Ko Htike’s Original post in Burmese
as his points are important for all Burmese who really want to see the Freedom of Burma.
Translated: Sit Mone
January 30, 2008
Military Junta of Burma’s current strategy is “To Counter the Media War with Media War”. In this process Junta started spreading the gossip news among the Burmese youth to divert the attention from the National cause.
Most of the Burmese youth were well aware of Oppression, Injustice of the Military Junta of Burma. However, while most of the Burmese youth attention was on the current Military Generals atrocities, some of them were paying attention to the gossips relating personal affairs of the famous artists of Burma.
Some of the news were authentic and some were just merely rumors. Some were aware of military Junta’s new strategy. However, most of the youth have shown interest of the famous artist Nandar Hlaing’s gossip voice file more than, the news of arrested activist Ko Htin Kyaw’s hunger strike.
There were video clips of porn movies, actually which were cut and pasted from foreign porn movie into Burmese porn clips with the name of ….so and so Burmese Models and artists. The sad news is many Burmese have shown interest and wasting their time discussing who is who in these clips. I feel sorry for those who were arrested while preparing to celebrate Independence Day in Burma.
At the same time our Burmese youth out there were busy searching these clips.
This is very important time for Min Ko Naing and 88 generation students, as Junta is preparing to charge them in a court. At the same time another porn video clip has emerged in Internet which claimed that it was a famous male artist with a daughter of a Minister.
I would like to remind all Burmese youth, the importance of this video clips is so insignificant, when compare to the suffering of the oppressed Burmese people. So be aware of attention diversion news of Military junta.
With regards
Ko Htike
Thursday, 31 January 2008
Taunggok's Poster War : "Bring it on!"
Original report by Naw Say Paw, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
28 January 2008
Taunggok, arguably the most courageous town in the world, managed to put up posters in five areas, early this morning, despite being under close surveillance by armed security forces, the locals announced.
The posters read, " Follow the announcement of United Nations Human Rights !" "Release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, immediately !" " Release all political prisoners and monks, immediately!" " Stop unlawful and violent arrests !" " Start developing Myanmar's future by meetings and discussions !".
"One in a rain tree, near the local authorities office, one in front of the hospital, one near the small market and two by the nursery school, altogether five." said a local.
Not long after the posters were up, the police force went around to remove them all, it is reported.
Taunggok residents planned to stage a peaceful demonstration on 17 January, to express what they think of the current situation but 'authorities', or the junta, intervened.
Since then the security has been tightened up but the brave local people still managed to express their opinions using posters, though only for a short time.
The same anonymous person carried on to explain the aims of the poster war.
"The security is extremely tight and we wouldn't have a chance to gather in public. However it is necessary to raise morale among the people and that's why the posters went up, just to confirm to the junta that we are not going to give up easily."
On 22 January, two men, Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing were arrested and charged with movement restrictions after they went around the town, shouting democracy slogans aloud.
Ko Than Htay, who was beaten and punched by authorities that evening, had his face so bruised his family couldn't recognise who he was when they saw him.
"Taunggok was never very pleased with 'authority' but now with the tight security and violent arrests, the town is very unhappy about it all. We can just safely say that Taunggok is fully prepared for future confrontations."
Translation by Nay Chi U
28 January 2008
Taunggok, arguably the most courageous town in the world, managed to put up posters in five areas, early this morning, despite being under close surveillance by armed security forces, the locals announced.
The posters read, " Follow the announcement of United Nations Human Rights !" "Release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, immediately !" " Release all political prisoners and monks, immediately!" " Stop unlawful and violent arrests !" " Start developing Myanmar's future by meetings and discussions !".
"One in a rain tree, near the local authorities office, one in front of the hospital, one near the small market and two by the nursery school, altogether five." said a local.
Not long after the posters were up, the police force went around to remove them all, it is reported.
Taunggok residents planned to stage a peaceful demonstration on 17 January, to express what they think of the current situation but 'authorities', or the junta, intervened.
Since then the security has been tightened up but the brave local people still managed to express their opinions using posters, though only for a short time.
The same anonymous person carried on to explain the aims of the poster war.
"The security is extremely tight and we wouldn't have a chance to gather in public. However it is necessary to raise morale among the people and that's why the posters went up, just to confirm to the junta that we are not going to give up easily."
On 22 January, two men, Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing were arrested and charged with movement restrictions after they went around the town, shouting democracy slogans aloud.
Ko Than Htay, who was beaten and punched by authorities that evening, had his face so bruised his family couldn't recognise who he was when they saw him.
"Taunggok was never very pleased with 'authority' but now with the tight security and violent arrests, the town is very unhappy about it all. We can just safely say that Taunggok is fully prepared for future confrontations."
Imprisoned MP Desperately Needs Treatment
Original news by Htet Yaza, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
January 28, 2008
Dr Zaw Mying Maung, Member of Parliament, Amarapura, Mandalay, who is serving long-term imprisonment, urgently needs an operation but authorities are still refusing permission, it is reported.
A detainee in Myit Kyeenar prison, the MP is suffering badly from haemorrhoids and stomach problems said Dr Yu Yu May, his wife.
"His stomach problems started two years ago. He is having stomach pains all the time so was examined by a specialist. About 6 months ago, a surgeon said the haemorrhoids need operation but until now it has not been arranged."
"Being a medical man himself, he just suffers more because he knows all the consequences if his problems are not treated soon."
U Bo Kyi, joint secretary of AAPP (Assistance Association for Political Prisoners) condemned the junta for depriving the the prisoners of sufficient medical treatments on purpose, which has caused unnecessary deaths previously.
"Someone like Dr Zaw Myint Maung, who has been imprisoned for nearly 20 years, can easily die if he is not getting essential medical treatments or enough nutritious food. His condition is very worrying".
"His career has been wasted in prison, not only as a doctor but also as an elected politician. Our country desperately needs people like him working and serving, instead the junta has stolen this good man from the people".
Dr Zaw Myin Maung was arrested in November 1990 and sentenced to 25 years for treason. In 1997, he was very strangely accused of committing crimes while serving in prison and 12 more years were added to his long-term imprisonment.
Translation by Nay Chi U
January 28, 2008
Dr Zaw Mying Maung, Member of Parliament, Amarapura, Mandalay, who is serving long-term imprisonment, urgently needs an operation but authorities are still refusing permission, it is reported.
A detainee in Myit Kyeenar prison, the MP is suffering badly from haemorrhoids and stomach problems said Dr Yu Yu May, his wife.
"His stomach problems started two years ago. He is having stomach pains all the time so was examined by a specialist. About 6 months ago, a surgeon said the haemorrhoids need operation but until now it has not been arranged."
"Being a medical man himself, he just suffers more because he knows all the consequences if his problems are not treated soon."
U Bo Kyi, joint secretary of AAPP (Assistance Association for Political Prisoners) condemned the junta for depriving the the prisoners of sufficient medical treatments on purpose, which has caused unnecessary deaths previously.
"Someone like Dr Zaw Myint Maung, who has been imprisoned for nearly 20 years, can easily die if he is not getting essential medical treatments or enough nutritious food. His condition is very worrying".
"His career has been wasted in prison, not only as a doctor but also as an elected politician. Our country desperately needs people like him working and serving, instead the junta has stolen this good man from the people".
Dr Zaw Myin Maung was arrested in November 1990 and sentenced to 25 years for treason. In 1997, he was very strangely accused of committing crimes while serving in prison and 12 more years were added to his long-term imprisonment.
NLD to Sponsor Essay Competition on ‘National Reconciliation’
Wai Moe
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
Burma’s main opposition political party, the National League for Democracy, plans to launch an essay competition on national reconciliation, party officials say.
Han Thar Myint, a NLD spokesperson, told The Irrawaddy that an open essay competition will be held on February 6, based on the title “2008: The Year of National Reconciliation.” The competition is open to all age groups.
“In past years, the NLD has held essay competitions,” he said. “But this time, the theme is National Reconciliation,” he said. “The NLD has already told the authorities about the essay competition, but they have not yet responded.”
In Burma, holding an assembly or competition without the permission of authorities is illegal.
The NLD will also hold public talks on Burma’s Union Day on February 12, as well as Bogyoke [Gen] Aung San’s birthday on February 13. February 13 is also Children’s Day, and the group will sponsor activities for children.
“The talks on February 13 will be on the history of Children’s Day and Bogyoke Aung San,” said Han Thar Myint. “Bogyoke Aung San is unforgettable, and new generations must know about him.”
T-shirts with Aung San and Suu Kyi photos will also be available, he said.
Aung San, the father of Burma’s democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, was martyred and is a hero of the nation’s independence movement. He was founded the tatmadaw (the armed forces).
The NLD youth group published a news bulletin, called Ah-yoan-thit or “Dawn,” on January 4, the anniversary of Burma’s independence. The bulletin carried articles about the September crackdown.
The regime’s censorship board warned the NLD on January 14 that the publication violated the state publication act because it was printed without a press registration work permit.
NLD sources said youth members want the news bulletin to continue.
“But we will publish it under a different name, not Ah-yoan-thit,” said a member of the NLD’s information committee, who speak on condition of anonymity.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
Burma’s main opposition political party, the National League for Democracy, plans to launch an essay competition on national reconciliation, party officials say.
Han Thar Myint, a NLD spokesperson, told The Irrawaddy that an open essay competition will be held on February 6, based on the title “2008: The Year of National Reconciliation.” The competition is open to all age groups.
“In past years, the NLD has held essay competitions,” he said. “But this time, the theme is National Reconciliation,” he said. “The NLD has already told the authorities about the essay competition, but they have not yet responded.”
In Burma, holding an assembly or competition without the permission of authorities is illegal.
The NLD will also hold public talks on Burma’s Union Day on February 12, as well as Bogyoke [Gen] Aung San’s birthday on February 13. February 13 is also Children’s Day, and the group will sponsor activities for children.
“The talks on February 13 will be on the history of Children’s Day and Bogyoke Aung San,” said Han Thar Myint. “Bogyoke Aung San is unforgettable, and new generations must know about him.”
T-shirts with Aung San and Suu Kyi photos will also be available, he said.
Aung San, the father of Burma’s democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, was martyred and is a hero of the nation’s independence movement. He was founded the tatmadaw (the armed forces).
The NLD youth group published a news bulletin, called Ah-yoan-thit or “Dawn,” on January 4, the anniversary of Burma’s independence. The bulletin carried articles about the September crackdown.
The regime’s censorship board warned the NLD on January 14 that the publication violated the state publication act because it was printed without a press registration work permit.
NLD sources said youth members want the news bulletin to continue.
“But we will publish it under a different name, not Ah-yoan-thit,” said a member of the NLD’s information committee, who speak on condition of anonymity.
Seeking the Truth, Informing the Public
Aung Zaw
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 23, 2008
If Burmese people are ready for change in Burma, then we must question whether the exiled Burmese media is ready for change. The answer, I believe, should be a resounding “Yes!”
Over the past decade, Burma’s various media operating inside the country have been struggling to confront the regime’s draconian press laws, heavy-handed censorship and intimidation.
As we all know, Burma enjoyed media freedom and perhaps the liveliest free press in Southeast Asia in the 1950s and 1960s. Burma’s first constitution in 1947 boldly guaranteed citizens the right to express their opinions and convictions. Unfortunately, freedoms of expression and media were rather short-lived.
The first impact against journalism came soon after Gen Ne Win seized power in 1962. Press freedom in Burma gradually disintegrated thereafter, curtailed by Ne Win’s socialist regime.
Newspapers were nationalized and foreign news agencies were asked to pack their bags. Journalists and editors found themselves in prisons. During the 1980s, all forms of public expression and publications had to pass through Burma’s notorious Press Scrutiny Board, even though Burma’s second constitution, drawn up in 1974, guaranteed freedom of expression. However, that freedom, like all others, was subject to the capricious whims and draconian dogma of the “Burmese Way to Socialism.”
In 1988, Burmese citizens marched the streets calling for Ne Win’s resignation and an end to one-party rule. For a brief period the people of Burma witnessed a revival of press freedom—hundreds of pro-democracy bulletins, newspapers and pamphlets were published without going through the PSB. Burma’s state-owned newspapers surprisingly departed from the rose-tinted official line and an objective reporting style suddenly emerged. Alas, it was also short-lived.
The second major impact on press freedom in Burma came shortly after the bloody coup on September 18, 1988. The reporters and editors of the country endured another dark era, facing arrest, torture and lengthy imprisonments. “Burma is an enemy of the press,” said the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists in 2005.
Even then, they didn’t give up.
Over the past decade, a new group of journalists and reporters has emerged—the exiles. Burmese journalists who were formerly political activists, ex-political prisoners from 1988 and those affiliated with the pro-democracy uprisings established news agencies in Burma’s neighboring countries, such as India and Thailand. The Irrawaddy itself, set up in 1993, was a result of this defiant era.
Several Burmese journalists joined the BBC and the VOA Burmese services; the Democratic Voice of Burma was set up by exiled Burmese in Norway.
These Burmese media groups have come of age and have proven themselves powerful in shaping public opinion and accurately informing an international audience.
During the uprising in September 2007, the reporters based in Burma and “citizen reporters” highlighted the monk-led uprising and exposed the brutality of the regime; but these exiled media groups also played a crucial role too.
Chinese-made radios sold out in Burma as news-hungry people rushed to listen to news from abroad. Satellite dishes were immediately installed to receive TV broadcasts from abroad.
Meanwhile, as troops opened fire on the peaceful demonstrators, monks and nuns, “citizen reporters” equipped with digital cameras, cell phones and memory sticks bravely took to the streets to take pictures and gather news.
Before the regime shut down Internet connections, thousands of images and live footage came out of Burma. Powerful photographs and videos told the world the true story of how Buddhist monks and laypeople challenged the Burmese regime, and how the regime, in turn, responded with brutal force. The image of the murder of Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai in broad daylight was splashed around the globe, reviewed time and again on TV screens by the BBC, CNN and Al Jazeera.
Burma’s exiled media—previously scorned by the internationally press as the “dissident underground media” or the “opposition media”—dutifully and faithfully disseminated all the news and images they received from Burma.
The exiled Burmese media have proved to the world, through their professional integrity, skills and talent, that they can function as effectively as any other medium in the world. Equally important were the friendships and informal alliances that were forged between bloggers and professional journalists while sharing news and images.
But there is a boundary line. We have to be guarded and cautious as we stick to our task of maintaining high standards of professionalism by ensuring that we deliver accurate news and stories to our readers.
I remember seeing images during the uprising of the body of a monk floating in a river and a man killed by 10-wheel truck on the road.
These images widely published on the Internet created anger and sadness among Burmese and foreigners alike in the belief that the military had carried out these executions. However, we could not confirm the origin of these pictures and some veteran journalists claimed that these two pictures were, in fact, unrelated to the uprising. In the end, The Irrawaddy did not publish these pictures.
In another case soon after, the news of the death of late Prime Minister Gen Soe Win was published in some exiled publications. But we waited for confirmation. When he was finally confirmed dead, we released the news accurately.
This is the job that media professionals must adhere to—fact-checking, verifying sources and getting confirmation, before sending out accurate news to their readers.
The uprising in 1988 and the monk-led uprising in September 2007 were equally important in Burma’s fight for freedom, democracy and a better society. Nevertheless, technology, computers, Internet connections and cell phones have changed the dynamic of the recent unrest. The attention Burma received was massive; moreover, inside and outside media professionals found ways to cooperate and narrowed any gaps or mistrust. The result is that more and more young Burmese are interested in learning journalism since the uprising.
Significantly, the exiled media groups not only shaped public opinion but offered editorial guidance and analysis to an international audience: officials, policy makers, UN agencies, NGOs, think tanks and international publications. They raised awareness and reached out to a global audience.
These media groups overnight became reliable sources of information to many international media outlets.
It is hoped that the exiled Burmese media will maintain its professionalism, high standards of journalism and credibility, because they have a key role to play inside Burma once the country opens up.
Inevitably, the media will be part of the solution instead of part of the problem.
These opinions and comments were originally delivered at the Burma Update discussion at the Changing Dynamics in the Asia Pacific Conference in Bangkok.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 23, 2008
If Burmese people are ready for change in Burma, then we must question whether the exiled Burmese media is ready for change. The answer, I believe, should be a resounding “Yes!”
Over the past decade, Burma’s various media operating inside the country have been struggling to confront the regime’s draconian press laws, heavy-handed censorship and intimidation.
As we all know, Burma enjoyed media freedom and perhaps the liveliest free press in Southeast Asia in the 1950s and 1960s. Burma’s first constitution in 1947 boldly guaranteed citizens the right to express their opinions and convictions. Unfortunately, freedoms of expression and media were rather short-lived.
The first impact against journalism came soon after Gen Ne Win seized power in 1962. Press freedom in Burma gradually disintegrated thereafter, curtailed by Ne Win’s socialist regime.
Newspapers were nationalized and foreign news agencies were asked to pack their bags. Journalists and editors found themselves in prisons. During the 1980s, all forms of public expression and publications had to pass through Burma’s notorious Press Scrutiny Board, even though Burma’s second constitution, drawn up in 1974, guaranteed freedom of expression. However, that freedom, like all others, was subject to the capricious whims and draconian dogma of the “Burmese Way to Socialism.”
In 1988, Burmese citizens marched the streets calling for Ne Win’s resignation and an end to one-party rule. For a brief period the people of Burma witnessed a revival of press freedom—hundreds of pro-democracy bulletins, newspapers and pamphlets were published without going through the PSB. Burma’s state-owned newspapers surprisingly departed from the rose-tinted official line and an objective reporting style suddenly emerged. Alas, it was also short-lived.
The second major impact on press freedom in Burma came shortly after the bloody coup on September 18, 1988. The reporters and editors of the country endured another dark era, facing arrest, torture and lengthy imprisonments. “Burma is an enemy of the press,” said the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists in 2005.
Even then, they didn’t give up.
Over the past decade, a new group of journalists and reporters has emerged—the exiles. Burmese journalists who were formerly political activists, ex-political prisoners from 1988 and those affiliated with the pro-democracy uprisings established news agencies in Burma’s neighboring countries, such as India and Thailand. The Irrawaddy itself, set up in 1993, was a result of this defiant era.
Several Burmese journalists joined the BBC and the VOA Burmese services; the Democratic Voice of Burma was set up by exiled Burmese in Norway.
These Burmese media groups have come of age and have proven themselves powerful in shaping public opinion and accurately informing an international audience.
During the uprising in September 2007, the reporters based in Burma and “citizen reporters” highlighted the monk-led uprising and exposed the brutality of the regime; but these exiled media groups also played a crucial role too.
Chinese-made radios sold out in Burma as news-hungry people rushed to listen to news from abroad. Satellite dishes were immediately installed to receive TV broadcasts from abroad.
Meanwhile, as troops opened fire on the peaceful demonstrators, monks and nuns, “citizen reporters” equipped with digital cameras, cell phones and memory sticks bravely took to the streets to take pictures and gather news.
Before the regime shut down Internet connections, thousands of images and live footage came out of Burma. Powerful photographs and videos told the world the true story of how Buddhist monks and laypeople challenged the Burmese regime, and how the regime, in turn, responded with brutal force. The image of the murder of Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai in broad daylight was splashed around the globe, reviewed time and again on TV screens by the BBC, CNN and Al Jazeera.
Burma’s exiled media—previously scorned by the internationally press as the “dissident underground media” or the “opposition media”—dutifully and faithfully disseminated all the news and images they received from Burma.
The exiled Burmese media have proved to the world, through their professional integrity, skills and talent, that they can function as effectively as any other medium in the world. Equally important were the friendships and informal alliances that were forged between bloggers and professional journalists while sharing news and images.
But there is a boundary line. We have to be guarded and cautious as we stick to our task of maintaining high standards of professionalism by ensuring that we deliver accurate news and stories to our readers.
I remember seeing images during the uprising of the body of a monk floating in a river and a man killed by 10-wheel truck on the road.
These images widely published on the Internet created anger and sadness among Burmese and foreigners alike in the belief that the military had carried out these executions. However, we could not confirm the origin of these pictures and some veteran journalists claimed that these two pictures were, in fact, unrelated to the uprising. In the end, The Irrawaddy did not publish these pictures.
In another case soon after, the news of the death of late Prime Minister Gen Soe Win was published in some exiled publications. But we waited for confirmation. When he was finally confirmed dead, we released the news accurately.
This is the job that media professionals must adhere to—fact-checking, verifying sources and getting confirmation, before sending out accurate news to their readers.
The uprising in 1988 and the monk-led uprising in September 2007 were equally important in Burma’s fight for freedom, democracy and a better society. Nevertheless, technology, computers, Internet connections and cell phones have changed the dynamic of the recent unrest. The attention Burma received was massive; moreover, inside and outside media professionals found ways to cooperate and narrowed any gaps or mistrust. The result is that more and more young Burmese are interested in learning journalism since the uprising.
Significantly, the exiled media groups not only shaped public opinion but offered editorial guidance and analysis to an international audience: officials, policy makers, UN agencies, NGOs, think tanks and international publications. They raised awareness and reached out to a global audience.
These media groups overnight became reliable sources of information to many international media outlets.
It is hoped that the exiled Burmese media will maintain its professionalism, high standards of journalism and credibility, because they have a key role to play inside Burma once the country opens up.
Inevitably, the media will be part of the solution instead of part of the problem.
These opinions and comments were originally delivered at the Burma Update discussion at the Changing Dynamics in the Asia Pacific Conference in Bangkok.
A Fight for Dignity
Aung Zaw
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
I recently met a group of influential monks from Burma. I immediately asked them about the monk-led uprising in September.
One respected monk said the demonstrations were not entirely about the hike in fuel prices or the economic hardships.
It was also not only about the fight for the democracy. There was one underlying cause that pushed the people to take to the streets, he said.
“It was the fight for dignity. People want to restore the dignity we have lost,” he said.
Under the military regime, the country is demoralized and lacks respect in the eyes of the international community, he said.
The monk continued, “I don’t think our problem is about the economy and poverty alone. I think many people in Burma have lost their dignity and self-respect. Burma is becoming a morally bankrupt society. It is a very dangerous trend.”
I could not agree more. Burma could have been one of Asia’s economic tigers in the 1950s and 1960s, but its leaders didn’t take advantage of the opportunities.
After regaining independence under the late Prime Minister U Nu, the country lost its way. U Nu lacked a clear vision and was a weak leader.
Then strongman Gen Ne Win, a member of the Thirty Comrades who were trained by the Japanese, entered the political scene. Compared to U Nu, Ne Win was an outgoing and charismatic leader, but he had no interest in seeing Burma prosper and become a part of the global community. With the support of the army, he quelled the rebels and insurgents in the mountains. But then, he put Burma under lock and key. It was a nation cut off from the rest of the world.
Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s elder statesman, met with Ne Win several times and encouraged Ne Win and his cabinet members to open up the country and develop tourism. Ne Win was not interested.
And then events began to take control. Ne Win once told journalists that ruling the country was like catching hold of a tiger’s tail. There was nothing he could do but hang on to it.
Under Ne Win, Burma became a failed state.
Lee continued to engage other military leaders, who were protégés of Ne Win.
After the Western economic sanctions and visa bans imposed by the United States and the European Union, Singapore has remained a destination for Burmese generals and their family members. But I wonder what do the generals learn from the city-state?
Lee continued to urge the leaders to open up the country. Among them, he said, he was impressed by Gen Khin Nyunt, the former intelligence chief.
“He's the most intelligent of the lot,” Lee once said of Khin Nyunt, who was purged in October 2004 and is now under house arrest serving a 44-year suspended prison sentence.
Previously, Singapore invested millions of dollars into Burma’s tourism industry, but the hotels and resorts never really prospered and tourism has floundered.
Recently, Lee changed his tune about the generals, speaking out more honestly. After the crackdown in September, he said, “These are rather dumb generals when it comes to the economy.”
“How can they so mismanage the economy and reach this stage when the country has so many natural resources?”
That question is constantly asked by Burmese at home and abroad.
At a recent dinner hosted by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, Lee said the Burmese generals are "people with very fixated minds—quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions."
On the regime’s decision to build a new capital in Pyinmana, Lee said, "I mean, [building a] new capital from ground zero? I ask myself, what rational government would do this?"
Lee predicted, “We will see how it is, but whatever it is, I do not believe that they can survive indefinitely.”
Many Burmese now living and working in Singapore got the message, but not Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his junta.
The Burmese community in Singapore may not like Singapore’s draconian laws and authoritarian government, but they admire the Lion City’s economic success.
It is quite common to hear Burmese say that Singapore is not a democracy, but they would like Burmese leaders to develop an open market economic policy like Singapore.
If Burma could achieve economic success like its neighbors Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, the generals might not need to lock up Aung San Suu Kyi and dissident leaders anymore. But Than Shwe is no Lee Kuan Yew.
Than Shwe, officially at age 75, has no interest in seeing Burma become an economic tiger. It is too late for him to change his direction. He too has caught hold of a tiger’s tail and will hang on to it to the end.
Than Shwe doesn’t trust the Burmese people, and he cares nothing about their dignity.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
I recently met a group of influential monks from Burma. I immediately asked them about the monk-led uprising in September.
One respected monk said the demonstrations were not entirely about the hike in fuel prices or the economic hardships.
It was also not only about the fight for the democracy. There was one underlying cause that pushed the people to take to the streets, he said.
“It was the fight for dignity. People want to restore the dignity we have lost,” he said.
Under the military regime, the country is demoralized and lacks respect in the eyes of the international community, he said.
The monk continued, “I don’t think our problem is about the economy and poverty alone. I think many people in Burma have lost their dignity and self-respect. Burma is becoming a morally bankrupt society. It is a very dangerous trend.”
I could not agree more. Burma could have been one of Asia’s economic tigers in the 1950s and 1960s, but its leaders didn’t take advantage of the opportunities.
After regaining independence under the late Prime Minister U Nu, the country lost its way. U Nu lacked a clear vision and was a weak leader.
Then strongman Gen Ne Win, a member of the Thirty Comrades who were trained by the Japanese, entered the political scene. Compared to U Nu, Ne Win was an outgoing and charismatic leader, but he had no interest in seeing Burma prosper and become a part of the global community. With the support of the army, he quelled the rebels and insurgents in the mountains. But then, he put Burma under lock and key. It was a nation cut off from the rest of the world.
Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s elder statesman, met with Ne Win several times and encouraged Ne Win and his cabinet members to open up the country and develop tourism. Ne Win was not interested.
And then events began to take control. Ne Win once told journalists that ruling the country was like catching hold of a tiger’s tail. There was nothing he could do but hang on to it.
Under Ne Win, Burma became a failed state.
Lee continued to engage other military leaders, who were protégés of Ne Win.
After the Western economic sanctions and visa bans imposed by the United States and the European Union, Singapore has remained a destination for Burmese generals and their family members. But I wonder what do the generals learn from the city-state?
Lee continued to urge the leaders to open up the country. Among them, he said, he was impressed by Gen Khin Nyunt, the former intelligence chief.
“He's the most intelligent of the lot,” Lee once said of Khin Nyunt, who was purged in October 2004 and is now under house arrest serving a 44-year suspended prison sentence.
Previously, Singapore invested millions of dollars into Burma’s tourism industry, but the hotels and resorts never really prospered and tourism has floundered.
Recently, Lee changed his tune about the generals, speaking out more honestly. After the crackdown in September, he said, “These are rather dumb generals when it comes to the economy.”
“How can they so mismanage the economy and reach this stage when the country has so many natural resources?”
That question is constantly asked by Burmese at home and abroad.
At a recent dinner hosted by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, Lee said the Burmese generals are "people with very fixated minds—quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions."
On the regime’s decision to build a new capital in Pyinmana, Lee said, "I mean, [building a] new capital from ground zero? I ask myself, what rational government would do this?"
Lee predicted, “We will see how it is, but whatever it is, I do not believe that they can survive indefinitely.”
Many Burmese now living and working in Singapore got the message, but not Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his junta.
The Burmese community in Singapore may not like Singapore’s draconian laws and authoritarian government, but they admire the Lion City’s economic success.
It is quite common to hear Burmese say that Singapore is not a democracy, but they would like Burmese leaders to develop an open market economic policy like Singapore.
If Burma could achieve economic success like its neighbors Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, the generals might not need to lock up Aung San Suu Kyi and dissident leaders anymore. But Than Shwe is no Lee Kuan Yew.
Than Shwe, officially at age 75, has no interest in seeing Burma become an economic tiger. It is too late for him to change his direction. He too has caught hold of a tiger’s tail and will hang on to it to the end.
Than Shwe doesn’t trust the Burmese people, and he cares nothing about their dignity.
Peace Still out of Reach in Burma
Aung Zaw - News Analysis
New America Media
January 30, 2008
Editor's Note:
Burma's 60th Independence Day this month passed largely unnoticed by the international community. But the desire among its international friends to see an unoppressed and free country is strong, notes Aung Zaw, editor and founder of The Irrawaddy Magazine in Thailand.
CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Less than four months after the shattering events of last September, news about Burma has almost completely disappeared from the international radar screen. The regime’s tight control over the country has increased since the protests, and a quiet crackdown on dissidents has continued. The regime's attempt to restore "normalcy" may be working as many dissidents have been locked up and many Buddhist monks have deserted Burma's temples and monasteries.
In this ongoing stalemate, a combination of deep depression, despair and fear continues to grip the country. News from Iraq, Kenya, Pakistan and Afghanistan, as well as America’s primaries, has taken over the headlines, and developments in Burma are given little attention.
Nevertheless, as the year 2008 gets under way, the desire among Burma’s international friends to see change there is as strong as ever. These friends keep advocating Burma's cause and maintain the spotlight on the country. They are as determined as Burma's own undefeated souls to keep the Burma issue alive.
On the 60th anniversary this month of Burma's independence, U.S. First Lady Laura Bush strongly criticized the country’s military leadership, saying, "Instead of celebrating their freedom, the Burmese people live in fear, poverty and oppression under General Than Shwe and his military regime." She noted that the United States stands behind detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and "all those working to make sure that by the next January 4 the people of Burma will celebrate real independence."
Britain's Foreign Secretary David Miliband, who has written several commentaries on Burma since the September uprising, also issued a statement saying that the Burmese people's aspirations for democracy, stability and prosperity have been frustrated.
Meanwhile, the European Union's special envoy to Burma, Piero Fassino, said that efforts to promote democracy in Burma must remain "at the top of the international community's agenda." Fassino has made a tour of the region, met with Chinese officials in Beijing, and held talks with United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and special envoy Ibrahim Gambari. Fassino said they found common ground, particularly on the need to enlist the support of all key Asian countries for diplomatic pressure to secure a political dialogue between the Burmese regime and the country's opposition.
But the regime is not interested in dialogue. The appointment late last year of a liaison minister between the regime and Suu Kyi was just an attempt to deflect growing international criticism. The junta "fails to show any interest in talks" with Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit said in its recent annual report.
Frustration and disappointment have also been felt in the neighboring countries. As Indonesia prepared to welcome Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein to Jakarta, Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda said that while “some countries in the region choose to be indifferent…we can’t afford to ignore this problem.” He said that his government wanted to see “a more credible process in the implementation of their [the Burmese junta’s] roadmap to democracy.”
Singapore's elder statesman Lee Kuan Yew has criticized the military junta, saying Burma’s ruling generals were "people with very fixated minds, quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions." Lee highlighted the role that other countries in the region could play in persuading the junta to embrace democracy. "The members of ASEAN who could influence them [the generals] will be Thailand, and beyond [that] China and India. The rest of us—we are a kind of background muzak," he said.
China, Thailand and India are major trading partners of the regime, and Beijing has been a leading supplier of arms. Singaporean diplomats and officials have been quietly criticizing Burma’s policy on Thailand, which is eager to purchase gas and natural resources from the regime. Meanwhile, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win that it had become increasingly urgent to bring about "political reform and national reconciliation" in Burma.
The regime is likely this year to face more diplomatic pressure. Dissidents in exile predict that more street protests similar to those of last September are likely to take place, leading to social unrest and?instability. It seems, however, that Gen. Than Shwe and other leaders are prepared to resist any pressure from inside or outside the country. Than Shwe's recent Independence Day speech contained nothing new, while indicating that the regime's "roadmap" will not be inclusive, and that the boundless power of the military will be maintained. In his speech, Than Shwe said that the “roadmap” would guarantee a "discipline-flourishing democratic state."
More political gambits with the United Nations, in order to appease powerful neighbors like China, are to be expected from the former psychological warfare officer, implying that Gambari may soon go back to Burma. Gambari's mission has been supported by Western and regional governments, although his efforts to bring about political dialogue and national reconciliation have so far been unsuccessful.
Burmese at home and abroad have been increasingly critical of Gambari's work. A Western observer and businessman with keen interest in Burma recently said that there is no question of the good intentions of the United States, the European Union, American First Lady Laura Bush and some regional leaders. But, he added, "It is also disgusting to see them back Gambari, who hasn’t a clue about Burma." All of their words and statements uttered about Burma should be turned into action, he said.
The year 2007 ended with a bloody crackdown and deep repression. Independence Day at the start of 2008 marked only Burma’s recolonization by homegrown dictators. Prospects for the rest of the year remain bleak.
New America Media
January 30, 2008
Editor's Note:
Burma's 60th Independence Day this month passed largely unnoticed by the international community. But the desire among its international friends to see an unoppressed and free country is strong, notes Aung Zaw, editor and founder of The Irrawaddy Magazine in Thailand.
CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Less than four months after the shattering events of last September, news about Burma has almost completely disappeared from the international radar screen. The regime’s tight control over the country has increased since the protests, and a quiet crackdown on dissidents has continued. The regime's attempt to restore "normalcy" may be working as many dissidents have been locked up and many Buddhist monks have deserted Burma's temples and monasteries.
In this ongoing stalemate, a combination of deep depression, despair and fear continues to grip the country. News from Iraq, Kenya, Pakistan and Afghanistan, as well as America’s primaries, has taken over the headlines, and developments in Burma are given little attention.
Nevertheless, as the year 2008 gets under way, the desire among Burma’s international friends to see change there is as strong as ever. These friends keep advocating Burma's cause and maintain the spotlight on the country. They are as determined as Burma's own undefeated souls to keep the Burma issue alive.
On the 60th anniversary this month of Burma's independence, U.S. First Lady Laura Bush strongly criticized the country’s military leadership, saying, "Instead of celebrating their freedom, the Burmese people live in fear, poverty and oppression under General Than Shwe and his military regime." She noted that the United States stands behind detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and "all those working to make sure that by the next January 4 the people of Burma will celebrate real independence."
Britain's Foreign Secretary David Miliband, who has written several commentaries on Burma since the September uprising, also issued a statement saying that the Burmese people's aspirations for democracy, stability and prosperity have been frustrated.
Meanwhile, the European Union's special envoy to Burma, Piero Fassino, said that efforts to promote democracy in Burma must remain "at the top of the international community's agenda." Fassino has made a tour of the region, met with Chinese officials in Beijing, and held talks with United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and special envoy Ibrahim Gambari. Fassino said they found common ground, particularly on the need to enlist the support of all key Asian countries for diplomatic pressure to secure a political dialogue between the Burmese regime and the country's opposition.
But the regime is not interested in dialogue. The appointment late last year of a liaison minister between the regime and Suu Kyi was just an attempt to deflect growing international criticism. The junta "fails to show any interest in talks" with Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit said in its recent annual report.
Frustration and disappointment have also been felt in the neighboring countries. As Indonesia prepared to welcome Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein to Jakarta, Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda said that while “some countries in the region choose to be indifferent…we can’t afford to ignore this problem.” He said that his government wanted to see “a more credible process in the implementation of their [the Burmese junta’s] roadmap to democracy.”
Singapore's elder statesman Lee Kuan Yew has criticized the military junta, saying Burma’s ruling generals were "people with very fixated minds, quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions." Lee highlighted the role that other countries in the region could play in persuading the junta to embrace democracy. "The members of ASEAN who could influence them [the generals] will be Thailand, and beyond [that] China and India. The rest of us—we are a kind of background muzak," he said.
China, Thailand and India are major trading partners of the regime, and Beijing has been a leading supplier of arms. Singaporean diplomats and officials have been quietly criticizing Burma’s policy on Thailand, which is eager to purchase gas and natural resources from the regime. Meanwhile, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win that it had become increasingly urgent to bring about "political reform and national reconciliation" in Burma.
The regime is likely this year to face more diplomatic pressure. Dissidents in exile predict that more street protests similar to those of last September are likely to take place, leading to social unrest and?instability. It seems, however, that Gen. Than Shwe and other leaders are prepared to resist any pressure from inside or outside the country. Than Shwe's recent Independence Day speech contained nothing new, while indicating that the regime's "roadmap" will not be inclusive, and that the boundless power of the military will be maintained. In his speech, Than Shwe said that the “roadmap” would guarantee a "discipline-flourishing democratic state."
More political gambits with the United Nations, in order to appease powerful neighbors like China, are to be expected from the former psychological warfare officer, implying that Gambari may soon go back to Burma. Gambari's mission has been supported by Western and regional governments, although his efforts to bring about political dialogue and national reconciliation have so far been unsuccessful.
Burmese at home and abroad have been increasingly critical of Gambari's work. A Western observer and businessman with keen interest in Burma recently said that there is no question of the good intentions of the United States, the European Union, American First Lady Laura Bush and some regional leaders. But, he added, "It is also disgusting to see them back Gambari, who hasn’t a clue about Burma." All of their words and statements uttered about Burma should be turned into action, he said.
The year 2007 ended with a bloody crackdown and deep repression. Independence Day at the start of 2008 marked only Burma’s recolonization by homegrown dictators. Prospects for the rest of the year remain bleak.
'Jakarta could play a key role'
Supalak G Khundee
The Nation
January 31, 2008
ICG proposes regional forum to end deadlock
The respected think-tank International Crisis Group (ICG) has suggested Indonesia would be ideal to host a multi-level approach to resolve the problem of Burma.
In a report, the group suggested a forum similar to that for Cambodia in the late 1980s.
It would employ a multi-level approach to end the political deadlock in the military-ruled country.
Entitled "Burma/Myanmar: After the Crackdown", the Brussels-based group's report examined the implications of mass protests in September last year, the brutal crackdown and proposals to resolve the crisis.
While the military remains in firm charge, last year's events emphasised the depth of the political and economic problems.
Even the regime's allies recognised the need to take a new course, the report said.
"Burma's neighbours, especially China and members of Asean, need to seize the moment", said John Virgoe, Crisis Group's South East Asia project director.
"Regional multi-party talks - coordinated with the UN Secretary-General's special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, and backed by the wider international community - hold out the best hope for launching a meaningful process of national reconciliation and broader reform", he said.
"Indonesia could play a particularly important role, perhaps by hosting a regional meeting along the lines of the Jakarta Informal Meetings which kick-started the Cambodia peace process in 1988 and 1989," said Crisis Group president Gareth
Evans, who as Australian foreign minister was closely involved in that process.
All international players with some ability to influence the situation need to become actively involved in working for change, including the emergence of a broader, more inclusive, better organised political society, it said.
At the core, UN special envoy Gambari plays a vital role promoting dialogue and coordinating unprecedented international efforts, the ICG's report suggested.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon should strengthen his office by becoming directly involved in key negotiations with the Burmese authorities, including through a personal visit to the capital of Naypyidaw in the near future, the report said.
Others also have important roles. A working group of China and key Asean members - possibly Indonesia, Singa-pore, Thailand and Vietnam - should draw on their close ties to engage Rangoon in talks about issues affecting regional stability and development.
However, role of countries in the region is very limited as Burma, at the Asean summit in Singapore last November, suggested the group should not to intervene in its domestic affairs, reserving its right to work only with the UN to solve the problem.
Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram said after a meeting with the European Union's special envoy on Burma Piero Fassino on Tuesday that Burma did not wish Asean to get involved in its problems.
On a tour of Asia, Fassino is seeking cooperation to help Gambari, who is in India, to achieve a "genuine" political dialogue among all conflicting parties in Burma.
The Nation
January 31, 2008
ICG proposes regional forum to end deadlock
The respected think-tank International Crisis Group (ICG) has suggested Indonesia would be ideal to host a multi-level approach to resolve the problem of Burma.
In a report, the group suggested a forum similar to that for Cambodia in the late 1980s.
It would employ a multi-level approach to end the political deadlock in the military-ruled country.
Entitled "Burma/Myanmar: After the Crackdown", the Brussels-based group's report examined the implications of mass protests in September last year, the brutal crackdown and proposals to resolve the crisis.
While the military remains in firm charge, last year's events emphasised the depth of the political and economic problems.
Even the regime's allies recognised the need to take a new course, the report said.
"Burma's neighbours, especially China and members of Asean, need to seize the moment", said John Virgoe, Crisis Group's South East Asia project director.
"Regional multi-party talks - coordinated with the UN Secretary-General's special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, and backed by the wider international community - hold out the best hope for launching a meaningful process of national reconciliation and broader reform", he said.
"Indonesia could play a particularly important role, perhaps by hosting a regional meeting along the lines of the Jakarta Informal Meetings which kick-started the Cambodia peace process in 1988 and 1989," said Crisis Group president Gareth
Evans, who as Australian foreign minister was closely involved in that process.
All international players with some ability to influence the situation need to become actively involved in working for change, including the emergence of a broader, more inclusive, better organised political society, it said.
At the core, UN special envoy Gambari plays a vital role promoting dialogue and coordinating unprecedented international efforts, the ICG's report suggested.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon should strengthen his office by becoming directly involved in key negotiations with the Burmese authorities, including through a personal visit to the capital of Naypyidaw in the near future, the report said.
Others also have important roles. A working group of China and key Asean members - possibly Indonesia, Singa-pore, Thailand and Vietnam - should draw on their close ties to engage Rangoon in talks about issues affecting regional stability and development.
However, role of countries in the region is very limited as Burma, at the Asean summit in Singapore last November, suggested the group should not to intervene in its domestic affairs, reserving its right to work only with the UN to solve the problem.
Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram said after a meeting with the European Union's special envoy on Burma Piero Fassino on Tuesday that Burma did not wish Asean to get involved in its problems.
On a tour of Asia, Fassino is seeking cooperation to help Gambari, who is in India, to achieve a "genuine" political dialogue among all conflicting parties in Burma.
"Prepare for the worst," Aung San Suu Kyi advises Myanmar (Roundup)
Monsters & Critics
Jan 30, 2008, 14:16 GMT
Yangon(dpa) - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday advised the nation to 'hope for the best but prepare for the worst,' in a rare meeting with her National League for Democracy (NLD) party.
The ruling junta allowed Suu Kyi a rare respite from house arrest to meet with members of the NLD for about two hours Wednesday afternoon at the Sein Le Kanthar State Guest House where she held talks with NLD chairman Aung Shwe and seven others and government liasion minister Aung Kyi.
Following the meeting, NLD spokesman Nyan Win told correspondents that Suu Kyi had criticized the government's so-called dialogue process for not including representatives of the various ethnic minority nationalities and failing to set a deadline.
Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel peace prize in 1991 for her heroic struggle for democracy in her country, cautioned Myanmar's downtrodden population 'to hope for the best prepare for the worst,' said Nyan Win.
Suu Kyi has been kept under house arrest in her family's Yangon compound since May, 2003.
It was not clear why Myanmar's military regime allowed her to meet with the NLD leaders but the conciliatory gesture comes at a time when the junta is under increasing pressure to show progress in its political dialogue with the opposition.
European Union special envoy for Myanmar Piero Fussino was in Bangkok earlier this week calling on all Asian governments to unite in putting pressure on Myanmar's junta.
'It is necessary to open a new phase of more constructive and more concise. We need a real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all different sectors of Myanmar society,' said Fassino.
Fassino has already visited Beijing to discuss the Myanmar issue, and plans to travel to Indonesia, India, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Japan to solidify Asian support in what has become a fairly universal call on the military rulers of Myanmar to speed up their political dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other suppressed segments of Myanmar society.
The EU appointed Fassino as special envoy for Myanmar last year in an effort to increase pressure on the junta to bring about real political change in their country in the aftermath of a brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks that shocked the world and left at least 31 people dead.
The crackdown reignited international concern about Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962, but the growing frustration has thus far accomplished little in terms of forcing the regime into a real political dialogue with Suu Kyi.
United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has visited Myanmar on several occasions, with the last visit in November, to press for a genuine dialogue but with limited success.
Jan 30, 2008, 14:16 GMT
Yangon(dpa) - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday advised the nation to 'hope for the best but prepare for the worst,' in a rare meeting with her National League for Democracy (NLD) party.
The ruling junta allowed Suu Kyi a rare respite from house arrest to meet with members of the NLD for about two hours Wednesday afternoon at the Sein Le Kanthar State Guest House where she held talks with NLD chairman Aung Shwe and seven others and government liasion minister Aung Kyi.
Following the meeting, NLD spokesman Nyan Win told correspondents that Suu Kyi had criticized the government's so-called dialogue process for not including representatives of the various ethnic minority nationalities and failing to set a deadline.
Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel peace prize in 1991 for her heroic struggle for democracy in her country, cautioned Myanmar's downtrodden population 'to hope for the best prepare for the worst,' said Nyan Win.
Suu Kyi has been kept under house arrest in her family's Yangon compound since May, 2003.
It was not clear why Myanmar's military regime allowed her to meet with the NLD leaders but the conciliatory gesture comes at a time when the junta is under increasing pressure to show progress in its political dialogue with the opposition.
European Union special envoy for Myanmar Piero Fussino was in Bangkok earlier this week calling on all Asian governments to unite in putting pressure on Myanmar's junta.
'It is necessary to open a new phase of more constructive and more concise. We need a real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all different sectors of Myanmar society,' said Fassino.
Fassino has already visited Beijing to discuss the Myanmar issue, and plans to travel to Indonesia, India, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Japan to solidify Asian support in what has become a fairly universal call on the military rulers of Myanmar to speed up their political dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other suppressed segments of Myanmar society.
The EU appointed Fassino as special envoy for Myanmar last year in an effort to increase pressure on the junta to bring about real political change in their country in the aftermath of a brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks that shocked the world and left at least 31 people dead.
The crackdown reignited international concern about Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962, but the growing frustration has thus far accomplished little in terms of forcing the regime into a real political dialogue with Suu Kyi.
United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has visited Myanmar on several occasions, with the last visit in November, to press for a genuine dialogue but with limited success.
Burma Briefing at Parliament’s Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs
Canadian Friends of Burma
Jan. 30, 2008
Ottawa - The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development is holding a parliamentary briefing on Burma in Ottawa tomorrow January 31, 2008 .
Senior Foreign Affairs officials will do the briefing and answer questions by members of the committee. Please see details below:
NOTICE OF MEETING
Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development
Briefing on the violent reaction of the Burmese regime
DATE:
Thursday, January 31, 2008
TIME:
3:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m.
AT:
Room 308, West Block
WITNESSES:
Randolph Mank, Director General
Asia South and Pacific Bureau
Peter McGovern, Director General
Bilateral Commercial Relations, Asia and Americas
Adèle Dion, Director General
Human Security and Human Rights Bureau
John F. G. Hannaford
Director General and Deputy Legal Adviser
______________________________
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
Email: cfob@cfob.org
Website: www.cfob.org
Jan. 30, 2008
Ottawa - The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development is holding a parliamentary briefing on Burma in Ottawa tomorrow January 31, 2008 .
Senior Foreign Affairs officials will do the briefing and answer questions by members of the committee. Please see details below:
NOTICE OF MEETING
Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development
Briefing on the violent reaction of the Burmese regime
DATE:
Thursday, January 31, 2008
TIME:
3:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m.
AT:
Room 308, West Block
WITNESSES:
Randolph Mank, Director General
Asia South and Pacific Bureau
Peter McGovern, Director General
Bilateral Commercial Relations, Asia and Americas
Adèle Dion, Director General
Human Security and Human Rights Bureau
John F. G. Hannaford
Director General and Deputy Legal Adviser
______________________________
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
Email: cfob@cfob.org
Website: www.cfob.org
Wednesday, 30 January 2008
Junta threatens jail for Burma protest leaders
Ian MacKinnon
SE Asia correspondent
The Guardian
January 30, 2008
Burma's military regime has filed charges against 10 leading activists for orchestrating the rallies against price rises that snowballed into last year's brutally suppressed mass protests against the government.
Two of the most prominent pro-democracy leaders, Min Ko Niaing, 45, and Ko Ko Gyi, 46, were among those accused under legislation barring unregistered groups from making statements. They face seven years' imprisonment.
Aung Thein, a lawyer acting for the opposition National League for Democracy, headed by Aung San Suu Kyi, said: "They are likely to face trials behind closed doors inside Insein prison. I am ready to defend them, but so far I have not been allowed to meet with them."
The lawyer added that it was unclear what statements the men were alleged to have made, or why they were not accused of the more serious offence of sedition.
The pair, leading figures in the movement responsible for the last big uprising nearly two decades ago, were seized in August as the regime rounded up the ringleaders of protests against huge rises in fuel prices.
Gyi's younger brother, Ko Aung, visited the detained leaders almost a week ago and said their condition was "not so bad".
Released from jail four years ago, they formed the 88 Generation student group that secretly organised rallies against the sudden price rises that proved devastating for already impoverished Burmese. The protests grew into mass demonstrations. At least 31 people were killed when they were suppressed.
SE Asia correspondent
The Guardian
January 30, 2008
Burma's military regime has filed charges against 10 leading activists for orchestrating the rallies against price rises that snowballed into last year's brutally suppressed mass protests against the government.
Two of the most prominent pro-democracy leaders, Min Ko Niaing, 45, and Ko Ko Gyi, 46, were among those accused under legislation barring unregistered groups from making statements. They face seven years' imprisonment.
Aung Thein, a lawyer acting for the opposition National League for Democracy, headed by Aung San Suu Kyi, said: "They are likely to face trials behind closed doors inside Insein prison. I am ready to defend them, but so far I have not been allowed to meet with them."
The lawyer added that it was unclear what statements the men were alleged to have made, or why they were not accused of the more serious offence of sedition.
The pair, leading figures in the movement responsible for the last big uprising nearly two decades ago, were seized in August as the regime rounded up the ringleaders of protests against huge rises in fuel prices.
Gyi's younger brother, Ko Aung, visited the detained leaders almost a week ago and said their condition was "not so bad".
Released from jail four years ago, they formed the 88 Generation student group that secretly organised rallies against the sudden price rises that proved devastating for already impoverished Burmese. The protests grew into mass demonstrations. At least 31 people were killed when they were suppressed.
Myanmar junta gives Aung San Suu Kyi a rare break from house arrest
Monsters & Critics
January 30, 2008
Yangon - Myanmar's ruling junta on Wednesday allowed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi a rare respite from house arrest to meet with members of her National League for Democracy (NLD) Party, sources said.
Suu Kyi was escorted from her family compound in Yangon, where she has been under house arrest since May, 2003, to the Sein Le Kanthar State Guest House where she was allowed to hold talks with NLD chairman Aung Shwe and seven other party executives, opposition sources confirmed.
No details were immediately available on the outcome of the meeting.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been kept under near complete isolation for the past four years.
It was not clear why Myanmar's military regime allowed her to meet with the NLD leaders but the conciliatory gesture comes at a time when the junta is under increasing pressure to show progress in its political dialogue with the opposition.
European Union special envoy for Myanmar Piero Fussino was in Bangkok earlier this week calling on all Asian governments to unite in putting pressure on Myanmar's junta.
'It is necessary to open a new phase of more constructive and more concise. We need a real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all different sectors of Myanmar society,' said Fassino.
Fassino has already visited Beijing to discuss the Myanmar issue, and plans to travel to Indonesia, India, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Japan to solidify Asian support in what has become a fairly universal call on the military rulers of Myanmar to speed up their political dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other suppressed segments of Myanmar society.
The EU appointed Fassino as special envoy for Myanmar last year in an effort to increase pressure on the junta to bring about real political change in their country in the aftermath of a brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks that shocked the world and left at least 31 people dead.
The crackdown reignited international concern about Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962, but the growing frustration has thus far accomplished little in terms of forcing the regime into a real political dialogue with Suu Kyi.
United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has visited Myanmar on several occasions, with the last visit in November, to press for a genuine dialogue but with limited success.
January 30, 2008
Yangon - Myanmar's ruling junta on Wednesday allowed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi a rare respite from house arrest to meet with members of her National League for Democracy (NLD) Party, sources said.
Suu Kyi was escorted from her family compound in Yangon, where she has been under house arrest since May, 2003, to the Sein Le Kanthar State Guest House where she was allowed to hold talks with NLD chairman Aung Shwe and seven other party executives, opposition sources confirmed.
No details were immediately available on the outcome of the meeting.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been kept under near complete isolation for the past four years.
It was not clear why Myanmar's military regime allowed her to meet with the NLD leaders but the conciliatory gesture comes at a time when the junta is under increasing pressure to show progress in its political dialogue with the opposition.
European Union special envoy for Myanmar Piero Fussino was in Bangkok earlier this week calling on all Asian governments to unite in putting pressure on Myanmar's junta.
'It is necessary to open a new phase of more constructive and more concise. We need a real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all different sectors of Myanmar society,' said Fassino.
Fassino has already visited Beijing to discuss the Myanmar issue, and plans to travel to Indonesia, India, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Japan to solidify Asian support in what has become a fairly universal call on the military rulers of Myanmar to speed up their political dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other suppressed segments of Myanmar society.
The EU appointed Fassino as special envoy for Myanmar last year in an effort to increase pressure on the junta to bring about real political change in their country in the aftermath of a brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks that shocked the world and left at least 31 people dead.
The crackdown reignited international concern about Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962, but the growing frustration has thus far accomplished little in terms of forcing the regime into a real political dialogue with Suu Kyi.
United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has visited Myanmar on several occasions, with the last visit in November, to press for a genuine dialogue but with limited success.
Singing while under suspicion in Myanmar
Paul Watson
Los Angeles Times
January 30, 2008
A Yangon music school steers clear of politics, but attracts government snoops because of its support from U.S. and other foreign donors.
YANGON, MYANMAR -- The military government's tightening grip doesn't give people here much to sing about, and when they do feel the urge to make music, even that can be risky.
The generals who rule Myanmar have spies snooping around for subversives in the most unlikely places, such as a small music school in a rented house sandwiched between a Hindu temple and a broomstick factory.
A tenuous harmony
A tenuous harmony
click to enlarge
It isn't a renegade hip-hop crib, or a blue-hazed den of protesting folkies, just a small rehearsal hall of plywood and particleboard where children peck away at piano keys and a chorus of university students sings with enough heart to raise the low roof.
What riles the government is that the music school depends on foreign support, especially from a group of Yale University students and other American donors. Some of the generals' enforcers suspect a dangerous plot.
After 45 years of military rule, that isn't as weird as it sounds. Xenophobic propaganda is one of the ways the generals rally support and scare off dissent, so Myanmar's people are bombarded with it. A billboard on a busy downtown street corner in Yangon, also known as Rangoon, declares: "Oppose those who rely on America, act as their stooges and hold negative views."
This month, poet Saw Wai was arrested on suspicion of writing a coded anti-government message in a Valentine's verse published in a popular entertainment weekly. In Burmese, the first character of each word spells out: "Power crazy Senior General Than Shwe," referring to the military government's leader.
The students at the Gitameit, or "Music Friends," school take their direction from the more universal language of music. They studiously avoid politics, but that isn't always enough to escape the probing eyes of the government.
Founded four years ago, the school is one of the few places, outside of a temple or church, where people can go to learn how to play a Western musical instrument or read music in Myanmar, which is also known as Burma.
Its students' struggle is a lesson in the often bizarre lengths to which the generals will go to maintain their hold on power. But they're not strong enough to stop music bringing people together, and giving them hope.
You can feel it walking up the front path, in the breeze of notes from four upright pianos, a baby grand, guitars and traditional instruments that drifts from the rehearsal rooms, where jazz legends such as Billie Holiday, Thelonious Monk, Duke Ellington and Dizzy Gillespie look down from photocopied portraits taped to the walls.
When the school opened, neighbors told the students they wouldn't last long. They were still going strong last year, and a few foreign visitors began dropping by, so intelligence agents started showing up. They reminded the students that Myanmar's security laws hold them responsible for anything their foreign guests do, and if the outsiders strayed into politics, the locals would go to jail.
"Some people are using you for propaganda purposes," the agents warned. "We're going to watch your every move."
There wasn't all that much to see. A 9-year-old girl, with pudgy cheeks and an infectious smile, comes regularly for piano lessons. Young men and women, Buddhists, Christians and Muslims among them, spend hours each day focused on sheet music, coaxing melodies from the strings of guitars, violins and pianos.
Choir director U Moe Naing, 40, explained that the group members wanted to be good enough to perform for the public. They were working with foreign musicians and getting some experience by showing their talents to foreign music lovers, he told the agents.
Naing, a pianist who once studied to be a geologist, didn't want trouble with the law. So he followed orders and reported weekly to the neighborhood intelligence agency office on any visitors and the school's activities.
Yet the spies kept the heat on. They put a tail on Naing, showed his picture to people, interrogated his friends. They got especially pesky last May, when Naing's choir held a concert with the Spizzwinks(?), an all-male a cappella group from Yale University. Twenty Yale singers were on a three-week tour of Southeast Asia, with a five-day stop in Myanmar, where a Yale graduate had been teaching at Gitameit.
An Ivy League glee club that hangs with the singing Whiffenpoofs wouldn't have made it onto any watch list in most other countries. But 15 minutes before the performance, a captain from the dreaded Special Branch police came backstage to poke around, while 250 people sat in the audience. The singers' butterflies morphed into terror that their show was about to be shut down as an anti-state activity.
"He threatened me, saying, 'Maybe I'll come back to take you away,' " Naing said. "I was really afraid."
The captain demanded to know where the foreign singers were from, and when Naing replied they were U.S. university students, the cop asked whether that meant they were American.
Every answer only brought on another question, and it was getting uncomfortably close to curtain time, so Naing says he told the officer testily: " 'If you'd like to arrest us, OK. But please do it after the concert.' He didn't show up. Fortunately."
And the show did go on, and the spies have kept their distance in recent months, but the music still doesn't come easily. The students have too much to worry about -- like getting a job after graduating from college.
Since 1988, when troops massacred hundreds of demonstrators to crush student-led protests, the government has treated universities not as sources of higher education crucial to the country's development, but as potential threats to its rule.
So the generals have reduced college campuses to facades. A typical university student in Myanmar takes classes by correspondence, never enters a library and attends class only for 10 days of cramming before exams.
Many of the Gitameit's students were living life in a demoralized daze before they began making music for several hours each day.
Kit Young, an American volunteer who teaches at the music school, has asked university students what they do with themselves on an ordinary day, and usually the reply is: "Sleep," she said. "Or they go out to tea shops with friends. They may go for some private tuition. There are exams only once a year -- and no classes."
It's frustrating for young people desperate to get ahead in a stagnating economy dominated by the generals and their cronies. And that's the way the government likes things -- it doesn't need intelligent people asking too many questions.
The government's iron walls and harassment are very effective at keeping the country in the dark. To the surprise of Nathaniel Ganor, a 21-year-old Yale computer science major who sings with the Spizzwinks(?), the Myanmar students were so isolated they knew little about the United States. And they didn't seem very curious to find out more.
"One evening, sitting around the dinner table at a restaurant, I asked the students at my table, 'If you could visit America, what would you want to see?' " Ganor recalled. "One student looked at me strangely and said: 'That's ridiculous. I could never visit America. Besides, I have no idea what's there.' "
Ganor decided he had to find a way to bring some of the Gitameit's singers to the U.S., and his group is trying to raise $60,000 to fly 16 of them on a two-week tour, with stops in San Francisco; New Haven, Conn.; New York and Washington.
Naing often tells his singers that he plans to take them on tour. They laugh at him.
But the students gain strength from making music. Their choir is in constant demand in entertainment-starved Yangon, where they perform for diplomats, and at weddings and concerts. They refuse to be silenced by skeptics or thugs.
"For the country, I can't do anything -- only this little thing," Naing said. "The students arrive with little confidence, but I see a lot of leadership coming out. It's really good to see."
paul.watson@latimes.com
Los Angeles Times
January 30, 2008
A Yangon music school steers clear of politics, but attracts government snoops because of its support from U.S. and other foreign donors.
SUBVERSIVE? Honnay Lwin Loin practices at a Yangon music school whose U.S. funding lures the government snoops. Photo: Paul Watson / Los Angeles Times
YANGON, MYANMAR -- The military government's tightening grip doesn't give people here much to sing about, and when they do feel the urge to make music, even that can be risky.
The generals who rule Myanmar have spies snooping around for subversives in the most unlikely places, such as a small music school in a rented house sandwiched between a Hindu temple and a broomstick factory.
A tenuous harmony
A tenuous harmony
click to enlarge
It isn't a renegade hip-hop crib, or a blue-hazed den of protesting folkies, just a small rehearsal hall of plywood and particleboard where children peck away at piano keys and a chorus of university students sings with enough heart to raise the low roof.
What riles the government is that the music school depends on foreign support, especially from a group of Yale University students and other American donors. Some of the generals' enforcers suspect a dangerous plot.
After 45 years of military rule, that isn't as weird as it sounds. Xenophobic propaganda is one of the ways the generals rally support and scare off dissent, so Myanmar's people are bombarded with it. A billboard on a busy downtown street corner in Yangon, also known as Rangoon, declares: "Oppose those who rely on America, act as their stooges and hold negative views."
This month, poet Saw Wai was arrested on suspicion of writing a coded anti-government message in a Valentine's verse published in a popular entertainment weekly. In Burmese, the first character of each word spells out: "Power crazy Senior General Than Shwe," referring to the military government's leader.
The students at the Gitameit, or "Music Friends," school take their direction from the more universal language of music. They studiously avoid politics, but that isn't always enough to escape the probing eyes of the government.
Founded four years ago, the school is one of the few places, outside of a temple or church, where people can go to learn how to play a Western musical instrument or read music in Myanmar, which is also known as Burma.
Its students' struggle is a lesson in the often bizarre lengths to which the generals will go to maintain their hold on power. But they're not strong enough to stop music bringing people together, and giving them hope.
You can feel it walking up the front path, in the breeze of notes from four upright pianos, a baby grand, guitars and traditional instruments that drifts from the rehearsal rooms, where jazz legends such as Billie Holiday, Thelonious Monk, Duke Ellington and Dizzy Gillespie look down from photocopied portraits taped to the walls.
When the school opened, neighbors told the students they wouldn't last long. They were still going strong last year, and a few foreign visitors began dropping by, so intelligence agents started showing up. They reminded the students that Myanmar's security laws hold them responsible for anything their foreign guests do, and if the outsiders strayed into politics, the locals would go to jail.
"Some people are using you for propaganda purposes," the agents warned. "We're going to watch your every move."
There wasn't all that much to see. A 9-year-old girl, with pudgy cheeks and an infectious smile, comes regularly for piano lessons. Young men and women, Buddhists, Christians and Muslims among them, spend hours each day focused on sheet music, coaxing melodies from the strings of guitars, violins and pianos.
Choir director U Moe Naing, 40, explained that the group members wanted to be good enough to perform for the public. They were working with foreign musicians and getting some experience by showing their talents to foreign music lovers, he told the agents.
Naing, a pianist who once studied to be a geologist, didn't want trouble with the law. So he followed orders and reported weekly to the neighborhood intelligence agency office on any visitors and the school's activities.
Yet the spies kept the heat on. They put a tail on Naing, showed his picture to people, interrogated his friends. They got especially pesky last May, when Naing's choir held a concert with the Spizzwinks(?), an all-male a cappella group from Yale University. Twenty Yale singers were on a three-week tour of Southeast Asia, with a five-day stop in Myanmar, where a Yale graduate had been teaching at Gitameit.
An Ivy League glee club that hangs with the singing Whiffenpoofs wouldn't have made it onto any watch list in most other countries. But 15 minutes before the performance, a captain from the dreaded Special Branch police came backstage to poke around, while 250 people sat in the audience. The singers' butterflies morphed into terror that their show was about to be shut down as an anti-state activity.
"He threatened me, saying, 'Maybe I'll come back to take you away,' " Naing said. "I was really afraid."
The captain demanded to know where the foreign singers were from, and when Naing replied they were U.S. university students, the cop asked whether that meant they were American.
Every answer only brought on another question, and it was getting uncomfortably close to curtain time, so Naing says he told the officer testily: " 'If you'd like to arrest us, OK. But please do it after the concert.' He didn't show up. Fortunately."
And the show did go on, and the spies have kept their distance in recent months, but the music still doesn't come easily. The students have too much to worry about -- like getting a job after graduating from college.
Since 1988, when troops massacred hundreds of demonstrators to crush student-led protests, the government has treated universities not as sources of higher education crucial to the country's development, but as potential threats to its rule.
So the generals have reduced college campuses to facades. A typical university student in Myanmar takes classes by correspondence, never enters a library and attends class only for 10 days of cramming before exams.
Many of the Gitameit's students were living life in a demoralized daze before they began making music for several hours each day.
Kit Young, an American volunteer who teaches at the music school, has asked university students what they do with themselves on an ordinary day, and usually the reply is: "Sleep," she said. "Or they go out to tea shops with friends. They may go for some private tuition. There are exams only once a year -- and no classes."
It's frustrating for young people desperate to get ahead in a stagnating economy dominated by the generals and their cronies. And that's the way the government likes things -- it doesn't need intelligent people asking too many questions.
The government's iron walls and harassment are very effective at keeping the country in the dark. To the surprise of Nathaniel Ganor, a 21-year-old Yale computer science major who sings with the Spizzwinks(?), the Myanmar students were so isolated they knew little about the United States. And they didn't seem very curious to find out more.
"One evening, sitting around the dinner table at a restaurant, I asked the students at my table, 'If you could visit America, what would you want to see?' " Ganor recalled. "One student looked at me strangely and said: 'That's ridiculous. I could never visit America. Besides, I have no idea what's there.' "
Ganor decided he had to find a way to bring some of the Gitameit's singers to the U.S., and his group is trying to raise $60,000 to fly 16 of them on a two-week tour, with stops in San Francisco; New Haven, Conn.; New York and Washington.
Naing often tells his singers that he plans to take them on tour. They laugh at him.
But the students gain strength from making music. Their choir is in constant demand in entertainment-starved Yangon, where they perform for diplomats, and at weddings and concerts. They refuse to be silenced by skeptics or thugs.
"For the country, I can't do anything -- only this little thing," Naing said. "The students arrive with little confidence, but I see a lot of leadership coming out. It's really good to see."
paul.watson@latimes.com
Burma's government tightens its grip on international aid agencies
Mungpi
Mizzima News
www.mizzima.com
January 29, 2008
New Delhi, India – In what seems to be a renewed effort to control the movement of international aid agencies operating in Burma, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoH) has established new sets of regulations for aid groups.
The new instructions, which are supplementary to the existing rules, were told to International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs) operating in Burma by the Ministry of Home Affairs during a meeting on January 11, 2008, held at Burma's new capital of Naypyitaw, according to the meeting minutes, a copy of which Mizzima has obtained.
According to the meeting notes, circulated among concerned government ministries, departments and INGOs, all travel by representatives of aid agencies to the field will have to be approved by the Ministry of Defense. This directive literally controls the movement of aid groups.
"No permission from Ka-Ka-Kyi [Ministry of Defense], no travel," Dr. San Shwe Win, Deputy Director General of the Department of Health, who chaired the meeting, told the aid agencies.
While the authenticity of the meeting minutes could not be independently confirmed, an aid worker in Rangoon told Mizzima, "Yes, there was a meeting in Naypyitaw and one of our senior members attended."
However the aid worker, who wished not to be named, did not elaborate on the meeting.
During the meeting, the Chairman said all visits by expatriates will be accompanied by government appointed Liaison Officers (LO), as done in previous years, and expatriates are advised to stay close to the LO.
The LO will accompany and stay with the expatriates, "if possible in the same hotel, taking the same flight, using the same vehicle." Additionally, the LO should be included in all activity-related trainings or meetings and the aid agency is to bear all expenses of the LO.
Dr. San Shwe Win said the new time frame for all Memorandum of Understandings between the government and INGOs is set at one year, and aid agencies will be required to apply for renewal at least 3 to 6 months in advance.
The Chairman of the meeting encouraged INGOs to minimize the conduct of surveys or assessments and instead utilize existing information from other agencies.
Burma, which has a tradition of hiding or providing widely inaccurate data on health, has always refused the request of international organizations to conduct extensive surveys in the country.
"Surveys and assessments should be confined to "Health Issues"… and there needs to be prior discussion and agreement with non-health sector areas such as education, socio-economic conditions, etc," the meeting minutes said.
In a closing remark, Dr. San Shwe Win, chairman of the meeting, told representatives of the INGOs to focus only on "pure health activities" in order to obtain Memorandum of Understandings from the government.
"In the future, it will be difficult to get Memorandums of Understanding from the MoH if for health-related or non-health activities," added Dr. San Shwe Win.
The Chairman referenced a famous Burmese saying in advising the representatives under what conditions the restrictions may be lifted. "If a person is liked, then the rules are reduced," meaning rules and regulations can be reduced for close friends, "…so try to be liked first!"
Mizzima News
www.mizzima.com
January 29, 2008
New Delhi, India – In what seems to be a renewed effort to control the movement of international aid agencies operating in Burma, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoH) has established new sets of regulations for aid groups.
The new instructions, which are supplementary to the existing rules, were told to International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs) operating in Burma by the Ministry of Home Affairs during a meeting on January 11, 2008, held at Burma's new capital of Naypyitaw, according to the meeting minutes, a copy of which Mizzima has obtained.
According to the meeting notes, circulated among concerned government ministries, departments and INGOs, all travel by representatives of aid agencies to the field will have to be approved by the Ministry of Defense. This directive literally controls the movement of aid groups.
"No permission from Ka-Ka-Kyi [Ministry of Defense], no travel," Dr. San Shwe Win, Deputy Director General of the Department of Health, who chaired the meeting, told the aid agencies.
While the authenticity of the meeting minutes could not be independently confirmed, an aid worker in Rangoon told Mizzima, "Yes, there was a meeting in Naypyitaw and one of our senior members attended."
However the aid worker, who wished not to be named, did not elaborate on the meeting.
During the meeting, the Chairman said all visits by expatriates will be accompanied by government appointed Liaison Officers (LO), as done in previous years, and expatriates are advised to stay close to the LO.
The LO will accompany and stay with the expatriates, "if possible in the same hotel, taking the same flight, using the same vehicle." Additionally, the LO should be included in all activity-related trainings or meetings and the aid agency is to bear all expenses of the LO.
Dr. San Shwe Win said the new time frame for all Memorandum of Understandings between the government and INGOs is set at one year, and aid agencies will be required to apply for renewal at least 3 to 6 months in advance.
The Chairman of the meeting encouraged INGOs to minimize the conduct of surveys or assessments and instead utilize existing information from other agencies.
Burma, which has a tradition of hiding or providing widely inaccurate data on health, has always refused the request of international organizations to conduct extensive surveys in the country.
"Surveys and assessments should be confined to "Health Issues"… and there needs to be prior discussion and agreement with non-health sector areas such as education, socio-economic conditions, etc," the meeting minutes said.
In a closing remark, Dr. San Shwe Win, chairman of the meeting, told representatives of the INGOs to focus only on "pure health activities" in order to obtain Memorandum of Understandings from the government.
"In the future, it will be difficult to get Memorandums of Understanding from the MoH if for health-related or non-health activities," added Dr. San Shwe Win.
The Chairman referenced a famous Burmese saying in advising the representatives under what conditions the restrictions may be lifted. "If a person is liked, then the rules are reduced," meaning rules and regulations can be reduced for close friends, "…so try to be liked first!"
Burmese bloggers hide from police
Nem Davies
Mizzima News
www.mizzima.com
January 29, 2008
Apprehensive of the relentless crackdown by the Burmese military junta, several Burmese bloggers in Rangoon have gone into hiding. The scare follows the arrest of a Burmese blogger, Nay Phone Latt, earlier in the day.
Burmese bloggers in the former capital are alarmed and have been forced to go underground in fear of the authorities taking action against them. Nay Phone Latt (Nay Bone Latt), a blogger as well as a writer, was arrested from an internet cafe in Thingan Kyun Township.
A blogger, who requested anonymity in fear of reprisals, said, "At the moment we [bloggers] are fleeing in the wake of the arrest of Ko Nay Phone Latt."
Nay Phone Latt has a blog site www.nayphonelatt.blogspot.com, where he posted writings about expressions of the youth in Burma.
Another blogger said he believes the authorities have targeted bloggers and confirmed that fellow bloggers are on the run in fear of arrests.
Internet users in Rangoon said, over a few weeks ago, authorities have stepped up surveillance of internet users and asked internet café owners to maintain strict records of users.
Blogging, which is popular among Burmese youth, has become a dangerous pastime in the country. The authority's stranglehold over information flow remains as tight as ever and there is zero tolerance over any critical writing.
During the September protests, a Burmese blogger Thar Phyu, who has a blogsite www.mogokemedia.blogspot.com, was arrested and briefly detained for posting pictures of monks and people demonstrating on the streets.
Meanwhile, authorities have shifted poet Saya Saw Wai, who was arrested last week for writing a Valentines' day poem that contains a hidden word – 'Power Crazy Than Shwe', – to the notorious Insein prison on Saturday, family members said.
Mizzima News
www.mizzima.com
January 29, 2008
Apprehensive of the relentless crackdown by the Burmese military junta, several Burmese bloggers in Rangoon have gone into hiding. The scare follows the arrest of a Burmese blogger, Nay Phone Latt, earlier in the day.
Burmese bloggers in the former capital are alarmed and have been forced to go underground in fear of the authorities taking action against them. Nay Phone Latt (Nay Bone Latt), a blogger as well as a writer, was arrested from an internet cafe in Thingan Kyun Township.
A blogger, who requested anonymity in fear of reprisals, said, "At the moment we [bloggers] are fleeing in the wake of the arrest of Ko Nay Phone Latt."
Nay Phone Latt has a blog site www.nayphonelatt.blogspot.com, where he posted writings about expressions of the youth in Burma.
Another blogger said he believes the authorities have targeted bloggers and confirmed that fellow bloggers are on the run in fear of arrests.
Internet users in Rangoon said, over a few weeks ago, authorities have stepped up surveillance of internet users and asked internet café owners to maintain strict records of users.
Blogging, which is popular among Burmese youth, has become a dangerous pastime in the country. The authority's stranglehold over information flow remains as tight as ever and there is zero tolerance over any critical writing.
During the September protests, a Burmese blogger Thar Phyu, who has a blogsite www.mogokemedia.blogspot.com, was arrested and briefly detained for posting pictures of monks and people demonstrating on the streets.
Meanwhile, authorities have shifted poet Saya Saw Wai, who was arrested last week for writing a Valentines' day poem that contains a hidden word – 'Power Crazy Than Shwe', – to the notorious Insein prison on Saturday, family members said.
UN Report Accuses Regime, Armed Ethnic Groups of Recruiting Children
Lalit K Jha/United Nations
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.com
January 30, 2008—A United Nations report released on Tuesday accused the Burmese armed forces, the country’s Tatmadaw, and armed ethnic groups of recruiting children to serve as soldiers.
The groups named in the report are the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), Karen National Union-Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council; Kachin Independence Army (KIA); Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), Karenni Army (KA), Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and Shan State Army-South (SSA-S).
This is more than double the number of armed ethnic groups named in last year’s “Children and Armed Conflict” report, which listed only three—the KNLA, KA and United Wa State Army.
In the 45-page report, submitted to the UN Security Council and General Assembly, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon alleged that the Burmese armed forces have also been responsible for killing and maiming children and denying humanitarian access.
Besides Burma, the report said child soldiers were being recruited in recruitment in Afghanistan, Burundi, Chad, the Central African Republic, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, the Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Sri Lanka and Uganda.
The report recommended the use of a range of measures, including bans on military aid and travel restrictions, against parties to armed conflict who continued to systematically commit grave violations against children.
It also urged the Security Council to refer violations against children in armed conflict to the International Criminal Court.
The report said that, despite regime denials, reliable reports from UN partners indicate that attempts to recruit children forcibly for Tatmadaw service were still occurring. “It is difficult to systematically verify the extent of recruitment or the number of children in military camps owing to access limitations,” it added.
The report said the UN had not received any reports of new recruitment of children by the KNLA, KA or KNPP in the period under review.
However, the limitations imposed by the junta on UN access to areas of operations and on dialogue with the KNLA and KA hampered efforts to verify whether those groups had in fact stopped recruiting children.
Reports had been received indicating that a breakaway faction of the KNU, the KNU-KNLA Peace Council, had recruited children from the Mae La refugee camp and villages in the border areas.
“Sources suggest that several boys were deceived into crossing the border by promises of pay and participation in celebrations but were subsequently coerced into joining the armed group,” the report said. “While most of the children have returned, four boys are reportedly still missing. It is not known whether the KNU-KNLA Peace Council continues recruitment, and the UN has not been able to verify the reports of recruitment.”
Reports had been received of a “one child per family” recruitment policy by the KIA. In early 2007, the UN verified a report of a 15-year-old girl recruited by the KIA when she returned to her home village from school in Myitkyina, Kachin State. “To date, the girl remains with KIA,” the report said.
Eyewitness accounts had been received of children serving with the United Wa State Army in northern Shan State, despite the UWSA’s recent statement to the UN special representative that no children had been recruited since the ceasefire agreement reached by the group with the Burmese regime.
“There are reports of Shan State Army-South recruiting children as part of a new mandatory recruitment policy,” the report said. “Children are also recruited and used by Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (Kokang) in northern Shan State.”
Information had also been received that children were serving with the KNPLF and DKBA. “However, in-depth monitoring is hampered by access limitations to areas of operations of these groups,” the report said.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.com
January 30, 2008—A United Nations report released on Tuesday accused the Burmese armed forces, the country’s Tatmadaw, and armed ethnic groups of recruiting children to serve as soldiers.
The groups named in the report are the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), Karen National Union-Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council; Kachin Independence Army (KIA); Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), Karenni Army (KA), Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and Shan State Army-South (SSA-S).
This is more than double the number of armed ethnic groups named in last year’s “Children and Armed Conflict” report, which listed only three—the KNLA, KA and United Wa State Army.
In the 45-page report, submitted to the UN Security Council and General Assembly, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon alleged that the Burmese armed forces have also been responsible for killing and maiming children and denying humanitarian access.
Besides Burma, the report said child soldiers were being recruited in recruitment in Afghanistan, Burundi, Chad, the Central African Republic, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, the Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Sri Lanka and Uganda.
The report recommended the use of a range of measures, including bans on military aid and travel restrictions, against parties to armed conflict who continued to systematically commit grave violations against children.
It also urged the Security Council to refer violations against children in armed conflict to the International Criminal Court.
The report said that, despite regime denials, reliable reports from UN partners indicate that attempts to recruit children forcibly for Tatmadaw service were still occurring. “It is difficult to systematically verify the extent of recruitment or the number of children in military camps owing to access limitations,” it added.
The report said the UN had not received any reports of new recruitment of children by the KNLA, KA or KNPP in the period under review.
However, the limitations imposed by the junta on UN access to areas of operations and on dialogue with the KNLA and KA hampered efforts to verify whether those groups had in fact stopped recruiting children.
Reports had been received indicating that a breakaway faction of the KNU, the KNU-KNLA Peace Council, had recruited children from the Mae La refugee camp and villages in the border areas.
“Sources suggest that several boys were deceived into crossing the border by promises of pay and participation in celebrations but were subsequently coerced into joining the armed group,” the report said. “While most of the children have returned, four boys are reportedly still missing. It is not known whether the KNU-KNLA Peace Council continues recruitment, and the UN has not been able to verify the reports of recruitment.”
Reports had been received of a “one child per family” recruitment policy by the KIA. In early 2007, the UN verified a report of a 15-year-old girl recruited by the KIA when she returned to her home village from school in Myitkyina, Kachin State. “To date, the girl remains with KIA,” the report said.
Eyewitness accounts had been received of children serving with the United Wa State Army in northern Shan State, despite the UWSA’s recent statement to the UN special representative that no children had been recruited since the ceasefire agreement reached by the group with the Burmese regime.
“There are reports of Shan State Army-South recruiting children as part of a new mandatory recruitment policy,” the report said. “Children are also recruited and used by Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (Kokang) in northern Shan State.”
Information had also been received that children were serving with the KNPLF and DKBA. “However, in-depth monitoring is hampered by access limitations to areas of operations of these groups,” the report said.
Offensive Really Does Describe Latest Anti-Regime Campaign
Violet Cho
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
Burma’s top general on parade—but with his pants around his knees. Or inspecting his troops from the back of a hearse. Or hobnobbing with Osama Bin Laden. These are some of the satirical pictures launched on the Internet in a new offensive against the regime.
And this campaign is truly offensive—one picture superimposes the face of the regime leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, on the amply-endowed body of a lightly-clad bimbo, her legs spread for the camera.
The pictures are the work of an unknown satirist who goes by the name of Mr Creator. He’s certainly creating fun and havoc in Burma, where copies of the cartoons downloaded from the Internet are clandestinely changing hands in tea shops and any place where regime critics gather.
“This is real psychological warfare,” grinned one Rangoon resident. “Mr Creator should be encouraged to continue his work.”
“This kind of satire is a really practical way to get the message across,” said one young man as he distributed copies of the cartoons.
Mr Creator is also up with the news—one picture has him embracing a giant bottle of rum next to a poster advertising the latest Rambo film, which is set mostly in Burma.
Than Shwe is identified as “Rum Bo”—“rum” standing for alcohol and “bo” meaning bully. Together, they stand as a metaphor for Than Shwe.
Mr Creator’s satirical sally follows a similar Internet poster campaign this month named
Chee Lay Chee & Kwey Young Sone, after the a-nyeint traditional comedy troupe Thee Lay Thee & Say Young Son.
The Burmese word Chee can mean something rather disgusting. Lay means four. Put the words together and add mug shots of the four generals who rule Burma and what do you have? Four disgusting objects. Complicated, scatological—but clever.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
Burma’s top general on parade—but with his pants around his knees. Or inspecting his troops from the back of a hearse. Or hobnobbing with Osama Bin Laden. These are some of the satirical pictures launched on the Internet in a new offensive against the regime.
And this campaign is truly offensive—one picture superimposes the face of the regime leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, on the amply-endowed body of a lightly-clad bimbo, her legs spread for the camera.
The pictures are the work of an unknown satirist who goes by the name of Mr Creator. He’s certainly creating fun and havoc in Burma, where copies of the cartoons downloaded from the Internet are clandestinely changing hands in tea shops and any place where regime critics gather.
“This is real psychological warfare,” grinned one Rangoon resident. “Mr Creator should be encouraged to continue his work.”
“This kind of satire is a really practical way to get the message across,” said one young man as he distributed copies of the cartoons.
Mr Creator is also up with the news—one picture has him embracing a giant bottle of rum next to a poster advertising the latest Rambo film, which is set mostly in Burma.
Than Shwe is identified as “Rum Bo”—“rum” standing for alcohol and “bo” meaning bully. Together, they stand as a metaphor for Than Shwe.
Mr Creator’s satirical sally follows a similar Internet poster campaign this month named
Chee Lay Chee & Kwey Young Sone, after the a-nyeint traditional comedy troupe Thee Lay Thee & Say Young Son.
The Burmese word Chee can mean something rather disgusting. Lay means four. Put the words together and add mug shots of the four generals who rule Burma and what do you have? Four disgusting objects. Complicated, scatological—but clever.
Irrawaddy Dam Construction Begins, Human Rights Abuses Begin
Saw Yan Naing
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
Burma and China began construction on one of the largest dams in Burma some two months ago; meanwhile, villagers in the area are being extorted and abused by the Burmese army, according to sources.
The Myitsone hydropower project is being built on the Irrawaddy confluence about 26 miles (42 km) north of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, in northern Burma.
A source, who recently observed the dam site, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that about 20 Chinese and a handful of Burmese engineers are working on the site, plus about 300 construction workers from the Asia World Company, owned by Tun Myint Naing, one of the discredited cronies with links to the Burmese regime. The workers have built shelters in the area by the site and are currently tasked with detonating dynamite underneath the Irrawaddy River to break up the rocks and create space for the dam.
The Burmese state-run newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, reported in May 2007 that seven hydropower projects on the Irrawaddy River had been designed to generate a combined total of 13,360 megawatts (MW) of electricity. The report said that the largest dam—Myitsone hydropower project—would produce some 3,600 MW.
The hydropower projects are being implemented under an agreement signed in late 2006 with the state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) and Burma’s Ministry of Electric Power No 1.
However, while construction is underway, a series of human rights abuses in the local areas have occurred following the arrival of Light Infantry Battalion 121, said residents.
The source who had observed the dam site said, “The Burmese army didn’t stay in their camp. They went to Tanghpare village [some 3 miles (5 km) from the dam site] and took over a library and are staying there. Now they do whatever they want.
“The army are extorting money form local merchants and taking materials from shops in Tanghpare without paying,” he said. “They are also taking vegetables from the villagers’ farms and walking away with pigs and chickens.”
The observer said that the Burmese army had been moved into the area as security for the hydroelectric dam site.
He added that local villagers didn’t dare to say anything because they had been threatened by authorities and warned about making contact with foreign or exiled media.
Naw La, coordinator of the Chiang Mai-based Kachin Environmental Organization, on Tuesday said, “The natural heritage of the Kachin people in Myitsone area will be destroyed. More than 40 villages near the construction site will be flooded if the dam is built. The reinforcement of soldiers, forced relocations, deforestation and floods will follow hand-in-hand with its construction.”
More than 10,000 villagers are currently living in those 40 villages, said Naw La.
He added: “If they intend to build a dam, the authorities should inform the villagers of the environmental and social impact assessment and let them become involved in the decision making. However, the authorities haven’t contacted the villagers since the project’s inception.”
Some villagers are anticipating displacement from the dam site area and have already bought houses in Myitkyina, while others have been forced to seek shelter in the mountains near their villages, said the observer in Myitkyina.
An employee of the Kachin Consultative Assembly said that an earlier letter of complaint had been sent to the government asking it not to build a dam o¬n the Irrawaddy confluence. The letter pointed out that the dam would destroy the lives and property of local people, damage natural resources and cause the loss of irreplaceable natural habitat. However, the government has not responded to the letter, he said.
Burma is currently cooperating with China and Thailand o¬n several hydropower projects across the country. It expects hydropower projects to double production of electricity in the military-ruled country by 2009.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
Burma and China began construction on one of the largest dams in Burma some two months ago; meanwhile, villagers in the area are being extorted and abused by the Burmese army, according to sources.
The Myitsone hydropower project is being built on the Irrawaddy confluence about 26 miles (42 km) north of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, in northern Burma.
A source, who recently observed the dam site, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that about 20 Chinese and a handful of Burmese engineers are working on the site, plus about 300 construction workers from the Asia World Company, owned by Tun Myint Naing, one of the discredited cronies with links to the Burmese regime. The workers have built shelters in the area by the site and are currently tasked with detonating dynamite underneath the Irrawaddy River to break up the rocks and create space for the dam.
The Burmese state-run newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, reported in May 2007 that seven hydropower projects on the Irrawaddy River had been designed to generate a combined total of 13,360 megawatts (MW) of electricity. The report said that the largest dam—Myitsone hydropower project—would produce some 3,600 MW.
The hydropower projects are being implemented under an agreement signed in late 2006 with the state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) and Burma’s Ministry of Electric Power No 1.
However, while construction is underway, a series of human rights abuses in the local areas have occurred following the arrival of Light Infantry Battalion 121, said residents.
The source who had observed the dam site said, “The Burmese army didn’t stay in their camp. They went to Tanghpare village [some 3 miles (5 km) from the dam site] and took over a library and are staying there. Now they do whatever they want.
“The army are extorting money form local merchants and taking materials from shops in Tanghpare without paying,” he said. “They are also taking vegetables from the villagers’ farms and walking away with pigs and chickens.”
The observer said that the Burmese army had been moved into the area as security for the hydroelectric dam site.
He added that local villagers didn’t dare to say anything because they had been threatened by authorities and warned about making contact with foreign or exiled media.
Naw La, coordinator of the Chiang Mai-based Kachin Environmental Organization, on Tuesday said, “The natural heritage of the Kachin people in Myitsone area will be destroyed. More than 40 villages near the construction site will be flooded if the dam is built. The reinforcement of soldiers, forced relocations, deforestation and floods will follow hand-in-hand with its construction.”
More than 10,000 villagers are currently living in those 40 villages, said Naw La.
He added: “If they intend to build a dam, the authorities should inform the villagers of the environmental and social impact assessment and let them become involved in the decision making. However, the authorities haven’t contacted the villagers since the project’s inception.”
Some villagers are anticipating displacement from the dam site area and have already bought houses in Myitkyina, while others have been forced to seek shelter in the mountains near their villages, said the observer in Myitkyina.
An employee of the Kachin Consultative Assembly said that an earlier letter of complaint had been sent to the government asking it not to build a dam o¬n the Irrawaddy confluence. The letter pointed out that the dam would destroy the lives and property of local people, damage natural resources and cause the loss of irreplaceable natural habitat. However, the government has not responded to the letter, he said.
Burma is currently cooperating with China and Thailand o¬n several hydropower projects across the country. It expects hydropower projects to double production of electricity in the military-ruled country by 2009.
Bush Vows to Support Burma Democracy
Lalit K Jha / New York
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
The United States president, George W Bush, on Monday reiterated his commitment to help the people of Burma suffering from years of authoritarian rule under the Burmese military junta.
Delivering his last “State of the Union” address, Bush said: “We support freedom in countries from Cuba and Zimbabwe to Belarus and Burma.”
Although Burma figured only once in the president’s speech, a few hours before the “State of the Union” address, a White House official explained that the US was reiterating its commitment for freedom, democracy and human rights to the people of Burma.
A 36-page document, prepared by the White House for the occasion, described in detail the steps that the Bush administration had announced over the past six months to help Burmese people bring peaceful change to their country, where the president said the Burmese junta has imposed a 19-year reign of fear.
It also said that the first lady, Laura Bush, continued to support the Burmese people's demands for national reconciliation and basic human rights, such as freedom of speech, worship, association and assembly.
In the past six months, the US has tightened existing economic sanctions and levied new sanctions against the leaders of the regime and their financial backers. It imposed an expanded visa ban on those responsible for the most egregious violations of human rights, as well as their family members.
Besides continuing to support Burmese who seek a peaceful, democratic transition, he called on the government of Burma to uphold its obligations to the United Nations Security Council. Bush also voiced support for the efforts of humanitarian groups working to alleviate suffering in Burma and tightened the US Commerce Department's export control regulations against Burma.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
The United States president, George W Bush, on Monday reiterated his commitment to help the people of Burma suffering from years of authoritarian rule under the Burmese military junta.
Delivering his last “State of the Union” address, Bush said: “We support freedom in countries from Cuba and Zimbabwe to Belarus and Burma.”
Although Burma figured only once in the president’s speech, a few hours before the “State of the Union” address, a White House official explained that the US was reiterating its commitment for freedom, democracy and human rights to the people of Burma.
A 36-page document, prepared by the White House for the occasion, described in detail the steps that the Bush administration had announced over the past six months to help Burmese people bring peaceful change to their country, where the president said the Burmese junta has imposed a 19-year reign of fear.
It also said that the first lady, Laura Bush, continued to support the Burmese people's demands for national reconciliation and basic human rights, such as freedom of speech, worship, association and assembly.
In the past six months, the US has tightened existing economic sanctions and levied new sanctions against the leaders of the regime and their financial backers. It imposed an expanded visa ban on those responsible for the most egregious violations of human rights, as well as their family members.
Besides continuing to support Burmese who seek a peaceful, democratic transition, he called on the government of Burma to uphold its obligations to the United Nations Security Council. Bush also voiced support for the efforts of humanitarian groups working to alleviate suffering in Burma and tightened the US Commerce Department's export control regulations against Burma.
Myanmar Times CEO Supports Regime’s “Road Map”
Wai Moe
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
Burma’s English language weekly newspaper, The Myanmar Times, threw its support unequivocally behind the regime’s seven-point “road map” in a commentary in last week’s issue.
“I believe that its [the junta’s] seven-point road map to democracy is the best way forward, and I support that,” wrote the newspaper’s Australian editor in chief and CEO, Ross Dunkley.
Headed “Comprehensive Changes at The Myanmar Times,” Dunkley’s column commented on the newspaper’s recent brush with the regime over its report on the recent hike in satellite TV fees. The regime’s Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) suspended the paper for one week because of the report.
“That’s not an experience I wanted and I am going to ensure it doesn’t happen again,” said Dunkley.
Although at least two names are missing from the usual list of editorial staff in the latest issue, Dunkley denied that anybody had been sacked because of the report.
“It is not true,” he said. “What is true is that for some time I have been contemplating a reshuffle of my editorial team. The PSRD’s prod merely moved me into action at a faster pace and I don’t view that with negativity.”
According to journalists in Rangoon, Dunkley was called to the office of the censorship board after the appearance of the offending report. On his return to the office of The Myanmar Times, a senior journalist, Win Kyaw Oo, was sacked.
An “editorial steering committee” of nine senior members of staff, including Dunkley, was subsequently formed “to act as an instrument to safeguard the company from conflict with the authorities.”
Larry Jagan, a Bangkok-based British journalist who writes on Burma, told The Irrawaddy that although The Myanmar Times pretended to be independent it was actually controlled by the regime. “Privately, Ross always said to me that he is businessman first and journalist second,” said Jagan.
Jagan questioned Dunkley’s support for the “road map,” saying: “The ‘road map’ is no longer credible. It is not an inclusive process.”
Sein Hla Oo, a veteran journalist in Rangoon, said he was not surprised to hear about Dunkley’s pro-regime stand because The Myanmar Times had always been well-connected to the ruling generals.
“It is semi-state-media,” he said. “Inside Burma, readers don’t care about this kind of writing by Ross Dunkley and others. People think this kind of writing is regime propaganda.”
A Burmese journalist with a news agency, speaking on condition of anonymity, agreed that The Myanmar Times is “semi-state media.” He said: “Journalists in Burma see Ross Dunkley as a businessman, not as journalist. Sometimes The Myanmar Times is like the regime’s mouthpiece.
“They [The Myanmar Times] didn’t admit that the authorities pressured them to fire staff members. But it is true. Sacking Win Kyaw Oo is a bad image for the newspaper. Ross Dunkley should defend his staff.”
When The Irrawaddy called The Myanmar Times for comment it was told that Dunkley was traveling and other editorial staff were busy or otherwise unavailable.
The Myanmar Times was founded in 2000 by Ross Dunkley and Sonny Swe, son of a high-ranking intelligence officer, Brig-Gen Thein Swe. Sonny Swe was arrested following the downfall of former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt in 2004 and sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for corruption.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 29, 2008
Burma’s English language weekly newspaper, The Myanmar Times, threw its support unequivocally behind the regime’s seven-point “road map” in a commentary in last week’s issue.
“I believe that its [the junta’s] seven-point road map to democracy is the best way forward, and I support that,” wrote the newspaper’s Australian editor in chief and CEO, Ross Dunkley.
Headed “Comprehensive Changes at The Myanmar Times,” Dunkley’s column commented on the newspaper’s recent brush with the regime over its report on the recent hike in satellite TV fees. The regime’s Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) suspended the paper for one week because of the report.
“That’s not an experience I wanted and I am going to ensure it doesn’t happen again,” said Dunkley.
Although at least two names are missing from the usual list of editorial staff in the latest issue, Dunkley denied that anybody had been sacked because of the report.
“It is not true,” he said. “What is true is that for some time I have been contemplating a reshuffle of my editorial team. The PSRD’s prod merely moved me into action at a faster pace and I don’t view that with negativity.”
According to journalists in Rangoon, Dunkley was called to the office of the censorship board after the appearance of the offending report. On his return to the office of The Myanmar Times, a senior journalist, Win Kyaw Oo, was sacked.
An “editorial steering committee” of nine senior members of staff, including Dunkley, was subsequently formed “to act as an instrument to safeguard the company from conflict with the authorities.”
Larry Jagan, a Bangkok-based British journalist who writes on Burma, told The Irrawaddy that although The Myanmar Times pretended to be independent it was actually controlled by the regime. “Privately, Ross always said to me that he is businessman first and journalist second,” said Jagan.
Jagan questioned Dunkley’s support for the “road map,” saying: “The ‘road map’ is no longer credible. It is not an inclusive process.”
Sein Hla Oo, a veteran journalist in Rangoon, said he was not surprised to hear about Dunkley’s pro-regime stand because The Myanmar Times had always been well-connected to the ruling generals.
“It is semi-state-media,” he said. “Inside Burma, readers don’t care about this kind of writing by Ross Dunkley and others. People think this kind of writing is regime propaganda.”
A Burmese journalist with a news agency, speaking on condition of anonymity, agreed that The Myanmar Times is “semi-state media.” He said: “Journalists in Burma see Ross Dunkley as a businessman, not as journalist. Sometimes The Myanmar Times is like the regime’s mouthpiece.
“They [The Myanmar Times] didn’t admit that the authorities pressured them to fire staff members. But it is true. Sacking Win Kyaw Oo is a bad image for the newspaper. Ross Dunkley should defend his staff.”
When The Irrawaddy called The Myanmar Times for comment it was told that Dunkley was traveling and other editorial staff were busy or otherwise unavailable.
The Myanmar Times was founded in 2000 by Ross Dunkley and Sonny Swe, son of a high-ranking intelligence officer, Brig-Gen Thein Swe. Sonny Swe was arrested following the downfall of former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt in 2004 and sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for corruption.
Sunday, 27 January 2008
NLD Youth Shot In The Back
Original report by Aye Aye Mon, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
25 January 2008
Thingungyun National League for Democracy Party (Youth) member Ko Mya Than Htike, who was shot in the back, appeared at Kyauk Tada magistrate court on 22 January, according to senior attorney U Aung Thein.
He was charged under sections 145: for refusing to obey riot police warning and 505b: acting to 'dishonour' the State, and prosecuted by Inspector Soe Naing of Kyauk Tada police station.
Soe Naing claimed that the troops were ordered to take over, and to use force to disperse demonstrators as they did not obey the order issued by 'authorities' under section 144, to disperse immediately, and to prevent riots. He also told the court that while military troops were using force to disperse the protesters, Ko Mya Than Htike was at the front of the demonstrations.
Then U Aun Thein, the defence lawyer asked," Do you have any knowledge that Ko Mya Than Htike was shot at as he was turning his back to the soldiers and walking away from them? So that the bullet went through his bottom then came out from his left thaigh ? He was not at the front, he was not facing the soldiers. He had turned his back to the soldiers and was walking away from them while the security forces shot him from the military truck. Did you know any thing of that?
The official then answered," I knew that he was in the hospital."
The next trial for the case is on 29th January and the defence lawyer said he looks forward to questioning the prosecution witnesses.
U Aung Thein has accepted at least 4 cases to represent the defendants who have been charged in connection with the September protests, in Kyauk Tada area.
Translation by Nay Chi U
25 January 2008
Thingungyun National League for Democracy Party (Youth) member Ko Mya Than Htike, who was shot in the back, appeared at Kyauk Tada magistrate court on 22 January, according to senior attorney U Aung Thein.
He was charged under sections 145: for refusing to obey riot police warning and 505b: acting to 'dishonour' the State, and prosecuted by Inspector Soe Naing of Kyauk Tada police station.
Soe Naing claimed that the troops were ordered to take over, and to use force to disperse demonstrators as they did not obey the order issued by 'authorities' under section 144, to disperse immediately, and to prevent riots. He also told the court that while military troops were using force to disperse the protesters, Ko Mya Than Htike was at the front of the demonstrations.
Then U Aun Thein, the defence lawyer asked," Do you have any knowledge that Ko Mya Than Htike was shot at as he was turning his back to the soldiers and walking away from them? So that the bullet went through his bottom then came out from his left thaigh ? He was not at the front, he was not facing the soldiers. He had turned his back to the soldiers and was walking away from them while the security forces shot him from the military truck. Did you know any thing of that?
The official then answered," I knew that he was in the hospital."
The next trial for the case is on 29th January and the defence lawyer said he looks forward to questioning the prosecution witnesses.
U Aung Thein has accepted at least 4 cases to represent the defendants who have been charged in connection with the September protests, in Kyauk Tada area.
Taunggok : Two Youths Charged
Original report by Naw Say Paw, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
25 January 2008
The two youths, who called out political slogans in Taunggok, Arakan have been prosecuted under movement restriction laws and will appear at court on 5 February, a resident reported.
Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing, who are from Chaung Kauk, Taunggok, called out," We Want Democracy !"," Release Aung San Suu Kyi!" as they were riding on bikes and and were subsequently arrested and detained in Taunggok police station.
While the security is still extremely tight in Taunggok, authorities are particularly focusing attention on particular area - Chaung Kauk.
After forcing protesters gathering for peaceful demonstrations in town to disperse, more armed security forces have been placed in Taunggok and members of the National League for Democracy Party are under surveillance.
Translation by Nay Chi U
25 January 2008
The two youths, who called out political slogans in Taunggok, Arakan have been prosecuted under movement restriction laws and will appear at court on 5 February, a resident reported.
Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing, who are from Chaung Kauk, Taunggok, called out," We Want Democracy !"," Release Aung San Suu Kyi!" as they were riding on bikes and and were subsequently arrested and detained in Taunggok police station.
While the security is still extremely tight in Taunggok, authorities are particularly focusing attention on particular area - Chaung Kauk.
After forcing protesters gathering for peaceful demonstrations in town to disperse, more armed security forces have been placed in Taunggok and members of the National League for Democracy Party are under surveillance.
Over 75 Burmese refugees left homeless in Malaysia
Mizzima News
January 25, 2008
New Delhi - At least 75 Burmese refugees have been rendered homeless after the Malaysian government-backed volunteer corps, RELA, raided their homes in Putra Jaya and burnt down their make-shift camp, a Human Rights group said.
The Chin Human Rights Organization today said the 75 Burmese refugees, belonging to the Zomi tribe of Chin ethnics, are left wandering in the jungles near Kuala Lumpur after the RELA stormed their campsite in the morning of January 20.
"Nothing is left for any of them. Nobody knows what they should do, where they should go for shelter, how they can overcome this...They are left with nothing," the CHRO cited a Zomi Chin leader, who recently visited the residents and their burnt out campsite, as saying.
CHRO said the incident was the latest of many well-documented acts of abuse committed by the authorities against the refugee community in Malaysia.
"We really don't understand why they [the RELA] are angry and what they want but what they do is very abusive, very harmful for the refugee communities and it is not the first time," Amy Alexander, Regional Advocacy and Campaigns Officer of CHRO said.
According to the CHRO, there are at least 23,000 Chin refugees out of about half a million Burmese refugees and they live in constant fear of being arrested, tortured and deported to Burma, from which they have fled in fear of government persecution.
While the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, does take the initiative to provide protection, even the small number of UNHCR recognized refugees are not spared by the baton-wielding RELA, the CHRO said.
"Not only the refugees who do not have UNHCR certificates, but also people who have certificates are facing the same problems. But the UNHCR document can help them at least get released from the detention camps. So the refugees need help from UNHCR," Alexander said.
According to the Malaysian Chin Refugee Committee, there are at least nine make-shift camps in the jungles of Putra Jaya, where hundreds of Chin refugees are hiding from the authorities.
However, Salai Khen Sang, the spokesperson of CRC, said with the RELA supposed to take charge of security of all the camps, from February 15, "the situation for refugees will be worse than in the past."
The only hope for Burmese refugees is to be recognized by the UNHCR and to be re-settled as soon as possible, Alexander said.
"There is only one way to help these people. They [UNHCR] should reopen general registration and every one can access UNHCR for protection and be able to resettle as soon as they can. Then we hope the situation will be processed," Alexander said.
January 25, 2008
New Delhi - At least 75 Burmese refugees have been rendered homeless after the Malaysian government-backed volunteer corps, RELA, raided their homes in Putra Jaya and burnt down their make-shift camp, a Human Rights group said.
The Chin Human Rights Organization today said the 75 Burmese refugees, belonging to the Zomi tribe of Chin ethnics, are left wandering in the jungles near Kuala Lumpur after the RELA stormed their campsite in the morning of January 20.
"Nothing is left for any of them. Nobody knows what they should do, where they should go for shelter, how they can overcome this...They are left with nothing," the CHRO cited a Zomi Chin leader, who recently visited the residents and their burnt out campsite, as saying.
CHRO said the incident was the latest of many well-documented acts of abuse committed by the authorities against the refugee community in Malaysia.
"We really don't understand why they [the RELA] are angry and what they want but what they do is very abusive, very harmful for the refugee communities and it is not the first time," Amy Alexander, Regional Advocacy and Campaigns Officer of CHRO said.
According to the CHRO, there are at least 23,000 Chin refugees out of about half a million Burmese refugees and they live in constant fear of being arrested, tortured and deported to Burma, from which they have fled in fear of government persecution.
While the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, does take the initiative to provide protection, even the small number of UNHCR recognized refugees are not spared by the baton-wielding RELA, the CHRO said.
"Not only the refugees who do not have UNHCR certificates, but also people who have certificates are facing the same problems. But the UNHCR document can help them at least get released from the detention camps. So the refugees need help from UNHCR," Alexander said.
According to the Malaysian Chin Refugee Committee, there are at least nine make-shift camps in the jungles of Putra Jaya, where hundreds of Chin refugees are hiding from the authorities.
However, Salai Khen Sang, the spokesperson of CRC, said with the RELA supposed to take charge of security of all the camps, from February 15, "the situation for refugees will be worse than in the past."
The only hope for Burmese refugees is to be recognized by the UNHCR and to be re-settled as soon as possible, Alexander said.
"There is only one way to help these people. They [UNHCR] should reopen general registration and every one can access UNHCR for protection and be able to resettle as soon as they can. Then we hope the situation will be processed," Alexander said.
Quote on Accountability
“The [Burmese military]
government’s chief priority is
to silence its citizens
who would hold them to account”
—Catherine Baber,
Director of Amnesty International
Asia-Pacific programme
High Tide Run [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
By Aung Naing Oo
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
We left the island about 5:30 p.m., before the evening tide, quietly walking past the house we had visited that morning. I saw the woman of the house and her family watching us sympathetically. Without looking back, I felt their collective gaze, as we descended into the deep ravine of the river.
There was only a small stream of water now flowing through the deep channel—perhaps just enough for a long-tailed boat. We waded through the water, sinking in the soft mud, and struggling with the supplies in our bags. There were many birds—mostly herons and seagulls —feeding on crabs and mudfish on the muddy sediment on the other side. The sun was setting slowly on the horizon.
To this day, I do not know what the river was called, but it was one of the many tributaries that flowed into the gulf. I could clearly see its estuary opening towards the gulf a few hundred meters to our left. With the tide out, it was like dry land—a strange spectacle for newcomers like me. The riverbed was so deep that from the middle we couldn’t even see on the opposite bank the small house that was our intended destination.
As we reached the other side, I heard the faint sound of an engine from around the river bend. I assumed it was a boat and turned around, expecting to see it appear, but there was nothing— just the sound of an engine seemingly louder by the second. I ignored the engine sound and followed my friends into the house a short distance from the riverbank. We said hello to our hosts, put down our heavy bags and washed our muddy sandals and feet.
Two shots suddenly rang out. They were very close and very loud. “They are shooting at us,” someone shouted in a panic. All of us looked around wildly, stunned and terrified. “The army!” Then, two more shots were fired—louder and even closer. “Run!” someone shouted urgently.
Run we did, without looking. I ran past the trees and into the open field away from the river. I saw my friends fleeing in all directions, away from the river, as fast as they could. More shots ran out. “They have found us,” I thought furiously, mentally cursing whoever had informed the army of our whereabouts.
After five minutes or so, I realized I was running along the bank of the gulf, and I could see the tide coming in fast. I also saw that I was not alone; there were several of us running in the same direction, including the two newcomers. They were right behind me. I didn’t know in which direction the rest of our group had fled.
Soon we came to a small creek that was filling up fast with the tidewater. It was only about 70 feet wide and right at the edge of the gulf. I jumped in and without thinking, started swimming. Just then I heard my name called. I turned around and saw one of the Pegu students shouting, “I can’t swim! I can’t swim!”
I wanted to keep swimming ahead, but saw all my friends standing agitatedly on the creek’s muddy bank. I swam back but didn’t know what to do. “Longi! Longi!,” someone shouted and I realized what we had to do do. We took our sarongs off and tied them into a rope. One friend swam to the other side of creek. I also jumped in the water; the idea was to pull the guy who could not swim to the other side.
Tense and afraid, he clung to the longyi rope so hard that at one point he pulled me beneath the water. I swallowed a large gulp of salt water, mud and sand, and was still coughing it up days later. Finally, though, we were able to pull the student to the other side.
With the Pegu student safely on the bank, I took off running again along the shore, which I knew would be submerged by the tide within a few minutes. I grew increasingly agitated about my prospects for escape. I saw a small boat, carrying two men and sailing in with the tide. They looked at me, puzzled. I waved at them, hoping that they could help me. But they couldn’t stop and soon the boat had gone.
I looked around for my friends but couldn’t see any of them. I was now alone, afraid of being engulfed by the rising water. I suddenly saw a small fishing hut on stilts and ran for it as fast as I could, as the water rose ever higher.
When I reached the hut, the water already reached above my knees. I saw a thin man in his mid-40s peeling green bamboo with his curved knife to make “Hnee,” thin slices of bamboo used for tying poles. I told him I was a student and quickly explained what had happened. He had heard the shots and realized why I was standing there in the middle of the flood water.
“Get in quickly!” he shouted. He held his knife if ready to defend himself or repel an intruder, and he handed me another. We hid from view, knives in our hands. When I finally looked out there was no soldier to be seen, just the submerged island and the trees in the distance.
As night came on, the fisherman offered to go and look for my friends, instructing me to stay put. He left on his small boat. For the next two hours, I waited alone, listening to the sounds of the water splashing and the wind howling.
When the fisherman returned at about 8 p.m., he had good news. All my friends were safe, and I was taken to a house inland to rejoin them.
The story end with an anticlimax, I’m afraid. It later transpired that the shots that had so alarmed us had not been fired by soldiers but by police—and they weren’t shooting at us, but at the mud flats where the birds were feeding on crabs and mudfish.
Also:
The Catapult Threat [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
We left the island about 5:30 p.m., before the evening tide, quietly walking past the house we had visited that morning. I saw the woman of the house and her family watching us sympathetically. Without looking back, I felt their collective gaze, as we descended into the deep ravine of the river.
There was only a small stream of water now flowing through the deep channel—perhaps just enough for a long-tailed boat. We waded through the water, sinking in the soft mud, and struggling with the supplies in our bags. There were many birds—mostly herons and seagulls —feeding on crabs and mudfish on the muddy sediment on the other side. The sun was setting slowly on the horizon.
To this day, I do not know what the river was called, but it was one of the many tributaries that flowed into the gulf. I could clearly see its estuary opening towards the gulf a few hundred meters to our left. With the tide out, it was like dry land—a strange spectacle for newcomers like me. The riverbed was so deep that from the middle we couldn’t even see on the opposite bank the small house that was our intended destination.
As we reached the other side, I heard the faint sound of an engine from around the river bend. I assumed it was a boat and turned around, expecting to see it appear, but there was nothing— just the sound of an engine seemingly louder by the second. I ignored the engine sound and followed my friends into the house a short distance from the riverbank. We said hello to our hosts, put down our heavy bags and washed our muddy sandals and feet.
Two shots suddenly rang out. They were very close and very loud. “They are shooting at us,” someone shouted in a panic. All of us looked around wildly, stunned and terrified. “The army!” Then, two more shots were fired—louder and even closer. “Run!” someone shouted urgently.
Run we did, without looking. I ran past the trees and into the open field away from the river. I saw my friends fleeing in all directions, away from the river, as fast as they could. More shots ran out. “They have found us,” I thought furiously, mentally cursing whoever had informed the army of our whereabouts.
After five minutes or so, I realized I was running along the bank of the gulf, and I could see the tide coming in fast. I also saw that I was not alone; there were several of us running in the same direction, including the two newcomers. They were right behind me. I didn’t know in which direction the rest of our group had fled.
Soon we came to a small creek that was filling up fast with the tidewater. It was only about 70 feet wide and right at the edge of the gulf. I jumped in and without thinking, started swimming. Just then I heard my name called. I turned around and saw one of the Pegu students shouting, “I can’t swim! I can’t swim!”
I wanted to keep swimming ahead, but saw all my friends standing agitatedly on the creek’s muddy bank. I swam back but didn’t know what to do. “Longi! Longi!,” someone shouted and I realized what we had to do do. We took our sarongs off and tied them into a rope. One friend swam to the other side of creek. I also jumped in the water; the idea was to pull the guy who could not swim to the other side.
Tense and afraid, he clung to the longyi rope so hard that at one point he pulled me beneath the water. I swallowed a large gulp of salt water, mud and sand, and was still coughing it up days later. Finally, though, we were able to pull the student to the other side.
With the Pegu student safely on the bank, I took off running again along the shore, which I knew would be submerged by the tide within a few minutes. I grew increasingly agitated about my prospects for escape. I saw a small boat, carrying two men and sailing in with the tide. They looked at me, puzzled. I waved at them, hoping that they could help me. But they couldn’t stop and soon the boat had gone.
I looked around for my friends but couldn’t see any of them. I was now alone, afraid of being engulfed by the rising water. I suddenly saw a small fishing hut on stilts and ran for it as fast as I could, as the water rose ever higher.
When I reached the hut, the water already reached above my knees. I saw a thin man in his mid-40s peeling green bamboo with his curved knife to make “Hnee,” thin slices of bamboo used for tying poles. I told him I was a student and quickly explained what had happened. He had heard the shots and realized why I was standing there in the middle of the flood water.
“Get in quickly!” he shouted. He held his knife if ready to defend himself or repel an intruder, and he handed me another. We hid from view, knives in our hands. When I finally looked out there was no soldier to be seen, just the submerged island and the trees in the distance.
As night came on, the fisherman offered to go and look for my friends, instructing me to stay put. He left on his small boat. For the next two hours, I waited alone, listening to the sounds of the water splashing and the wind howling.
When the fisherman returned at about 8 p.m., he had good news. All my friends were safe, and I was taken to a house inland to rejoin them.
The story end with an anticlimax, I’m afraid. It later transpired that the shots that had so alarmed us had not been fired by soldiers but by police—and they weren’t shooting at us, but at the mud flats where the birds were feeding on crabs and mudfish.
Also:
The Catapult Threat [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
Detained Activists Charged under Printing and Publishing Act
By Shah Paung
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 25, 2008
About 10 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group who were arrested in August were charged on Wednesday under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act. Meanwhile Amnesty International condemned the Burmese military government for the continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed concern for the detainees’ health.
Family members who had visited in prison said they were told that about 10 former student leaders were charged inside the prison.
Win Maung, the father of Pyone Cho, a leader who is being detained, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that they do not know the details of who was charged, but they heard it included well-known leaders of 88 Generation Students group Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Min Zeya.
According to various family members who have recently visited detainees, the student leaders were charged under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act at Insein Prison where they have been detained since their arrests during the protests against the hike in fuel prices in August.
Speaking alongside the sister of arrested student leader Panniek Tun, Win Maung said that they last visited Panniek Tun and Pyone Cho on Monday, but at that time the students said nothing about any formal charges.
The Burmese authorities arrested 13 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group on August 21 after they led a march protesting increased fuel prices.
On Tuesday, the Burmese authorities tried a member of the National League for Democracy, Mya Than Htike, who was arrested at a hospital while receiving medical treatment for a gunshot wound. He is currently being detained in Insein Prison.
According to Aung Thein, a lawyer in Rangoon, the police accused Mya Than Htike of being a prominent activist in September’s demonstrations. The trial was held at a court in Kyauktada Township in Rangoon.
Aung Thein said that Mya Than Htike was shot from behind on September 27 at the junction of Sule and Anawrahta roads by Burmese soldiers. On January 22 he was charged under sections 143 and 505(b) of the penal code, relating to involvement in the demonstrations.
Section 143 of the penal code carries a maximum sentence of two years, while 505(b) carries up to six months imprisonment. Mya Than Htike is now being detained at Insein Prison. His trial is due on January 29, the lawyer said.
Meanwhile, many of the detained political prisoners are in poor and deteriorating health, according to NLD spokesman Nyan Win, including: Win Mya Mya, an organizer of the Mandalay branch of the NLD; Than Lwin, vice-chairman of the NLD’s Mandalay Division and an elected candidate for Madaya Township in the 1990 elections; and Shwe Maung, a member of the NLD. All are currently being detained in Mandalay Prison.
International human rights group Amnesty International on Friday condemned the Burmese military government for its continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed its concern for the health of the detainees. In a statement released on January 25, AI said that since November 1, 2007, the military authorities had arrested no less than 96 activists.
“Four months on from the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, rather than stop its unlawful arrests, the Myanmar [Burma] government has actually accelerated them,” said Catherine Baber, director of Amnesty International’s Asia-Pacific programme.
She added: “Such prosecutions are politically motivated, imposed after proceedings that flagrantly abuse people’s rights to a free and fair trial and contravene international human rights standards.”
The group also urged the international community to press the Burmese military government to immediately invite Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the United Nations human rights envoy to Burma, to return to Burma “to conduct the full-fledged fact-finding mission he has requested.”
AI said that 1,850 political prisoners are currently detained in Burmese prisons while more than 80 persons remain unaccounted for since the September demonstrations.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 25, 2008
About 10 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group who were arrested in August were charged on Wednesday under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act. Meanwhile Amnesty International condemned the Burmese military government for the continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed concern for the detainees’ health.
Family members who had visited in prison said they were told that about 10 former student leaders were charged inside the prison.
Win Maung, the father of Pyone Cho, a leader who is being detained, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that they do not know the details of who was charged, but they heard it included well-known leaders of 88 Generation Students group Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Min Zeya.
According to various family members who have recently visited detainees, the student leaders were charged under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act at Insein Prison where they have been detained since their arrests during the protests against the hike in fuel prices in August.
Speaking alongside the sister of arrested student leader Panniek Tun, Win Maung said that they last visited Panniek Tun and Pyone Cho on Monday, but at that time the students said nothing about any formal charges.
The Burmese authorities arrested 13 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group on August 21 after they led a march protesting increased fuel prices.
On Tuesday, the Burmese authorities tried a member of the National League for Democracy, Mya Than Htike, who was arrested at a hospital while receiving medical treatment for a gunshot wound. He is currently being detained in Insein Prison.
According to Aung Thein, a lawyer in Rangoon, the police accused Mya Than Htike of being a prominent activist in September’s demonstrations. The trial was held at a court in Kyauktada Township in Rangoon.
Aung Thein said that Mya Than Htike was shot from behind on September 27 at the junction of Sule and Anawrahta roads by Burmese soldiers. On January 22 he was charged under sections 143 and 505(b) of the penal code, relating to involvement in the demonstrations.
Section 143 of the penal code carries a maximum sentence of two years, while 505(b) carries up to six months imprisonment. Mya Than Htike is now being detained at Insein Prison. His trial is due on January 29, the lawyer said.
Meanwhile, many of the detained political prisoners are in poor and deteriorating health, according to NLD spokesman Nyan Win, including: Win Mya Mya, an organizer of the Mandalay branch of the NLD; Than Lwin, vice-chairman of the NLD’s Mandalay Division and an elected candidate for Madaya Township in the 1990 elections; and Shwe Maung, a member of the NLD. All are currently being detained in Mandalay Prison.
International human rights group Amnesty International on Friday condemned the Burmese military government for its continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed its concern for the health of the detainees. In a statement released on January 25, AI said that since November 1, 2007, the military authorities had arrested no less than 96 activists.
“Four months on from the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, rather than stop its unlawful arrests, the Myanmar [Burma] government has actually accelerated them,” said Catherine Baber, director of Amnesty International’s Asia-Pacific programme.
She added: “Such prosecutions are politically motivated, imposed after proceedings that flagrantly abuse people’s rights to a free and fair trial and contravene international human rights standards.”
The group also urged the international community to press the Burmese military government to immediately invite Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the United Nations human rights envoy to Burma, to return to Burma “to conduct the full-fledged fact-finding mission he has requested.”
AI said that 1,850 political prisoners are currently detained in Burmese prisons while more than 80 persons remain unaccounted for since the September demonstrations.
Burma Under Siege
By Min Zin
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
After the September uprising, the Burmese junta regained control over opposition groups and activists, but whether it achieved a stronger strategic position remains doubtful.
A series of bomb blasts in the past two weeks demonstrates one of two things: the security issue is still potentially troublesome for the military or, if opposition charges are true, the junta itself was the source of the bomb blasts, which can be used to blame powerful, disruptive organizations.
There were four explosions within one week, killing at least three civilians and injuring five others. The first blast occurred on January 11 at the railway station serving the country's capital, Naypyidaw. It was the first incident of a bombing in the new capital.
As the bombs were going off, the regime and ethnic, armed opposition groups traded allegations.
The junta accused the Karen National Union (KNU) and an unspecified "foreign organization" of sending "terrorist saboteurs with explosives across the border to perpetrate destructive acts inside the country." Many observers believe the "foreign organization" was a reference to the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
"They are not making this allegation lightly," said a well-informed source inside Burma. "No matter whether the allegation is true or not, it’s a well-calculated charge that is being interpreted within the military establishment in the context of U.S. Senator Joseph Lieberman's recent call for the US to use its military capabilities in Burma."
The influential senator wrote an opinion piece in October 2007, suggesting the Bush administration should actively investigate US military and intelligence capabilities could be used to put additional pressure on the regime. Lieberman said, "We should be examining how the junta's ability to command and control its forces throughout the country might itself be disrupted."
But opposition groups and the media dismissed the accusation of a "foreign organization" involvement as a ridiculous charge. The KNU also denied carrying out any attacks targeting civilians.
The opposition speculated that the regime itself could be behind the bombings in the hope of raising a perception of threat against the military, offering an excuse to continue its crack down against known democracy activists and the KNU.
Some exiled Burmese analysts even point to bitter military intelligence members who were purged in 2004 for orchestrating the bombings. Theories abound.
Meanwhile, security has been increased in Rangoon, Pegu and other major cities. Local authorities in some cities even reportedly detained and questioned residents who had recently returned from Thailand after working there as migrants.
In fact, the bombings underscore the vulnerability of the junta's leadership, no matter the source.
Even if the regime uses the bombings as a justification to continue its crackdown against opposition groups, it underscores its fear of the opposition. If the bombings were self-inflicted and meant to shore up unity within the Tatmadaw (armed forces), it’s a sign the junta is unsure of the loyalty of officers and soldiers
"It is less likely that the junta orchestrated the recent explosions," said Win Min, a Burmese analyst who studies civil-military relations in Burma. "I don't think the military would stage an attack in Naypyidaw, the capital they extol and take pride in. In fact, it is not necessary for them to use bombings to justify their crackdowns on the oppositions."
In fact, since 1988 the military’s image, in the eyes of the domestic public as well as abroad, has descended to rock bottom, while the opposition, including the armed ethnic groups, is seen as democratic freedom fighters.
The September demonstrations again allowed Burmese society to witness mindless killing and brutality directed against Buddhist monks and civilians. As result, the morale of the military, including some senior officers, is at its lowest ebb in years.
Moreover, the generals have pushed the limit of the international community including their regional supporters.
Under the current circumstances, the last thing the generals want is to be seen as weak.
An unfortunate consequence of this deep sense of vulnerability is that it hardens Snr-Gen Than Shwe's thinking. Under the spell of a bunker mentality, the military leadership will continue to dig in their heels and new reforms are less likely.
Than Shwe's regime is now determined to entrench its power in non-negotiable terms.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
After the September uprising, the Burmese junta regained control over opposition groups and activists, but whether it achieved a stronger strategic position remains doubtful.
A series of bomb blasts in the past two weeks demonstrates one of two things: the security issue is still potentially troublesome for the military or, if opposition charges are true, the junta itself was the source of the bomb blasts, which can be used to blame powerful, disruptive organizations.
There were four explosions within one week, killing at least three civilians and injuring five others. The first blast occurred on January 11 at the railway station serving the country's capital, Naypyidaw. It was the first incident of a bombing in the new capital.
As the bombs were going off, the regime and ethnic, armed opposition groups traded allegations.
The junta accused the Karen National Union (KNU) and an unspecified "foreign organization" of sending "terrorist saboteurs with explosives across the border to perpetrate destructive acts inside the country." Many observers believe the "foreign organization" was a reference to the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
"They are not making this allegation lightly," said a well-informed source inside Burma. "No matter whether the allegation is true or not, it’s a well-calculated charge that is being interpreted within the military establishment in the context of U.S. Senator Joseph Lieberman's recent call for the US to use its military capabilities in Burma."
The influential senator wrote an opinion piece in October 2007, suggesting the Bush administration should actively investigate US military and intelligence capabilities could be used to put additional pressure on the regime. Lieberman said, "We should be examining how the junta's ability to command and control its forces throughout the country might itself be disrupted."
But opposition groups and the media dismissed the accusation of a "foreign organization" involvement as a ridiculous charge. The KNU also denied carrying out any attacks targeting civilians.
The opposition speculated that the regime itself could be behind the bombings in the hope of raising a perception of threat against the military, offering an excuse to continue its crack down against known democracy activists and the KNU.
Some exiled Burmese analysts even point to bitter military intelligence members who were purged in 2004 for orchestrating the bombings. Theories abound.
Meanwhile, security has been increased in Rangoon, Pegu and other major cities. Local authorities in some cities even reportedly detained and questioned residents who had recently returned from Thailand after working there as migrants.
In fact, the bombings underscore the vulnerability of the junta's leadership, no matter the source.
Even if the regime uses the bombings as a justification to continue its crackdown against opposition groups, it underscores its fear of the opposition. If the bombings were self-inflicted and meant to shore up unity within the Tatmadaw (armed forces), it’s a sign the junta is unsure of the loyalty of officers and soldiers
"It is less likely that the junta orchestrated the recent explosions," said Win Min, a Burmese analyst who studies civil-military relations in Burma. "I don't think the military would stage an attack in Naypyidaw, the capital they extol and take pride in. In fact, it is not necessary for them to use bombings to justify their crackdowns on the oppositions."
In fact, since 1988 the military’s image, in the eyes of the domestic public as well as abroad, has descended to rock bottom, while the opposition, including the armed ethnic groups, is seen as democratic freedom fighters.
The September demonstrations again allowed Burmese society to witness mindless killing and brutality directed against Buddhist monks and civilians. As result, the morale of the military, including some senior officers, is at its lowest ebb in years.
Moreover, the generals have pushed the limit of the international community including their regional supporters.
Under the current circumstances, the last thing the generals want is to be seen as weak.
An unfortunate consequence of this deep sense of vulnerability is that it hardens Snr-Gen Than Shwe's thinking. Under the spell of a bunker mentality, the military leadership will continue to dig in their heels and new reforms are less likely.
Than Shwe's regime is now determined to entrench its power in non-negotiable terms.
Arroyo rallies Asean leaders: Let’s free Suu Kyi now
TJ Burgonio
Philippine Daily Inquirer
January 27, 2008
DAVOS, SWITZERLAND -- President Macapagal-Arroyo on Friday urged the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to make a difference in the region by working to bring about the release of the jailed Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
“We must work together to make the tough choices to make Asean real and Aung San Suu Kyi free,” the President said in a strongly worded message she delivered at the Asean session of the World Economic Forum here.
The President said the regional grouping would attain a “level of democratization” on the issue of human rights “if we are to work collaboratively for the common good.”
“We must see political reform. We must see Aung San Suu Kyi released and now,” she told Asean leaders and dignitaries during the high-level session called “The Emerging Asian Community: Role of Asean.”
She warned that the Philippine Senate would not ratify the Asean Charter unless the legislators saw “real political reform” take place in Burma (Myanmar).
The charter, signed during the November 2007 Asean Leaders’ Summit in Singapore, seeks to create a human rights body in the region.
Policy of noninterference
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, however, stressed that the 10-member Asean must always abide by its policy of “noninterference.”
“It’s important to respect the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of member countries. [That’s why there’s] a problem on how to deal with the Myanmar issue,” he said.
Also present at the session were Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Asean Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan, officials from other Asean member-countries, and Stephen Green, chair of HSBC Holdings.
Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace laureate, has been held under house arrest by Burma’s ruling military junta since 2003.
Same, strong message
The junta, which took power in 1988, called elections in 1990, but refused to recognize the results when Suu Kyi’s party won a resounding victory.
President Arroyo delivered the same message when she addressed the Gender Parity Group minutes later.
“What should we do? We stand up and call for Aung San Suu Kyi’s freedom,” she said.
Ms Arroyo has consistently advocated that Asean take a more active role in introducing reforms in Burma. At the 13th Asean summit last November, she called on her fellow Asian leaders to work for the release of Suu Kyi.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
January 27, 2008
DAVOS, SWITZERLAND -- President Macapagal-Arroyo on Friday urged the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to make a difference in the region by working to bring about the release of the jailed Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
“We must work together to make the tough choices to make Asean real and Aung San Suu Kyi free,” the President said in a strongly worded message she delivered at the Asean session of the World Economic Forum here.
The President said the regional grouping would attain a “level of democratization” on the issue of human rights “if we are to work collaboratively for the common good.”
“We must see political reform. We must see Aung San Suu Kyi released and now,” she told Asean leaders and dignitaries during the high-level session called “The Emerging Asian Community: Role of Asean.”
She warned that the Philippine Senate would not ratify the Asean Charter unless the legislators saw “real political reform” take place in Burma (Myanmar).
The charter, signed during the November 2007 Asean Leaders’ Summit in Singapore, seeks to create a human rights body in the region.
Policy of noninterference
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, however, stressed that the 10-member Asean must always abide by its policy of “noninterference.”
“It’s important to respect the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of member countries. [That’s why there’s] a problem on how to deal with the Myanmar issue,” he said.
Also present at the session were Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Asean Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan, officials from other Asean member-countries, and Stephen Green, chair of HSBC Holdings.
Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace laureate, has been held under house arrest by Burma’s ruling military junta since 2003.
Same, strong message
The junta, which took power in 1988, called elections in 1990, but refused to recognize the results when Suu Kyi’s party won a resounding victory.
President Arroyo delivered the same message when she addressed the Gender Parity Group minutes later.
“What should we do? We stand up and call for Aung San Suu Kyi’s freedom,” she said.
Ms Arroyo has consistently advocated that Asean take a more active role in introducing reforms in Burma. At the 13th Asean summit last November, she called on her fellow Asian leaders to work for the release of Suu Kyi.
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