Even then, people are still threatened with lawsuits, murder and so on for making criticisms. In these circumstances, how are we going to criticise each other? Are we going throw flowers at each other? Or as I said before, are we going to attack each other personally? Do we have the facts, the grounds? We need to think about that. We need to assess whether we are saying it out of love or out of personal hatred. If we can do that, we can reach our desired destination in the future.”
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
This change in mentality could be said to be the most significant sign of progress in the past 20 years.
But political analysts and journalists have said this level of analysis and criticism should not only be directed against the military government but should also focus on pro-democracy groups.
At the same time, some political activists are concerned that such open self-criticism within the democracy movement is tantamount to “airing one’s dirty linen in public” and is ripe for exploitation by the military government.
DVB’s Htet Aung Kyaw asked Irrawaddy editor Aung Zaw, political analyst Aung Naing Oo and elected National League for Democracy MP Khun Myint Tun how far they thought this culture of criticism should apply to the democracy movement.
Aung Zaw: “There are two parts to this discussion. In my view, the people inside Burma – despite the oppression – are daring more and more to express their opinions and are becoming more willing to say these kinds of things to the outside media such as the DVB or BBC radio stations. It shows how brave they are despite the massive oppression. I think this is positive.
“At the same time, there is more communication between those inside and outside. Before, when you made phone calls from abroad, as we are living outside the country, they didn’t know whether we were with the governments or the opposition or rebel groups. People didn’t dare to meet us or speak to us. But the line between inside and outside is becoming more blurred and that is a good thing.
“When we talk about criticism among the opposition and pro-democracy people, it is mostly personal attacks. When it comes to the culture of criticism towards each other, we are still weak in using facts and figures and lacking the skills to make the other side hear us out calmly.
“But at the same time, if you look at bloggers, the internet, websites and Irrawaddy publications, we have been looking at the weaknesses of the opposition almost constantly. But it is still weak. At the same time, we also see that this side thinks that they should be considerate to the other side. This is because people who are now working in these organisations were at one time involved in opposition groups themselves – they are ex-activists, ex-student leaders, ex-students of 88 generation. They have reined in their criticism and feel they should be more considerate.”
Aung Naing Oo: “My view is that if there is no criticism, there can not be much improvement. When it comes to criticism itself, it is not criticising with closed eyes. One should accept it when it is done appropriately and for the right reasons. In a word, it becomes necessary to have what is termed “critical thinking” in which we have to think properly, deeply, reciprocally. Therefore, at the 20-year point, if we say the movement has not been successful for one year, two years, three years, 20 years, it is necessary to think why it has not been successful. As far as this goes, we are in a position where have to employ other people to “air our dirty linen” instead of doing it ourselves. So we need to think about whether we cannot accept criticisms or can’t be bothered to listen because we don’t share our views.
“When it comes to the nature of conflict, if you see it in black and white, there can be no solution. But within this conflict, there are also shades of grey. Therefore, instead of just concentrating on the black and white, if one could look at other nuances, people, subjects, interests contained in the conflict more properly and inclusively, we will be able to understand and see the criticism within a wider context.”
But many political activists believe this kind of public self-criticism could serve as ammunition for opponents of pro-democracy groups.
Khun Myint Tun: “The main basis of democracy is transparency. The NLD has policies. The first policy of the NLD is openness, honesty and mutual respect. In order to be open, we must be able to criticise ourselves and our organisation. But this criticism has to be constructive. Especially among ourselves, we need to be disciplined and take care not to damage our unity.
“We have to accept it if it is done in a spirit of improvement and development, and we have to listen to it whether we like it or not when it is done in this way. This is because everyone has individual strengths and weaknesses. In order to build on our strengths and address our weaknesses, we need criticism from within our community. We should not just ignore these criticisms from our peers and do whatever we want. Criticism is necessary for individuals and for the country. But, it must not be excessive. For example, some people in the past have used the media to carry out political attacks on one another. This is not good. One thing that is necessary is to criticise logically from the top, within the framework of the revolution.”
How could one criticise within the limits of the revolution? By criticising the military government harshly and the opposition gently?
Aung Zaw: “In my view, compared to the past, [the opposition] has become thick-skinned. This habit has been developed inside and outside [Burma]. Those who are under the military government are pushing the issue imperceptibly. On the outside, those who were involved in the opposition groups and their sympathisers in the media are doing the same for the opposition groups.
“When we were writing in around 1996-97, they [pro-democracy groups] were rather touchy about it. We heard, ‘We will sue you’ and so on. Some armed groups even threatened our lives. But in this day and age, some are becoming quite thick-skinned. We are seeing more self-criticism. Within 20 years, we see that there are more people who are criticising themselves. Why did we lose? Where did we go wrong? What is happening to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? What is wrong with her strategy? What should the strategy of the NLD be? We are seeing these questions more than before.
“I think it is healthy, but as I said before: are we criticising the people, are we talking about the policies, are we talking with facts and figures, are we doing it in an acceptable way, are we talking like adults as much as we can? If we could increase that culture, if we could do that among ourselves, be more precise and behave like adults, there could be more maturity.”
Aung Zaw was himself threatened with a lawsuit ten years ago for saying in an editorial that an exile government was impracticable.
Aung Naing Oo: “There is severe criticism of the military government. If mistakes are made by opposition groups and activists and no one is allowed to point this out – this is not the right thing. If we talk about the faults of the military government while ignoring the faults of the opposition, it doesn’t bode well for our country’s future prospects. In 2004, I wrote an article saying that the actions of the military government and some opposition groups are quite similar and that it is quite worrying. For this, some opposition groups criticised me. ‘Why did you write this? This should not be written,’ I was told. Then, I asked them, ‘Was what I said wrong?’ – ‘What you said was not wrong,’ was the reply. ‘If it is not wrong, I will stand by my point,’ I said. Then, I faced a situation in which our relationship deteriorated. Therefore, if something is wrong, we need to point out the mistake for what it is.”
Khun Myint Tun: “It is useless to attack ourselves with chicken feathers and others with rakes. Even when we criticize the SPDC, we need to criticise it honestly on the basis of the revolution. It is the same when we do it to each other, but we have to avoid actions that could destroy our unity.
“In our view, during our revolution, if everyone in the revolution is an analyst and there are no revolutionaries and political activists, it will be useless. As we have people who really oppose, leaders and people who take responsibilities, we also really need people to watch and criticise these people. Just as in football we need not only coaches for footballers to instruct them, we also need the spectators.
“Whatever it is, we accept and welcome criticism. But, in the Burmese language, some people see the word ‘wayban’ [criticise] in a bad light. We welcome and accept it if it is done in the spirit of improvement. But in human nature, our subconscious doesn’t like criticism. I am the same way. In my subconscious, when someone criticises me, I feel that that person sees me in a negative way and so your conscience needs to accept the fact that you need to accept criticism.”
What is the outlook for the future?
Khun Myint Tun: “When it comes to the limits of freedom, many things have been said. Each person has a different idea of what the limits of freedom should be. But as we love freedom, we welcome free criticism. We must also practise accepting it. The more we can tolerate criticism, the more chance for the emergence of democracy, that’s our view. But the people [of Burma] regard broadcasters such as DVB as the voice of the revolutionary. As it is, it is necessary to allow the free expression of views within the boundaries of the revolution.”
Aung Naing Oo: “We are currently seeing people are criticising not only the military government but also the opposition groups. We also hear people criticising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We are hearing endless criticism of the military government. Inside the country, there are some people whispering their opinions and others speaking out loudly. Some people are bravely expressing their dislike of the military government to the international newspapers.
“When we look back over the past 20 years, there has been considerable openness and I think that’s a very good thing. Instead of keeping it inside our hearts, if we can express it properly and openly, become more daring in our criticism and think carefully about the subject of criticism, and if necessary, make changes, then that will be a good basis for the future.”
Aung Zaw: “That is the weakness of 8888, I think. [The] ‘I know how to do it and I am right about everything’ [attitude]. I haven’t seen much in the past twenty years. I observe people examining where it went wrong, what could have been done with the right opportunities, how things could have been handled better and so on. I think this is good. It takes a certain time to reach the destination; 20 years is actually a fairly short time.
“We have to work harder to ingrain that culture in us, because, if you look at neighbouring countries, we can see that their sense of democracy is more mature than ours. Even then, people are still threatened with lawsuits, murder and so on for making criticisms. In these circumstances, how are we going to criticise each other? Are we going throw flowers at each other? Or as I said before, are we going to attack each other personally? Do we have the facts, the grounds? We need to think about that. We need to assess whether we are saying it out of love or out of personal hatred. If we can do that, we can reach our desired destination in the future.”
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Burma's opposition politician attacked by unknown perpetrator
Zarni
(Mizzima) - A political leader of the Opposition in Burma on Saturday was injured after he was deliberately tripped by an unknown man from behind.
Aye Thar Aung, a member of the 'Committee Representing People's Parliament', an opposition group comprising Members of Parliament elected in the 1990 elections, said he was purposely tripped by the man, who he suspects belongs to the military intelligence, while getting down from a bus in downtown Rangoon.
Aye Thar Aung said he was on his way to a barbershop on Saturday at about 1 p.m. (local time) and was getting off the No. 38 route bus, when he was suddenly tripped on the stairs of the bus. He fell on the ground and sustained injuries on his knees and palms.
"I lost control and fell down. I sustained bruises and injuries on my palms and on my right knee. I can't stand properly now but have no fractures. I am lucky not to have got a head injury," Aye Thar Aung told Mizzima over telephone.
While it was not clear who tripped him, Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) party said the person has been constantly following him wherever he went. Aung believes he belongs to Burma's notorious 'Military Affairs Security'.
"He is just about 20 years old and he has been following me all through," said Aye Thar Aung, adding that the person had purposely put forward one foot on the bus to trip him.
The 63 year-old Arakan leader said, he lodged a complaint at the Pazundaung Township Police Station, adding the man continued to follow him to the gates of the police station.
Aye Thar Aung said, the man reportedly told people in the neighborhood that he had been assigned to follow the politician.
"I heard that he told people in my neighborhood that he was unhappy with me for roaming around the city without any work, as he has to continuously follow me. I think he tripped me because of that," Aye Thar Aung said.
Burma's Opposition party members in recent times have been subjected to frequent attacks by unknown perpetrators. But the law enforcement agencies of the military government have failed to bring the culprits to book every time an opposition member has been attacked.
In June, an elected Member of Parliament, Than Lwin, from Madaya township of Mandalay division was hit on the face with a knuckle-duster by an unknown person.
Similarly, Tin Yu, a member of Burma's main opposition party – the National League for Democracy – in Rangoon Division's Hliang Thar Yar Township, had to undergo a minor operation where he received 21 stitches for an injury he sustained from a beating by unknown group of people in April.
In March, a Human Rights activist, Myint Aye (57) sustained head injuries from a similar beating by unknown people. Myint Hlaing, chairman of the Hlaing Thar Yar NLD was also attacked by unknown people the same month.
In February, political activists Moe Nay Soe and Phone Gyi from Taungup town of Arakan State in western Burma were also beaten up by an unknown group.
In all the cases, though the victims said they had lodged complaints with the police, so far there have been no reports of arrests or effort at finding the culprits.
(Mizzima) - A political leader of the Opposition in Burma on Saturday was injured after he was deliberately tripped by an unknown man from behind.
Aye Thar Aung, a member of the 'Committee Representing People's Parliament', an opposition group comprising Members of Parliament elected in the 1990 elections, said he was purposely tripped by the man, who he suspects belongs to the military intelligence, while getting down from a bus in downtown Rangoon.
Aye Thar Aung said he was on his way to a barbershop on Saturday at about 1 p.m. (local time) and was getting off the No. 38 route bus, when he was suddenly tripped on the stairs of the bus. He fell on the ground and sustained injuries on his knees and palms.
"I lost control and fell down. I sustained bruises and injuries on my palms and on my right knee. I can't stand properly now but have no fractures. I am lucky not to have got a head injury," Aye Thar Aung told Mizzima over telephone.
While it was not clear who tripped him, Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) party said the person has been constantly following him wherever he went. Aung believes he belongs to Burma's notorious 'Military Affairs Security'.
"He is just about 20 years old and he has been following me all through," said Aye Thar Aung, adding that the person had purposely put forward one foot on the bus to trip him.
The 63 year-old Arakan leader said, he lodged a complaint at the Pazundaung Township Police Station, adding the man continued to follow him to the gates of the police station.
Aye Thar Aung said, the man reportedly told people in the neighborhood that he had been assigned to follow the politician.
"I heard that he told people in my neighborhood that he was unhappy with me for roaming around the city without any work, as he has to continuously follow me. I think he tripped me because of that," Aye Thar Aung said.
Burma's Opposition party members in recent times have been subjected to frequent attacks by unknown perpetrators. But the law enforcement agencies of the military government have failed to bring the culprits to book every time an opposition member has been attacked.
In June, an elected Member of Parliament, Than Lwin, from Madaya township of Mandalay division was hit on the face with a knuckle-duster by an unknown person.
Similarly, Tin Yu, a member of Burma's main opposition party – the National League for Democracy – in Rangoon Division's Hliang Thar Yar Township, had to undergo a minor operation where he received 21 stitches for an injury he sustained from a beating by unknown group of people in April.
In March, a Human Rights activist, Myint Aye (57) sustained head injuries from a similar beating by unknown people. Myint Hlaing, chairman of the Hlaing Thar Yar NLD was also attacked by unknown people the same month.
In February, political activists Moe Nay Soe and Phone Gyi from Taungup town of Arakan State in western Burma were also beaten up by an unknown group.
In all the cases, though the victims said they had lodged complaints with the police, so far there have been no reports of arrests or effort at finding the culprits.
MAI to hire F-100 aircraft for Bangkok-Kuala Lumpur flights
Nem Davies
New Delhi (Mizzima)– The Myanmar Airways International, one of the few international airlines in Burma will hire a Fokker-100 aircraft from AirBagan, another airline, for its Bangkok-Kuala Lumpur flights.
MAI's Marketing executive in Rangoon told Mizzima on Tuesday that the company will hire a 36-seat F-100 aircraft from AirBagan on a three-month contract starting August end to November.
"Currently we are facing a shortage of aircrafts that's why we have decided to hire for a three month period. We will look for other aircrafts from December 1. In fact, we are filling in with aircraft from AirBagan while we are finding replacements," the executive said.
MAI, which operates international flights to Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Bangkok, had earlier hired a M-82 aircraft from Thailand's 12Go and used it for its flights from Bangkok to Kuala Lumpur.
Sources said MAI will use the F-100 aircraft in place of the M-82 to operate flights between Bangkok to Kuala Lumpur, as MAI has to terminate its contract with 12Go over problems related to insurance.
"We have to stop using the 12Go aircraft because of insurance related problems, which is not our problem. But since we do not want to terminate our operation, and as AirBagan agreed to hire out to us, we are going to use the AirBagan aircraft for the flights," the executive said.
AirBagan, which in June suspended its Rangoon-Singapore flights for three months, said they have agreed to hire its F-100 aircraft to the semi-government owned MAI.
But an official of AirBagan declined to provide further details of the contract between the two airlines saying she was not authorized to speak to the press.
AirBagan is owned by business tycoon Tayza, who reportedly has a close relationship with the ruling junta supremo Snr. Gen Than Shwe.
Following the brutal crackdown on peaceful protesters in September 2007 by the military junta, Tayza was named one among the many cronies of the junta that supported its rule, by the United States and is among the list of people who are barred from entering the US.
Hit by the tightening economic sanctions imposed by the US, AirBagan n October 19, 2007 announced suspension of its flights between Rangoon and Singapore.
New Delhi (Mizzima)– The Myanmar Airways International, one of the few international airlines in Burma will hire a Fokker-100 aircraft from AirBagan, another airline, for its Bangkok-Kuala Lumpur flights.
MAI's Marketing executive in Rangoon told Mizzima on Tuesday that the company will hire a 36-seat F-100 aircraft from AirBagan on a three-month contract starting August end to November.
"Currently we are facing a shortage of aircrafts that's why we have decided to hire for a three month period. We will look for other aircrafts from December 1. In fact, we are filling in with aircraft from AirBagan while we are finding replacements," the executive said.
MAI, which operates international flights to Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Bangkok, had earlier hired a M-82 aircraft from Thailand's 12Go and used it for its flights from Bangkok to Kuala Lumpur.
Sources said MAI will use the F-100 aircraft in place of the M-82 to operate flights between Bangkok to Kuala Lumpur, as MAI has to terminate its contract with 12Go over problems related to insurance.
"We have to stop using the 12Go aircraft because of insurance related problems, which is not our problem. But since we do not want to terminate our operation, and as AirBagan agreed to hire out to us, we are going to use the AirBagan aircraft for the flights," the executive said.
AirBagan, which in June suspended its Rangoon-Singapore flights for three months, said they have agreed to hire its F-100 aircraft to the semi-government owned MAI.
But an official of AirBagan declined to provide further details of the contract between the two airlines saying she was not authorized to speak to the press.
AirBagan is owned by business tycoon Tayza, who reportedly has a close relationship with the ruling junta supremo Snr. Gen Than Shwe.
Following the brutal crackdown on peaceful protesters in September 2007 by the military junta, Tayza was named one among the many cronies of the junta that supported its rule, by the United States and is among the list of people who are barred from entering the US.
Hit by the tightening economic sanctions imposed by the US, AirBagan n October 19, 2007 announced suspension of its flights between Rangoon and Singapore.
Angry Reaction to Samak’s 'Suu Kyi is a Tool' Remark
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese opposition politicians and some political observers and commentators have strongly rejected Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej’s description of Aung San Suu Kyi as a “political tool” of the West.
Samak made the controversial comment to UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari when the two met in Bangkok as the Nigerian diplomat was returning from his latest failed mission to Burma.
“Europe uses Aung San Suu Kyi as a political tool,” Samak told Gambari. “If it's not related to Aung San Suu Kyi, you can have deeper discussions with Myanmar [Burma].”
Samak also told reporters after meeting Gambari: “Efforts to engage the military regime would be more productive if Aung San Suu Kyi was left off the agenda.”
Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) rejected the Thai premier’s comments as inappropriate.
“As the leader of a country, he should not give such comments about the political affairs of other countries,” said NLD Spokesman Nyan Win.
Nyan Win accused Samak of favoring the Burmese regime and ignoring the Burmese people.
Kavi Chongkittavorn, senior editor of the Bangkok English-language daily newspaper The Nation said, “I think Samak’s comment is ridiculous. And he has tarnished Thailand’s reputation as the chairman of the Asean (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations).
“He [Samak] doesn’t even understand the situation in Burma. He has a very sadistic attitude in attacking whoever disagrees with him. Look at the manner he attacks the Thai media everyday.”
A Burmese ethnic leader, Cin Sian Thang, chairman of the Zomi National Congress in Rangoon, accused Samak of “insulting Burmese people.”
Cin Sian Thang charged that Samak “doesn’t support the formation of democracy in Burma.”
A well-known Burmese politician and former ambassador to China in the 1970s, Thakin Chan Htun, said in Rangoon that Samak’s remarks were based on Thailand’s business interests in Burma, which were more important to him than democratic reform.
Although Gambari failed to meet any top Burmese leader or Aung San Suu Kyi on his latest visit, the UN denied the mission was a failure.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s deputy spokeswoman,
Marie Okabe, said in New York on Monday: “One should not make a judgment on the process based on each individual visit.”
During his Bangkok stopover, Gambari urged Samak to continue his support for the UN mission to break the political deadlock in Burma.
Gambari is scheduled to visit Indonesia before returning to New York, where Okabe said he would report to Ban Ki-moon on his latest visit to Burma.
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese opposition politicians and some political observers and commentators have strongly rejected Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej’s description of Aung San Suu Kyi as a “political tool” of the West.
Samak made the controversial comment to UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari when the two met in Bangkok as the Nigerian diplomat was returning from his latest failed mission to Burma.
“Europe uses Aung San Suu Kyi as a political tool,” Samak told Gambari. “If it's not related to Aung San Suu Kyi, you can have deeper discussions with Myanmar [Burma].”
Samak also told reporters after meeting Gambari: “Efforts to engage the military regime would be more productive if Aung San Suu Kyi was left off the agenda.”
Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) rejected the Thai premier’s comments as inappropriate.
“As the leader of a country, he should not give such comments about the political affairs of other countries,” said NLD Spokesman Nyan Win.
Nyan Win accused Samak of favoring the Burmese regime and ignoring the Burmese people.
Kavi Chongkittavorn, senior editor of the Bangkok English-language daily newspaper The Nation said, “I think Samak’s comment is ridiculous. And he has tarnished Thailand’s reputation as the chairman of the Asean (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations).
“He [Samak] doesn’t even understand the situation in Burma. He has a very sadistic attitude in attacking whoever disagrees with him. Look at the manner he attacks the Thai media everyday.”
A Burmese ethnic leader, Cin Sian Thang, chairman of the Zomi National Congress in Rangoon, accused Samak of “insulting Burmese people.”
Cin Sian Thang charged that Samak “doesn’t support the formation of democracy in Burma.”
A well-known Burmese politician and former ambassador to China in the 1970s, Thakin Chan Htun, said in Rangoon that Samak’s remarks were based on Thailand’s business interests in Burma, which were more important to him than democratic reform.
Although Gambari failed to meet any top Burmese leader or Aung San Suu Kyi on his latest visit, the UN denied the mission was a failure.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s deputy spokeswoman,
Marie Okabe, said in New York on Monday: “One should not make a judgment on the process based on each individual visit.”
During his Bangkok stopover, Gambari urged Samak to continue his support for the UN mission to break the political deadlock in Burma.
Gambari is scheduled to visit Indonesia before returning to New York, where Okabe said he would report to Ban Ki-moon on his latest visit to Burma.
Samak's remarks on Burma do more damage
(The Nation) - The PM adds more salt to the wounds by openly endorsing junta's planned 2010 elections
Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej's recent comments on Burma were ridiculous, even bordering on absurdity. It showed his total ignorance of the situation, and worse yet, he seems to be completely blind to the ongoing efforts by the international community, especially the UN, to bring peace and stability to one of the world's most backward countries. His latest comments added salt to the wound created by his earlier remarks, which also tarnished Thailand's reputation as a democracy.
Samak showed sadistic tendencies when he started criticising the West for demanding that Aung San Suu Kyi be released from her 12-year-long house arrest. He has completely ignored the reality inside Burma, and even very foolishly observed that the West could have a deeper level of discussions with the junta if the opposition party's leader was not part of the scheme. Obviously Samak forgot that Suu Kyi and her party, National League of Democracy, won the 1990 elections by a landslide, but that the military junta refused to recognise their victory.
He also forgot that over the past two decades, the junta has imposed stringent rules over its citizens, building up a tight police state where the public is under constant surveillance. When the Buddhist monks and students took to the streets in September last year to rally against the junta, they were met with force. Asean came out with the strongest statement in its history condemning one of its members, but the junta remained unrepentant.
Now, the junta is moving confidently ahead in imposing its political roadmap on the Burmese people by passing a new constitution in May and planning national elections in 2010. Meanwhile, Samak continues to completely ignore Burma's hunger for democracy.
Thailand has had to support more than two million refugees and migrant workers escaping hardship and oppression in their country. The Thai administration obviously does not realise that making Burma a democracy would be beneficial because the people would want to return home. As the leader of Thailand, Samak should have understood that it is democracy that gave him power in the first place.
However, when he met UN special envoy for Burma Ibrahim Gambari, Samak ended up openly endorsing the junta's planned 2010 election, saying naively that he would talk the junta into allowing outside observers. Samak should have realised that there is no way anybody could influence the junta.
When the international community wanted to help victims of Cyclone Nargis in early May, the junta was recalcitrant. At first, it blocked outside assistance out of fear of intervention, whereas immediate aid could have saved thousands of lives. After repeated assurances by Asean, some international organisations were allowed in. Now, it appears that the junta benefited handsomely from the tricky foreign policy exchange regulations, which enabled the authorities to put millions in their pockets. It is uncertain how much money they have made off with, but the real picture will emerge soon. Already, the news has had an adverse effect on potential sources of assistance.
It is obvious that Samak's stance on Burma will have huge ramifications on Thailand and its standing in the global community. Samak has always been quick to jump on any chance that would help him maintain power, even if it means serving as a front man for a convicted criminal liked Thaksin Shinawatra. Whether or not Samak can continue as prime minister in the weeks ahead, he has already created enough ways to further isolate Thailand. Worse yet, it would further affect the role of the Asean chair over the next 16 months.
With such a strong endorsement of the Burmese junta, it is now possible that some of the Asean dialogue partners would seek to boycott the meetings scheduled in December in Bangkok. Perhaps we should expect more diplomatic disasters if Samak continues as prime minister.
Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej's recent comments on Burma were ridiculous, even bordering on absurdity. It showed his total ignorance of the situation, and worse yet, he seems to be completely blind to the ongoing efforts by the international community, especially the UN, to bring peace and stability to one of the world's most backward countries. His latest comments added salt to the wound created by his earlier remarks, which also tarnished Thailand's reputation as a democracy.
Samak showed sadistic tendencies when he started criticising the West for demanding that Aung San Suu Kyi be released from her 12-year-long house arrest. He has completely ignored the reality inside Burma, and even very foolishly observed that the West could have a deeper level of discussions with the junta if the opposition party's leader was not part of the scheme. Obviously Samak forgot that Suu Kyi and her party, National League of Democracy, won the 1990 elections by a landslide, but that the military junta refused to recognise their victory.
He also forgot that over the past two decades, the junta has imposed stringent rules over its citizens, building up a tight police state where the public is under constant surveillance. When the Buddhist monks and students took to the streets in September last year to rally against the junta, they were met with force. Asean came out with the strongest statement in its history condemning one of its members, but the junta remained unrepentant.
Now, the junta is moving confidently ahead in imposing its political roadmap on the Burmese people by passing a new constitution in May and planning national elections in 2010. Meanwhile, Samak continues to completely ignore Burma's hunger for democracy.
Thailand has had to support more than two million refugees and migrant workers escaping hardship and oppression in their country. The Thai administration obviously does not realise that making Burma a democracy would be beneficial because the people would want to return home. As the leader of Thailand, Samak should have understood that it is democracy that gave him power in the first place.
However, when he met UN special envoy for Burma Ibrahim Gambari, Samak ended up openly endorsing the junta's planned 2010 election, saying naively that he would talk the junta into allowing outside observers. Samak should have realised that there is no way anybody could influence the junta.
When the international community wanted to help victims of Cyclone Nargis in early May, the junta was recalcitrant. At first, it blocked outside assistance out of fear of intervention, whereas immediate aid could have saved thousands of lives. After repeated assurances by Asean, some international organisations were allowed in. Now, it appears that the junta benefited handsomely from the tricky foreign policy exchange regulations, which enabled the authorities to put millions in their pockets. It is uncertain how much money they have made off with, but the real picture will emerge soon. Already, the news has had an adverse effect on potential sources of assistance.
It is obvious that Samak's stance on Burma will have huge ramifications on Thailand and its standing in the global community. Samak has always been quick to jump on any chance that would help him maintain power, even if it means serving as a front man for a convicted criminal liked Thaksin Shinawatra. Whether or not Samak can continue as prime minister in the weeks ahead, he has already created enough ways to further isolate Thailand. Worse yet, it would further affect the role of the Asean chair over the next 16 months.
With such a strong endorsement of the Burmese junta, it is now possible that some of the Asean dialogue partners would seek to boycott the meetings scheduled in December in Bangkok. Perhaps we should expect more diplomatic disasters if Samak continues as prime minister.
Reports of Daw Suu Kyi’s refusal of daily food supplies creating serious concern
Kuala Lumpur, 27 August, (Asiantribune.com): The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) has expressed its deep concern over reports claiming that Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been refusing her daily food supply since 16 August 2008.
AIPMC Steering Committee based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in a press release said, “If these reports are confirmed to be true, then this is a serious concern for all. We strongly call on ASEAN leaders to intervene in this matter and ensure that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is given the necessary attention, which is highly likely needed urgently.
Press release has urged that, regional and international intervention in this matter is exceedingly essential in order to ascertain the veracity of these reports, given that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is denied any access to her friends, family, colleagues, the media and effectively the world outside her home.
AIPMC has requested the ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan to immediately visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to personally ascertain her health status.
The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus has further urged for a comprehensive assessment of Daw Aung Suu Kyi’s health must be carried out as soon as possible. This assessment must include all aspects of her well-being. The Sec-Gen should also look into the reasons as to why she is refusing her food supply.
Further, the AIPMC has called on the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to travel to Burma and meet with Daw Aung Suu Kyi as soon as possible. Her obvious refusal to receive the UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari during his visit last week is an indication that his mandate is failing, AIPMC said
AIPMC is of the opinion that a visit by the Sec-Gen will ensure that the United Nations plays a pivotal role in not only solving this latest crisis but also succeed in re-opening tripartite talks in Burma.
The AIPMC has also has reminded to take this opportunity to remind the United Nations and ASEAN that the continued well-being of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is vital in achieving a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Burma.
- Asian Tribune -
AIPMC Steering Committee based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in a press release said, “If these reports are confirmed to be true, then this is a serious concern for all. We strongly call on ASEAN leaders to intervene in this matter and ensure that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is given the necessary attention, which is highly likely needed urgently.
Press release has urged that, regional and international intervention in this matter is exceedingly essential in order to ascertain the veracity of these reports, given that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is denied any access to her friends, family, colleagues, the media and effectively the world outside her home.
AIPMC has requested the ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan to immediately visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to personally ascertain her health status.
The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus has further urged for a comprehensive assessment of Daw Aung Suu Kyi’s health must be carried out as soon as possible. This assessment must include all aspects of her well-being. The Sec-Gen should also look into the reasons as to why she is refusing her food supply.
Further, the AIPMC has called on the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to travel to Burma and meet with Daw Aung Suu Kyi as soon as possible. Her obvious refusal to receive the UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari during his visit last week is an indication that his mandate is failing, AIPMC said
AIPMC is of the opinion that a visit by the Sec-Gen will ensure that the United Nations plays a pivotal role in not only solving this latest crisis but also succeed in re-opening tripartite talks in Burma.
The AIPMC has also has reminded to take this opportunity to remind the United Nations and ASEAN that the continued well-being of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is vital in achieving a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Burma.
- Asian Tribune -
U.N. Farce - Diplomacy comforts the dictators of Burma
(Washington Post) - IT HAS BEEN ALMOST a year since the world was stirred by thousands of Burmese monks and ordinary people taking to the streets to demand freedom -- and being bloodily crushed by one of the world's cruelest regimes. Governments everywhere proclaimed that such violence and repression could not stand, and they insisted that U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon do something. Mr. Ban sent his special envoy on a mission with explicit goals: Secure the release of democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, and help the National League for Democracy (NLD) to reopen offices throughout the country. The envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, just finished sixth fruitless mission to Burma, and it is clear now that U.N. diplomacy has become a cover for inaction, not a pathway to reform.
Aung San Suu Kyi performed an extraordinary act of bravery during Mr. Gambari's most recent trip. The daughter of Burma's independence hero, she led the NLD to overwhelming victory when the regime last permitted elections in 1990s. The junta refused to recognize the results and has kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for most of the years since. Last fall the regime promised Mr. Gambari that it would begin a dialogue with the democracy leader and allow her to meet with NLD colleagues. But supreme leader Gen. Than Shwe reneged on even that meager concession, and she refused to see the U.N. envoy on his latest trip, even as he hobnobbed with one regime crony after another. Since Aung San Suu Kyi is permitted no communication from her confinement, we can only guess at what motivated this snub. But it is likely that the indomitable Nobel Peace Prize winner decided, even at the price of intensifying her own frightful isolation, not to give further legitimacy to a process that was only dignifying the regime.
Not surprisingly, as Than Shwe has intensified the crackdown in his own country -- and, let's not forget, refused international aid for victims of Cyclone Nargis this spring -- U.N. and other international officials have decided to blame the victim. The prime minister of Thailand, which cultivates its own ties with the corrupt regime, on Monday urged other leaders to forget about Aung San Suu Kyi. A fig leaf of international process comforts the regime, those who trade with it -- and those who give flowery speeches about democracy but resist action, such as an arms embargo. It is time for Mr. Ban to say that he won't allow the United Nations to be exploited and humiliated in this way.
Aung San Suu Kyi performed an extraordinary act of bravery during Mr. Gambari's most recent trip. The daughter of Burma's independence hero, she led the NLD to overwhelming victory when the regime last permitted elections in 1990s. The junta refused to recognize the results and has kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for most of the years since. Last fall the regime promised Mr. Gambari that it would begin a dialogue with the democracy leader and allow her to meet with NLD colleagues. But supreme leader Gen. Than Shwe reneged on even that meager concession, and she refused to see the U.N. envoy on his latest trip, even as he hobnobbed with one regime crony after another. Since Aung San Suu Kyi is permitted no communication from her confinement, we can only guess at what motivated this snub. But it is likely that the indomitable Nobel Peace Prize winner decided, even at the price of intensifying her own frightful isolation, not to give further legitimacy to a process that was only dignifying the regime.
Not surprisingly, as Than Shwe has intensified the crackdown in his own country -- and, let's not forget, refused international aid for victims of Cyclone Nargis this spring -- U.N. and other international officials have decided to blame the victim. The prime minister of Thailand, which cultivates its own ties with the corrupt regime, on Monday urged other leaders to forget about Aung San Suu Kyi. A fig leaf of international process comforts the regime, those who trade with it -- and those who give flowery speeches about democracy but resist action, such as an arms embargo. It is time for Mr. Ban to say that he won't allow the United Nations to be exploited and humiliated in this way.
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