More Deaths Reported from Famine in Chin State

By LAWI WENG
The Irrawaddy News

Famine deaths are still being reported from a region of Burma’s northwestern Chin State, where inhabitants of 45 villages are being forced to forage for food in the jungle because their rice stocks have been lost to a plague of rats.

The villages are in the State’s Tlangtlang Township, the worst-hit area.

More than 40 children have already died in the famine, according to Chin humanitarian groups in exile.

Many of the children died from food poisoning as a result of eating plants foraged in the jungle.

"The people are hungry, so they are eating whatever they can find in the forest," said a Christian missionary in Vawng Tu village.

Exiled Chin groups say the famine is affecting about 20 percent of the state’s population, or at least 100,000 people. Many are leaving for Chin State towns or even neighboring Bangladesh in search of food and assistance.

Several UN agencies and international non-government organizations are working on a relief program for the region. They hope to launch the six-month program in early September.

Regime’s Right to Represent Burma Challenged

By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News

An umbrella opposition group in exile, the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), has objected to the claims of the ruling military regime to represent the country in the United Nations General Assembly.

Myint Thein, the NCUB’s joint secretary, said it was important for the nations of the world to cooperate and extend their active support to the people of Burma, who live under the repressive military junta.

“We want the UN to stand up for the principles of democracy and human rights and reject the credentials of the State Peace and Development Council’s delegation to the United Nations during the upcoming session of the General Assembly.”

Besides campaigning to challenge the regime’s right to represent Burma in the UN, the group confirmed that it would also push to put Burmese human rights issues on the UN Security Council’s agenda and urge the world body to arraign Burma’s junta before the International Criminal Court for its crimes against humanity.

The NCUB has repeatedly engaged in similar campaigns over the past decade, but with no success.

Myint Thein said that the UN should not provide a seat for the Burmese regime, which is one of the world’s most repressive and secretive governments, because of its human rights abuses and its refusal to honor the results of legitimate elections held in 1990, when Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) won 80 percent of parliamentary seats.

“We used to only focus our campaign against them [on the basis that] they are not a legal government, but the situation is different now. We want the UN to reject them based on the very recent human rights violations in combination with the junta’s past atrocities,” said Myint Thein.

In a statement released on Monday, the NCUB detailed significant human rights abuses perpetrated by the regime. Among other offenses, the statement described the junta’s ruthless crackdown on peaceful protests by monks and citizens calling for democratic reforms during last year’s “Saffron Revolution.”

The statement also pointed to the regime’s refusal to accept international assistance following Cyclone Nargis as evidence of its failure to provide good governance, and slammed the junta’s decision to go ahead with a discredited constitutional referendum a week after the storm. It also mentioned the illegal extension of Aung San Suu Kyi’s confinement in late May.

Past injustices described in the statement include the killing of protesters during the 1988 national uprising, the regime’s refusal to honor the 1990 elections, its murder of NLD members in the 2003 Depayin massacre, and the ongoing practice of rape, forced labor and killing in ethnic areas.

British MPs call on Govt. to investigation Mahn Sha's assassination

Mizzima News

New Delhi - Nearly 60 British parliamentarians have signed a petition, 'Early Day Motion', urging for the UK government to investigate and expose the assassins of Burma's ethnic rebel leader Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan.

In absence of no official investigation on the assassination of the General Secretary of Karen National Union (KNU), an ethnic armed rebel group, the British parliamentarians call on the UK government to conduct a direct investigation and expose the culprit.

"We welcome this move by the British parliamentarians because it is not only a moral support but is a fight against injustice," Zoya Phan, daughter of Mahn Sha, who is currently in UK, told Mizzima.

Mahn Sha was assassinated on February 14, by two unknown gunmen at his residence in the Thai-Burmese border town of Maesot. However, five months on, the culprit behind the murder is still unknown.

Zoya said, "Though we know that it is the work of the Burmese military junta, there has been no official announcement and we are sad about it."

The British MPs also condemn the Burmese military junta for its terrorist act in organising the assassination, and call on the British government to take action to stop attacks on the Karen and other ethnic civilians.

In loving memories of their father and in order to continue his works, Zoya said she along with her two brothers and a sister had established the 'Phan Foundation'.

"Through this foundation, we aim to preserve the Karen culture and also help Karen people in their education," Zoya said.

Mahn Sha elected as general secretary in December 2006 of the KNU, which has been fighting for self-determination for over half a century.

Majoring in history at the Rangoon University in 1962, he joined the Karen movement in the jungle soon after he complete his studies.

A highly respected figure among both ethnic and Burman allies the Burmese military regime also see Manh Sha as a strong leader in the KNU.

He was 64 years old at the time of his death.

Let’s start a campaign to kick out Than Shwe

by SHWE BA
San Oo Aung's Blog

Let’s start a campaign to kick out Than Shwe and his thugs by showing our hatred and disapproval to them and reveal to the world that Myanmar Tatmadaw is the illegal ruler of our country, Burma.

Showing our hatred to SPDC and cohorts is another step forward for us from the ineffective nonviolent civil disobedience campaign.

We must start the campaign by brainwashing all the people with a propaganda barrage that it is disgraceful to be associated with the SPDC Junta and its affiliated groups that disguised as civilians. Myanmar/Burma needs self consciences people that hate this cruel military government.

We all have an obligation to devote our life to fighting for justice and the present time of SPDC shouting the victory success as if more then 92% of us had supported them and as if it has effectively nullify the 1990 NLD’s election win. We all have a responsibility not to give those injustices our practical support by keeping quiet, remained submissive, obedient, loyal and subservient.

Philosopher-cum-thinker John Saul in his book, ‘The Unconscious Civilization’ wrote:

“Conformism, loyalty and silence are so admired and rewarded.” Yes those keep quiet could be rewarded for their well behaviour or decorum. They could get some left-overs after the SPDC Cohorts’ big feast. Hatred in our heart and mind is not very effective although it is better than loving to cooperate as the collaborators hoping to get a chance to lick the left over bones!

Nowadays the popular saying is “To walk the talk” but I hereby wish to state that

• “We need to walk our THOUGHTS”.
  
  
• We are already talking about starting a civil disobedience or to start a revolution.
  
  
• We should plan and consider various methods as a “diversity of tactics”.
  
  
• To be effective, tactics must be carefully chosen, taking into account SPDC and Burmese political and cultural circumstances, and we need to plan different tactical approaches as part of a larger plan or strategy to overthrown them.

Nonviolence civil disobedience is good during the colonial days but it tends to give very slow results or used to achieve political changes much later only. And we all know that Colonial Masters were gentlemen, respect the Human Rights and there was the Rule of Law then.

But the present Than Shwe led SPDC thugs are inhumane, never respect Human Rights and they rule by the law of jungle. They even fail to observe the International Law of engagement, in the Ethnic Minority areas, which is the guiding principle of each and every war. For the SPDC, might is always right and power and law come out from the barrel of the gun only. Worse of all is even that the law of the jungle coming out of the SPDC guns are ever changing according to their whims and fancies.

1. During times of war, hatred becomes quite respectable, even though it has to masquerade often under the guise of patriotism. (Howard Thurman)
   
   
2. Without something to hate, we should lose the very spring of thought and action. (William Hazlitt)
   
   
3. Don’t be afraid to go out on a limb. That’s where the fruit is. (H. Jackson Browne)
   
   
4. Security is mostly a superstition. It does not exist in nature, nor do the children of men as a whole experience it. Avoiding danger is no safer in the long run than outright exposure. Life is either a daring adventure or nothing. (Helen Keller)
   
   
5. With courage you will dare to take risks, have the strength to be compassionate, and the wisdom to be humble. Courage is the foundation of integrity. (Keshavan Nair)

So I hereby wish to propose one method of civil disobedience to show our hatred to the SPDC and cohorts. This is defined as material defiance under nonviolence civil disobedience.

A. Target the following persons and properties:

1. SPDC army vehicles.
2. Police cars.
3. Kyant Phut and SPDC Government affiliated organizations’ vehicles.
4. SPDC propaganda sign boards around the country.

B. What to do? Try to vandalize or deface or spoil or ruin or damage or dent or scratch or disfigure or mutilate or graze or sabotage them by any of the following means.

1. Throw dirty water or mud.
2. Throw old engine oil.
3. Throw animal blood.
4. Throw eggs, better if rotten.
5. Throw tomato, better if rotten.
6. Not very nice to write but if dare to do, throw waste or organic waste or even shits packages or urine packages.

C. Those who are brave enough, target any SPDC soldier, police, Kyant Phut or their relatives and do the above acts.

You can do it in the markets, on the roads in the town or on the rural roads or while they are guarding at the gate posts.

There may be some revenge mass punishments on the people around that area but those sabotaging acts of hatred may start the circle of hatred.

Their ammunition and firing power is too big to fight one by one as noble Knights.

At least they may know that we, most of the citizens hate them and are against them.

No need to be ashamed. Anyone doing these is not cowards. We all would regard those acts as very brave acts against the very powerful enemy.

• There came a time when the risk to remain tight in the bud was more painful than the risk it took to blossom. (Anais Nin)
  
  
• So we all citizens of Burma should not just quietly let the iron grip of SPDC squeeze and crush us.
  
  
• Let free the democracy to blossom with our safe civil disobedience struggle. Now SPDC is attacking relentlessly on NLD and Ethnic Minorities.

“The best defence is attack”. That was a very popular saying in football. Our best defence for now is to attack back. These SPDC thugs are very brave to attack Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD because they are strictly adhering to their non-violence methods.

1. One doesn’t discover new lands without consenting to lose sight of the shore for a very long time. (Andre Gide)
   
   
2. Non-poisonous snakes are not even respected by the children. If we are weak, we are always exposed to the exploitations of the bullies and thuds. See what SPDC and Kyant Phuts are doing on NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We have to prepare and strengthen our-selves physically, intellectually, economically, socially, mentally, spiritually etc.
3. We must always hope for the best and prepare for the worst.
   
   
4. Victory is for those dare to try again and again. Perseverance is the key-word for success.

Actually power comes from within.

1. If we all have confidence, self respect, and if strongly believe that we are not a simple weak person, but we are brave willing to work hard and ready to sacrifice, one day will surely progress, there is definitely a very bright future of crowning with the success.
   
   
2. Inner spiritual strength is more important and always guides the outer physical power.
   
   
3. Even if we are weak physically, inner spiritual and mental strength and power will guide, train and convert it to become powerful.

If you think my plan is some form of violence and could not accept, just read this great Philosopher’s thoughts:

1. “A life spent making mistakes is not only more honorable but more useful than a life spent in doing nothing.” (George Bernard Shaw)
   
   
2. The important thing is this: To be able at any moment to sacrifice what we are for what we could become. (Charles DuBois)
   
   
3. We must take some risk to get to our destination of Democratic Secular Federal Union of Burma.

SHWE BA

Regime's referendum without democratic reference

By Zai Dai
Kachin News

30 May 2008 - Innocent citizens of Burma have been taken in yet again by a farcical nationwide referendum, which was held on May 10 and May 24. Just like the people of Venezuela had brought about the Green Revolution after being oppressed by despots so is the struggle for democratic transformation on in Burma (Myanmar).

The regime's roadmap sketched with the help of its sympathizers since former Prime Minister Gen. Khin Nyut's preplanned enterprise regardless of social-political instability in the country continues. From the very beginning the regime's formation of democratic pattern has been formulated off the frame of democratic principle and value neglecting the right and freedom of peoples every representatives who were supposed to have participated in the National Convention in drafting the National Constitution for political stability of Burma as a whole.

The regime abruptly conducted the Constitutional Referendum for approval of the draft national constitution to legitimize the regime's power. It was an uncivilized referendum without democratic reference under the dictator's boots and the barrel of the gun.

The voters were not to exercise their franchise freely in the referendum and were forced to vote by ticking 'Yes' in the ballots across the country. In fact it is obvious that the regime of aristocrats have been paving only way of heaven for themselves to revitalize feudal bureaucracy once again in Burma. Here it is seen that five lakhs of military personnel are being exploited in power building of the regime's generals instead of fighting the common enemy of this country.

Even the lowest of soldiers is not amply subsidized so that each soldier and his/her family are supported. In this situation the regime has rudely ordered its troops to give right tick as not one's will but as be the will of the regime.

It had been publicly announced by the by Referendum Commission that it is an order of the regime that all troops tick right without failure. This is how voting has come not from freedom of will bur as a regime's order to each military personnel.

In capital Myitkyina, Kachin State the government employees had been threatened to vote "Yes" in referendum. School teachers, government servants, teacher trainees, nursing trainees were forced to do the same. Not all those who put cross marks could have been expelled or dismissed.

For this reason just for the sake of security they were compelled to render tick right in the referendum. Yet almost all medical doctors have boldly crossed the ballots exercising freedom of thought.

The history will pay back those sympathizers: peace talkers, toppers of ceasefire groups, business firms collaborating with the for what they have been doing for the sake of their selfish business rather standing by the side of truth.

In the realm of Christianity in Kachin Land there are two biggest church organizations namely Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) and Kachin Roman Catholic Churches in Kachin state. Naturally Christianity is embodied to establish the Kingdom of God in a biblical word on earth as Jesus did. Keeping such a mission in the hearts of members it usually happened that most in a dilemma looked forward unto them for a Christian stand and role in the referendum.

Yet it is a historic landmark that oddly there was no further direction and help from KBC in the referendum except Kachin Christianity has likely predominated as the State religion under Nazis instead of standing in the side of God who loves truth and justice. There is obvious that present Christian leaders are stagnant in active leadership in social transformation and not playing as it is anointed.

On the other hand lack and denial of leading to the truth toward all believers itself means leading to evil. Christian leaders are being tempted this time under the snare of regime's plot which is controlling it to be discolored a State Religion by mounting all kinds of pressure. Yet there have been faithful Christians who are persistent and perseverant in the midst of hardship, discrimination and asunder in the pilgrimage of Christian lives speaking off and unveiling the truth even under a dictatorship.

It is believed that any ideology of treating state religion for political profit of handful of opportunists will never lead the country towards civilized society rather the spirit which stands for the truth of defenseless citizens.

Another issue that the Kachins regret is the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and its armed wing Kachin Independence Army (KIA) KIO/A’s full support in the referendum hosting it and ticking right on ballots at Laiza, KIO/A Headquarters on May 10, 2008 by the order of Central Standing Committee (CSC) respectively. It is concluded that KIO/A has resolved its problem of insecurity and danger by their own means instead of leading, protecting and standing consistently by the people of Kachin Land and the citizens of the country.

It is obvious that KIO/A is declaring another witness worldwide that it denies democratic principled politics of the Kachins and Kachin State citizens except playing social security politics only for its top most leaders including peace makers, a handful of bilateral business groups reflected in its deed and decision. Yet fortunately it is ascertained that KIO/A is leaving political leadership completely in one hand and the Kachin public is being rung to take up its surviving politics at the same time from this odd and regrettable experience.

As was known this referendum was declared supported because of advance voting. If the ballots of the voters on the day were scrutinized under transparent commissions, surely cross click ballots would surpass the "Yes" votes. So, the military junta or the so called Sate Peace and Development Council (SPDC) officers of every level are enforced to rearrange all ballots voted within 12 hour right after voting is over everywhere.

In the battle of free and fair vote in the referendum in Kachin State, Kachin State National Congress for Democracy (KNCD) party, barred by the regime, won three seats in the 1990 election, has really stood for the Kachins and Kachin State citizens in the last referendum.

As the KNCD has been once again revitalizing its service by giving fundamental and essential awareness and principles for democracy led by Duwa Bawm Lang as a public leader, decades long public leaderless pro-democratic Kachins and Kachin State citizens have met their thirst convincing their stands and their freedom of voting right in the midst of hardship. The KNCD has been playing its role as an action group, standing before the Kachins and Kachin State citizens for smooth and democratic transition in Burma.

As per excellence right ticked ballots has been defeated in many areas though it has been attacked for instance in Waingmaw district, Njang Dung village in Myitkyina. This is how all pro-democratic civilians have voted "No" not just because of one's freedom of right yet but for fighting for the truth. In this context of threats and pressures, pro-democratic Kachins and Kachin State citizen have voted "No".

By this referendum we, Kachins are being declared to enter the war of democracy where the judge will be always the one which is the truth. As our a half century long armed history has taught us today how the public are the only ones responsible as political wing as well as the armed group is playing its armed politics, we couldn't dream so long these two groups work detachedly. Not only there would be no help from both in and out of power until and unless pro-democratic citizens initiate labouring for the goal set but the truth would lead us to the goal laboured for.

Like in military referendum, I should say the regime won, yet in a public referendum the citizens won as rationalized above. Therefore this referendum is one referendum without democratic principles where a pseudo-democratic regime announces a landslide victory for its longevity and security.

Yet, the spirit and responsibility of one's ballot which can represent oneself or one's state, voting with democratic norm (Not just voting for democracy since no one can issue you democracy unless you live for it) and the spirit of voting for right one than fight against injustice, undemocratic, centralized bureaucracy will ultimately lead us to victory by democratic means.

Hereby the regime conducted referendum was allegedly supported by more than 92.4 per cent voters yet the regime is shamefully defeated in the recent referendum on the basis of democratic reference.

(The author is a Kachin writer and also studies Kachin-Burma politics.)

Referendum: Voices of a Nation in Distress

Part-1

Three Pagodas Pass resident, Mon State, Souteast Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…The place is crawling with fire brigade members and soldiers. They are guarding the entry and exit points of the town as they are quite worried. They didn’t let cars in. Only for today, it will be over by 5 o’clock.

“…I have cast mine…we are NO. We have many crosses. We have rallied all our friends and acquaintance, most of them voted NO…there is no intimidation here...they came to give us the polling cards to our houses yesterday by looking at our lists of family members…but they didn’t give us the cards. So me and my wife went to the polling station today with our identity cards. They asked us, have you got your cards, and when we said we didn’t, go that way to vote, they told us. There are two polling stations in each ward. We gave them our identity card numbers, names of our parents, and they told us to sign. And they gave us a folded paper, one side is blue and the other side is blank white… Then, we went into the room to do whatever we prefer. In that paper, there are no names of ours or our parents, nor our identity card numbers. After ticking, we got out of the room and put the voting slips into the ballot box…

“…they are only guarding the polling stations. There was no rallying of people and the like. No telling (pressurising) people…the majority cast NO votes. We told our people that it is not about electing people. If you like the referendum tick YES. If you don’t like it give a cross for NO. We told people like that. ****

NLD chairman, Madaya, Mandalay Division

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…the situation is quite bad if I have to describe it to you roughly…in some areas they announced on the loudspeaker that if you put a cross to vote NO, you will be given 3-years prison sentence and fined 100,000 kyat in accordance with the law…they are also chasing people who inform the outside world like this…when casting the ballots, the guards and officials manning the polling stations follow voters into the voting booths, they themselves tick (YES) for the voters and the like…when someone voted NO with a cross, they were forced to correct it…at some place they take video and photographs while you are ticking the ballot papers…many people are feeling outraged and angry…sometimes they procured votes seven days in advance from old people…just write in front of us, they told them, and some people didn’t even see the voting slips. In some areas, they not only forced the adults, but also other family members…

“…this referendum is completely unfair and unclean…many people are feeling outraged, and they come and report it to us…I saw in the rule book that one person must not cast more than one vote, but what we are seeing is…one person can vote on behalf of the whole house… so it cannot be a fair referendum.”

****

Chauk resident, Magwe Division, Upper Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…People are still voting. At every polling station, they are blaring out songs supporting the referendum. The policemen in uniform are at the nearest point of the polling stations. USDA, Swan Arr Shin members (pro-junta thugs), with communication machines on their waists and other who are not supposed to be on duty are inside the polling station. Some clerks, while producing ballot papers told voters to tick here and so on. At No.6, the system there is communal voting in a hall instead of secret ballot. At PE petrol factory, they lined up workers at 6 a.m. and their family members and their manager told them to vote YES and drove them (to the polling station) on petrol office cars. I want to say it straight that there is no freedom in vote casting. We feel that we are being intimidated because security forces were positioned around the polling stations. USDA and Swan Arr Shin members were also presents. And the clerks also told voters to tick YES in the box.

“…Zeegyopin village, all the ballot papers were ticked YES and voters were told to just cast them inside the ballot box. You are not allowed to do anything…

“At Neegyike? Village, because of its proximity to H2O factory, villagers were told to cast YES votes. There are many things like that.

“I didn’t see them following the rules and regulations of the commission because the clerks told people where to tick…they also issued the rules that no loudspeakers should be used around the polling stations but they themselves are blaring out YES campaign songs at every station and they are still doing so.”

****

Voices from Meikhtila, Upper Burma

10 May, 2008 (DVB)–“…We voted NO. We just don’t like them…” - A local woman.

“…Yes, I went to vote early this morning, about 6.30 … As expected, a cross [NO] … there are many reasons we can’t support them. The worst is their torture and persecution of the public in September and currently, they are not helping but hindering the assistance to the people. We are seeing this on the [satellite] dishes…

“…When I voted, they treated me well but it is very different in other places… They forced people to tick YES … The hole for the ballot box is quite big; 1”x5”. A child could put his hand into it. It is made of soft cardboard. On TV, they showed wooden ballot boxes but in fact, it is a cardboard box…they are soft ones, not hard…It is easy [to tamper with the boxes]. You can even put your hand in it, I think…” - A local man.

“…The assistance people who were wearing security badges followed the voters into the room and told them how to vote if they didn’t understand, and forced them to tick YES … Yes, they are forcing people to tick YES. I was watching them … they knew that I was watching them as they were only ten feet away from me … There were six ‘wish expressing’ rooms. They accompanied voters into the rooms and sometimes they told them how to vote. Tick this box, they told them…

“This is not my assumption. I saw it with my own eyes … in our ward, they employed male and female Red Cross members. The female accompanied female voters and the male accompanied male voters and told tem where to tick…

“It can’t be free and fair as I saw some people cast three votes, five votes, some gave nine votes on their own … it happened in every ward. Some people are not interested. Some don’t understand … Last night, they woke people up in the middle of the night and told them to cast their votes…We went to the house of our local ward authority chairman to collect my ballot papers … and I found ballot papers were there with open envelopes … someone there came out and told me that he was ticking YES on the papers … His name [the chairman] is U Hla Than…” - A local man.

****

Nam Kham resident, Shan State, East Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB)–“…one person could vote for other family members … They also told us to vote YES. If we didn't, they would interrogate us and deal with us later, they said … people are afraid and voted YES. No one could vote NO … people who were guarding the polling stations, township authorities, clerks, police sergeants, militia, fire brigade members [told us to vote YES]…

“…Some people didn’t know what to do and were told to vote YES, and if they refused their votes were declared void … And those who didn’t know how to write or sign their names, were told to use their fingerprints…

“…yes, [the guards] themselves ticked YES votes for people … who could not come to vote to save time … some people were not allowed to vote either … and they were told that someone else had voted on their behalf…

“…the poll doesn’t represent the desire of the people because … it would be right only if people were allowed to choose either YES or NO … some people think that whether you vote YES or NO, they will make it YES anyway and some people were afraid and didn’t vote…

“…Yes, the resentment among the people will get worse because they are feeling outraged, and there is a possibility of an explosion [of anger] … in a village of 500 voters, there are only five NO votes … because they are afraid … Some Chinese nationals holding Burmese identity cards …the village chief voted YES for them because the officials could not wait for them…

****

Myingyan resident, Upper Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB)–“…when I went to the polling station, someone said to me ‘let me show you how to vote’. He ticked the right ['Yes'] box for me and told me to put it into any ballot box…

“…some people don’t know about it and some do … those who are likely to cause problems, they let them vote on their own. Those who won’t or those they are not afraid of they will boss them around and force them…

“…there are more people who were forced to vote without understanding anything … at the moment, there are more 'Yes' votes. But they are not really 'Yes' votes. People were forced to do it without knowing anything … when I asked people what they had done, they said, ‘We don’t know, they told us to tick here and put it into any ballot box you like’. They were told to put the ready-ticked 'Yes' vote papers into any of the ballot box they liked. But they knew why they did it. Voters don’t know what to accept and what to protest against.

“…the situation in the town is the same everywhere. The difference is whether there are problems in the polling stations or not…I can’t speak for other people, but as for me, I will vote 'No'. Everyone wants to vote 'No', but they don’t know what they are voting for. If people knew what they were voting for, they would vote 'No'. There are many people who don’t understand it. Those who don’t understand anything are voting 'Yes'. They are deliberately making it confusing for people. They told people to tick 'Yes' and people just did it. They placed three or four ballot boxes and they made people think the choice of ballot boxes is the choice for YES or NO…

“…why do I want to vote NO?...It is because it is unjust. That is clear. None of them is just and I don't like any of them … who would tolerate them? No one want to put up with them…

“…quite a lot of people have voted ... but they are still telling people to vote on the loudspeaker … of course, there is [intimidations] … they are telling people that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the like are being given money by foreign [countries], to invade and occupy Burma. 'You must oppose Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Support us, or you will be in trouble.' They told people that and forced them to sign … The following day [polling day], they told people not to come and vote … many people were forced to give YES votes in that way … three quarters of the votes were procured like that. The remaining quarter was procured by underhanded means too at the polling stations … I have nothing else to say, there is only injustice and deception here…”

****

General situation (11am)

May 10, 2008 (DVB)–“…In Karen State [southeast Burma], they blared out the song ‘Let’s go to the polling stations and vote’ constantly until 10.30am. But there were very few voters … the villagers were too afraid to ask for ballpoint pens and only put blank, white papers [into the ballot boxes]…

“…In Kyonpyaw, it was officially declared on the loudspeakers that those who vote NO will be given a three-year prison sentence and fined 100,000 [kyat]. We heard from the elected representative Dr Kyi Min Htut … In Pantanaw, Irrawaddy Division, although it was not announced officially through loudspeakers, similar words were heard…”

“…In Pyay [Prome], voters are under various kinds of pressure to vote 'Yes' and people are allowed to vote for other people, and they have also accepted advance votes. Dr Khin Maung Win from Pyay phoned us…”

****

Pa-an resident, Karen State capital, East Burma (12.30pm)

May 10, 2008 (DVB)–“…The polling stations opened at 6 o’clock in the morning. People went there but there were not many people queuing at the polling station. Two or three people went there at a time … There was no proper guard at the polling stations. They used the local ward and the school as polling stations … the teachers issued ballot papers. Curtains were used for polling booths and they put the ballot boxes in there.

“…I don’t know about that [whether people were intimidated or pressured] yet. But at some polling stations, at No. 2 Polling Station, I heard that they followed right behind the voters…

“…They blared out songs urging people to vote from some cars that looked like Thingyan floats, manned by people wearing [Union Solidarity and Development Association] badges and drove around the town, preceded by 6-7 motorcycles. USDA members wore white T-shirts with pictures that tell people to vote 'Yes' and go to the polling station…”

****

Kyaukpadaung resident, Upper Burma (9am)

May 10, 2008 (DVB)–“…In the morning, [pro-junta activists] distributed their campaign shirts very early and rallied people. And [Ma-Wa-Ta] township authority chairmen went around in their cars. They forced people who know nothing to wear the shirts … shirts that say to vote YES and to go to the polling booths … But most people were living in fear. When people saw the voting slips, they found out that there were no markings. There are many mistakes at the moment. This is the situation in town. I don’t know about the situation in the villages yet…

“…Some people are going about their own businesses. Some people went to vote. At Let-pan-pin Village, they told people, just give us your signature. Don't do anything else. They told people just to sign. They didn’t give people voting slips, just forced them to sign and tick the right one [to vote 'Yes']….

“…That was what happened in Letpanpin village today. In Poppa village yesterday they summoned people and told people to sign or vote. 'You all have voted yes. Now go home,' [they told people]. They only allowed the heads of the family to sign, and ticked YES for all other family members over 18 … Some people protested that there was no voting slip and they were told that they had nothing else to do … without voting on the voting slips, they had voted YES … This is what really happened in Letpanpin and Poppa villages.

“…The polling stations had been open since last night … only the heads of families had to go and vote 'Yes' for the whole family … One girl protested and went to the polling station and demanded they let her vote for herself. But she was told that her father had voted on her behalf…”

****

Mandalay resident, Upper Burma (8.30am)

May 10, 2008 (DVB)-"The situation is normal here. No one is interested in it. I haven't heard anything said about it in teashops. I did hear that the [pro-junta] social affairs members and [Union Solidarity and Development Association] went to the polling stations in their uniforms this morning to cast their votes … between 77th and 35th streets, near Yadanabon Market, … people are acting normally. I haven’t heard people talking about it or showing any interest in it. It is very different from the 97 situation… It must be too early. They are just starting to go to work and the like…"

Part-2

Kyaukpadaung and Poppa residents, Mandalay Division, Upper Burma (3.45PM)

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…They procured a lot of advance votes yesterday. As it is advance votes, no one wants to be blamed and many voted YES…When they opened the polling stations this morning, they just took as much as they could and they said to people you can vote whatever you like to appear to be honest….

“…At Poppa, the voting ended at 10 in the morning. They have been procuring advance votes for the previous seven days…with the people they trust, they let them vote in a room in accordance with rules and regulations, with their voting slips inside the envelopes. But those they don’t forced them to vote in front of them. And those who are afraid of them were forced to vote in front of them…people are afraid and most of them voted YES…From the depth of their hearts, people want to vote NO, I can say it daringly. The reason is the intimidation is quite widespread…some people were ignorant and voted YES and some didn’t vote saying what can we get from them by voting for them…”

****

General situations (1.30PM)

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…In Karen State, Hlaingbwe…a polling station collapsed and eight people were hospitalised. It was not due to overcrowding but the shoddiness of the building. They are now in Pa-an hospital…

“…At Mohnyin and Mokaung (in northern Burma), the situation is good; among the advance votes, only 30% voted YES…many people voted…it was researched by Mohnyin, Mokaung, Myikyina NLD members…

****

Pyay/Prome resident, Lower Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…Let me tell you what happened during the days before the referendum…They came to people’s house to procure advance votes and local authorities forced people to sign…Then they told people, you have voted, you don’t need to go to the polling station…

“…Those who didn’t look quite clever were told, do like this and that, auntie, and made them vote YES…It is not true that it will be a free and fair election (referendum), as they claimed…minister Kyaw Hsan said that it will be free and fair. Commission member U Thaung Nyunt said that it will be an international standard referendum…

“…As they ranted before, they have to win even if they lose, it is like that…

“…Some schoolteachers were wearing USDA uniforms and carrying out duties. That is not good…They are doing that because of the order from the top and they themselves are members of USDA…

“…While the media and the like were busy with Nargis Cyclone, they did these pressurising and abusing of power while Nargis was blowing…During that time, they forced the whole villages, suburbs and downtowns (to vote YES)…

****

Kawa resident, Bago/Pegu Division, Lower Burma (4.30PM)

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…At every polling station, polling station commissions, USDA, local authorities and those responsible all told voters to vote YES. Most people are afraid and cast YES votes…all the voting slips inside the polling booths and in front of the supervisors were marked on YES. When people complained, the commission told people to tell anyone they like…We are reporting the actions of the commissions of the villages to the township commission…we will proceed gradually after thinking carefully…There are likely to be more injustice…the way they (the authorities) are doing, it is likely that they are going to be successful. The public is duped…”

****

Pakokku resident, Magwe Division, Upper Burma (3PM)

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…There are 14 polling stations for 13 villages of Myitche District, Pakokku Township. The chairman of Tawchauk Village is Thein Htike. He told voters to cast their ballots the previous night. And he ticked all the ballots, YES, himself and closed the polling station 7.30 (this morning?).

“The chairman of Kyetsha village is Sein Kalar, ditto, he did as mentioned above. Like Tawchauk village chair Thein Htike, he told villagers to vote in advance last night. And they ticked them all YES and closed the polling station at 7.30.

“Ainche and Myoma, followed the rules and regulations…

“At Kaba Aye and Htanaungkone, the village chair told voters to cast votes in front of him.

“Setkyay village chairman Aung Kyaw Min threatened power cuts for weddings and funerals to those who vote NO.

“Ywatha Aye’s chair Nyunt Win, and what we learnt from other chairs is, USDA and township chairs are told that they will be given a GSM (mobile) phone, if there is NO vote in their polling stations. Ywatha Aye’s chairman Nyunt Win said that…

“There are 300 villages in Natmauk (Township). They also procured advance votes which are all YES votes. At Padauk Nguwa village, there were 15 NO votes and USDA members reported township chairman and he is not getting GSM and facing big problem.

“At Pakokku (Township) Kanma village, there are only two polling stations that procured advance votes. There, all the votes 100 percent are YES votes.

“At Yenangyaung (township), rules and regulations were followed where there are NLD members, but where there is no NLD member, advance votes were procured. And they told voters, if you want to cast YES votes give us here, but if you want to cast NO vote, go to the polling station. They manned the polling stations with police armed with guns and handcuffs…That’s it.”

****

Pegu resident, Lower Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…As you know, from our heart, we voted NO…because there are reasons we can’t accept…at the polling station, there are local authorities, USDA members, and some people from the ward but I don’t know most of them…not many people went there. Some people voted for the whole family…here, there is not much of it (intimidation). As they said, people are allowed to vote freely…

“…At Utta ward, three NLD members went to see it, I was told. Yesterday, U San Maung Maung and the like were arrested, Dr. San Maung Maung. I heard that three people (got arrested)…I thinks it is in connection with the poll. It is like they are being detained for awhile, like when they did before…”

****

Meiktila female resident, Mandalay Division, Upper Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…We cast crosses (NO votes). Most friends cast NO votes. Those who are illiterate and ignorant cast YES vote. They gave YES because they are ignorant and afraid. They told them that if they cast crosses, they will get three years, two years imprisonment and the like…they keep on threatening like that…

“…if you tell them (the authorities) that you are going to cast a NO vote, it is like giving yourself a dead sentence…Because of this Nargis Cyclone people are being impoverished, hungry and in trouble. Where are the authorities? Where are the USDA (members)? When they were beating the monks, the USDA were there. Now, people are in trouble. The international community is saying that it will help, but they won’t accept it. They themselves can’t help. When U Than Shwe daughter got married, she received $50m for her wedding? Can’t she help? Where has she gone? It has been a long time sine people want to express their feelings…where are the Sangha Nayaka (head monks) worshipped by U Than Shwe, where are they? The monks must help people. They have to go where people are in trouble. They must offer words of comfort and help people. Where are all the ‘leaders’? We want this kind of thing…

“…they are afraid that people will know about their callousness and don’t let people in. They should not do that (not hold referendum). Whatever it is, they should help people who are in trouble…”

****

Meikhtila resident, Mandalay Division, Upper Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…I didn’t cast YES vote…Yes, I voted NO…Most of my friends voted NO…To say the truth, there is not much of it (freedom) today…There is noting particularly for me to say as to why I did so as you know it already. My friends voted NO in three, five…while there is a disaster they should stop it the referendum…to say the truth about the referendum, I am not feeling satisfied…”

****

Nyaunglaybin resident, Pegu Division, Lower Burma

May 10, 2008 (DVB) – “…As for lying/deception, they are doing it a lot…in order to vote, they give you a token with your name, your father’s name and a serial number. And when you go to the polling station, they give you the polling card when you show them the serial number after looking at the list. When you get the polling card, you have to sign stating that you received it. When my wife and I went there, I found out that the space for signatures for both of us had been signed by someone else. I told them that they were not our signatures, why did you do that, I asked, and they said, it was our mistake…in fact, it seemed that they had already signed on our behalves and put our votes for YES…

“…another way is as people have to go to work…while they were queuing…they (the authorities) would ask people to leave their tokens with them and deceive them. These people didn’t even have the chance to see the voting slips or vote…some people were not allowed to vote…at some villages, people from women affairs (pro-junta) and the like sat waiting inside the polling booths and told voters to tick here…they are doing things like this in Nyaunglaybin Township. Similarly, in nearby Shwekyin Township…they took people’s tokens and the local authorities cast YES votes for them. As far as I know, they are doing the same things, in villages of the surrounding townships…

“…A lot of people go to polling stations. They were not interested before. Nargis Cyclone occurred. They (authorities) didn’t behave like human beings. They are only doing it for the survival of their power. They went to the poll to protest…what I heard is they (the authorities) are not going to declare the results of the poll in local areas…the ballot boxes are to be sent to the townships…

****

Kachin students and women stand alone in opposing constitution

By Shyamal Sarkar
Kachin News

In Kachin State, Myitkyina University students are in the forefront in opposing the Burmese military junta's referendum to approve the constitution. The students movement, which has been on for a long time on various issues like demanding a halt to dams among other things, gained momentum over the referendum issue from the end of March this year.

The activists have launched a vigorous poster campaign to make people aware of the terrible effects of approving the draft constitution, which seeks to legitimize and perpetuate military rule in Burma where the Tatmadaw will continue to rule the roost in a different garb.

Starting end of March Myitkyina University students have been pasting hundreds of posters exhorting people to vote "No" in Burma's referendum to approve the constitution on May 10, in major townships of Kachin State in Northern Burma.

A-4 sized anti-constitution referendum posters have come into play against the powerful junta. Students operating under the cover of darkness pasted the first of a series of posters in crowded areas in Myitkyina and Waingmaw Townships. People came across the posters in the morning.

In the first phase in March more than 500 posters were pasted in different areas of Myitkyina. Another 100 odd posters were put up in six major quarters in Waingmaw. Markets, office complexes and areas adjacent to police stations were the prime targets. Posters were pasted in areas where people could not miss it. Behind the poster movement is the All Kachin Students Union (AKSU) operating inside Burma. The organization was formed just before the September Saffron Revolution in 2007.

The junta authorities responded to the poster movement by posting soldiers and policemen inside and outside the Myitkyina University campus.

It's a see saw battle that has been on between largely the student community and the junta authorities. Even before the posters began to appear early in March, Brig-Gen Thein Zaw, Minister of Communication, Post and Telegraph visited Myitkyina and mobilised several Kachin Christian churches in his referendum campaign.

After a gap of 10 days or so, several posters encouraging people to "Vote No" in the referendum once again surfaced on April 5 in Myitkyina the capital of Kachin State.

Again A-4 size posters were in use. This time 'The attitude of Kachins' was written on the posters in bold letters. Along with the referendum clause the five-point charter of demands on the posters said (1) No more military government; (2) Vote 'No' in the constitutional referendum; (3) No Myitsone and Chibwe dams; (4) Immediately release all political prisoners and (5) Begin 'Tripartite dialogue'.

The posters appeared at the Kachin State Peace and Development Council office, Township Immigration Office, Township Court Office, City Hall, Township Telecommunication Office, Township Government Hospital, Kachin Baptist Convention office, in some Christian churches downtown, Basic State High Schools No.(1), (2) and (3) and Basic Middle Schools No.(4) and (6).

The posters were a mixed bag with some reading 'Just Say No'. They were seen in the markets, traffic police offices, railway station and some Buddhist monasteries in the township.

Ironically, after a 10-day gap 'Vote No' posters and handouts started reappearing in the three major townships in Kachin State. This time again about 500 of A-4 size posters and handouts were pasted and distributed in Myitkyina Township, Waingmaw Township and Bhamo Township. In Myitkyina entrance walls of the government hospital, the Kachin Traditional Manau Park in Shatapru Quarter and road side walls and high schools in Du Mare, Tatkone and Manhkring Quarters were splattered with posters.

With the campaign snowballing, five days later, the student activists were back again sticking vote 'No' posters in more towns in Northern Burma. Exhorting people to reject the draft constitution the posters and handouts this time around were pasted and distributed in Myitkyina Township, Bhamo Township, N'mawk town, Waingmaw Township, Shwego town, Mogaung Township and Phakant Township.

The Kachin Women's Association Thailand (KWAT) have thrown in their lot with the students and have urged people to cast the "No" vote in the ensuing referendum. The women have explained why the constitution should be rejected. It has pointed out the constitution had been drafted with handpicked people of the junta and did not reflect the people's desire. Neither did it represent the opinions and attitudes of the 1990 election winning parties and ethnic leaders.

In a campaign letter the KWAT said the constitution is merely designed to legitimise and perpetuate military rule in Burma. From the point of view of Burmese women, they will continue to suffer from injustices, discrimination and violence including sexual violence if the constitution is approved.

The KWAT also pointed out that Kachin people have suffered for over 45 years under a ruthless military dictatorship. The suffering will only be prolonged if the junta has the constitution in place by hoodwinking the people of the country. The women's organisation has urged people to go the polling booths and resoundingly cast a "No" vote for the sake of democracy sometime in the future.

The junta on the other hand is continuing with its vigorous campaign to garner "Yes" votes. It is using a ploy to mislead people and trying to tell people that if they wished for democracy they should go to the polling booths and cast their votes in favour of the constitution. "If you and I do not vote, democracy will move further and further away from us," is their campaign line. If people do not support the referendum, democracy will be a distant dream, pro junta groups have been going around saying. To ensure victory the junta has not been above taking recourse to unfair means. It has included thousands of underage people in Northern Burma in the voters' list it has prepared.

Surprising as it may seem, the AKSU and the KWAT are getting no support from the ceasefire Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) which still continues to toe the junta's line. As for the people, they are unable to come out in the open in support of the students and the women's organization, scared as they are of incurring the wrath of the military junta. No dissidence is overt in Burma, repressed as the population is. So opposition to the junta on any issue has to be covert in nature such as that of the AKSU and the KWAT.

(The author is a veteran journalist from India and has been in major newspapers as a Reporter, Deputy Chief of Bureau, News Coordinator, Op-ed and Edit writer.)

Dream of leaving Burma

By Pete Browne

February 22nd 2008 - Burma has been under military rule for over four decades. Its recent draft constitution, which bans opposition activists from entering the 2010 elections, has come under attack recently as international pressure to move toward democracy increases. Win Swe grew up in Mandalay under the junta's regime. He talks about his day-to-day life and studies, and his struggle to express himself in a closed society

The school I go to is closed today as the classrooms are foot-high in water. It often happens during the monsoon season. What I usually do when the rains come is head for the centre of Mandalay; if I can’t study in class the streets offer a good alternative. I am a firm believer in learning.

There are so many things happening in Burma that cry out for dialogue and debate. But people are too repressed to enter into discussion; they fear violent consequences. Our problems are on a national scale, but our fear forces us to view them on an individual scale. Talking itself can be dangerous. Having learned from previous mistakes, I am now careful whom I talk to and what about.

I seek out foreigners to have conversations with. I can see that it’s a backwards strategy – making small talk with friends and family and opening up to strangers – but it’s safer. Life is hard for so many people, and informing on other people’s anti-government sentiments can gain privileges, which may translate into enough food to feed your family for a week. In many ways I can understand.

If I am seen speaking to a foreigner I will be questioned by the police. The foreigner will be left alone, as non-Burmese people aren't likely to be arrested and interrogated. This is largely an internal affair. I try to be careful and don’t talk to anyone who isn’t interested. As long as no one is in earshot I can always claim that I was asked for directions.

Although many foreigners have boycotted Burma, there are always a few who, for whatever reason, choose to see for themselves. If they are European they offer an opportunity for me to practise my English, which is an added incentive to head for the streets.

English is important for my studies. I'm a law student. Much of our legal system has been influenced by our colonial predecessors; there is still English-language legislation in the statute book, where much of the detail of Burmese history can be found.

I chose to study law in an attempt to counter the injustices around me, but now I realise that this is naive. Law is an easy subject in Burma. Where justice is non-existent, law ceases to be anything but a reinforcement of the state. There are a lot of lawyers here and competition is tight; income is far from guaranteed, even in this vocation.

I’m 22 years old. I’m still young but I feel I've missed out. I spent three years in prison – once for two years, and then for a term of one year. My crime was talking. There are many people here like me, and we are far from being a minority. In Burma, even whispering the word democracy can land you in serious trouble.

I have always been in Mandalay. My family is here; I have grown up, studied and been imprisoned here. My greatest dream is to leave. I've been trying to escape from this country for years, but family ties are strong and it is difficult to make that decisive step, to give up on everything that is happening around me.

A passport costs more than three times the average income of relatively wealthy Burmese person. And then there are the additional costs – bribes for the multitude of officials along the way. Even if I could somehow arrange the finances it would only be the first step. From the initial application to actual departure could take years, and only then could I think about applying for a visa. It’s an obvious but easy tactic by the junta to stop people from leaving the country and stop news of their regime from reaching the outside world. A lot of Burmese people risk crossing the border illegally.

I have a friend overseas who has offered to help me – someone I met a few years ago on an excursion into Mandalay when school was closed. I have his postal address, but every letter I have sent him was read and destroyed by officials. That was why I spent my second term in prison. Two years for writing, one year for talking.

I learned my lesson. Now, every time I write a letter I have to find a tourist willing to smuggle it out of the country – usually to Thailand, where it can be posted and hopefully reach its destination untouched. I don’t like to be beholden to others, or to impose, but I have a simple choice: to try or not.

Win Swe, whose name has been changed, was talking to Pete Browne.


Source: Guardian

Activists Call for Economic Boycott

Phanida
Mizzima News
February 19, 2008

Chiang Mai - The Mass Movement Committee issued a statement yesterday calling for an economic boycott against government owned economic enterprises under the slogan 'Boycott the brutal junta who killed monks'.

The list of business interests targeted for sanctions includes the government lottery, Htoo Trading Companies, London Cigarettes, Myanmar Beer, Dagon Beer and Korea's Daewoo Company.

"The junta ignored the will and desire of the people and international community by drafting their constitution unilaterally, and now they are seeking approval for this undemocratic constitution by holding a referendum. So we urge everyone to boycott all their economic enterprises along with the companies of their cronies," said Ko Soe Tun, a member of the 88 generation students.

"We will boycott only government run economic enterprises. The junta misuses all revenue from their economic enterprises, buying arms used in suppressing the people's movement and killing monks. So we appeal to everyone not to buy food from their shops and not to use the products produced by these companies," Ko Tayza of Rangoon's Mass Movement Committee said.

Key industries and lucrative businesses are commonly monopolized by the ruling junta and its cronies while much of the population of Burma confronts unbearable economic hardships.

"Our country is facing a general crisis. The people called on the government to resolve these economic, social and political crises. But these calls fell on the deaf ears of the generals. The people are struggling hard for their daily livelihood while the families of the generals are enjoying a lavish lifestyle. The people are suffering from a blatant violation of human rights and injustice," Ko Tun Myint Aung, from 88 generation students, told Mizzima.

The Mass Movement Committee's statement claims: "We will not cease our economic boycott until the junta meets our demand of resolving the crises of the country – livelihood, economics, health and education – through genuine dialogue."

"I'd like to urge all people to join the economic boycott called by the 88 generation students and Mass Movement Committee. If the junta prospers they will use their wealth in the suppression of the people's movement," commented Ashin Pyinyarwuntah of the All Burma Monks Alliance.

"Therefore I'd like to urge all the people to join hands with the Mass Movement Committee and unanimously boycott the government run economic enterprises and businesses," he continued.
The Mass Movement Committee is comprised of twelve civil societies and was formed in the wake of the September 2007 Saffron Revolution.

How to Stop Human Rights Violations against Rohingyas

By - Ahmedur Rahman Farooq

February 17, 2008 - The Rohingya community of Arakan, Burma is one of the most down-trodden ethnic minorities of the world.They are victim of political oppression, economic exploitation, cultural slavery and communal violence in their ancestral land Arakan where they have been living centuries after centuries.

Arakan which is a land of one of the most fertile regions in Asia with great variety of unexplored resources, has turned into a land of bloods and tears since the beginning of the 20th century where the Rohingyas have been groaning under the crushing wheels of either state sponsored terrorists or the religious fanatics decades after decades.

Restoration of Democracy in Burma:

There is no denying the fact that it is the lack of democratic atmosphere which has closed all the doors for the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas. Despite the continuous outcries of the international peace loving community to restore peace and democracy in Burma, the military regime has been continuously playing game to defuse the international outrage and to trample the people of Burma under the military boots for an indefinite period. Refusing to hand over power to the overwhelmingly elected representatives of the people of Burma during the General Election of 1990, detaining the national icon of democracy, peace and liberty, Daw Aung San Suu Kyie and all other popular leaders of democratic movement and ethnic minorities years after years and brutally cracking down all anti military protests, the Generals have demonstrated the world that there is no words like "human rights" in their vocabulary and they have no interest to learn what democracy or civil liberty means. So, the restoration of democracy in Burma is a precondition to stop human rights violations against the Rohingyas.

Restoration of Citizenship of Rohingyas:

Nevertheless, as a part of groundwork for any sort of human rights violations against Rohingyas under the aegis of law, the most notorious action which the military rulers have done is the amendment to the country's Citizenship Law in 1982 which has reduced the Rohingyas to the status of a Stateless Gypsy Community of the world, depriving them of citizenship and making them illegal immigrants in their ancestral motherland where they have been living for centuries having a long history, a language, a heritage, a culture and a tradition of their own that they had built up in their motherland through the ages of existence which can be traced back to the 7th Century.

Under the aegis of this notorious law, the military rulers have adopted all sorts of mechanism to turn Arakan into a "Rohingyaless" land through the series of genocidal operations and all other sorts of human rights violations. Through this act, the military regime has incited racism, xenophobia, inequality, intolerance and discrimination against the Rohingya, depriving them of their fundamental rights to citizenship, movement, education, job, marriage, property, healthcare and other civic liberty. So, in order to restore human rights of Rohingyas, it is the foremost need for the government of Burma to annul the black amendment of citizenship law of 1982 and to sign and ratify the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and to remove all the obstacles in the way to let the Rohingyas enjoy the right to citizenship as well as for all their children who were born in exile as both documented or undocumented refugees.

Restoration of Communal Harmony in Arakan:

Another heinous tactics that the military rulers have been engaged in since the military take over of Gen. Ne Win in 1962 to exterminate Rohingyas from Arakan, is to fuel extreme communal frenzy among the Rakhines and Rohingyas in Arakan. The people of Arakan who had been once living in peace and perfect amity, have to witness many often recurrent phenomenon of communal violence, social anarchy and widespread unrest goaded by the despotic military rulers.

Today, Arakan is a land of communal enmity and hatred which has reached at such a scale that the Rohingyas can hardly pass through the Rakhine localities. The movement of Rohingyas from one place to another by buses, launches or steamers is always full of risks and hazards. Thousands of highly Rohingya educated personalities have fallen victims of assassination at the hands of a section of the Rakhine communalists. In fact, it is the military regime which has turned the land into an earthly hell where tens of thousands of innocent human beings are being offered as the requiem of the communal conflagration with a notion "Kill a Rohingya first if a cobra and a Rohingya are found together". So, without restoration of communal harmony between the two sister communities of Arakan, the Rohingyas and Rakhines, any effort to stop human rights violations against the Rohingyas, is bound to end in debacle. Peace can prevail in Arakan only when these two communities will be able to create an atmosphere where they can live in peaceful coexistence like two petals of a flower.

Presence of International Agencies in Arakan:

However, in Arakan which has been tormented decades after decades by the military rulers during the long 46 years of Reign of Terror, the matter of restoration of human rights of Rohingyas can not be imagined without the presence of monitoring agencies of international bodies including the UNHCR and ILO who must have full access to each and every corner of Arakan to see for themselves what is going on on the people of Arakan as well as the Rohingyas. They must have full freedom to carry out their international mandate and also to monitor all the situations which have been going on in reality.

Furthermore, the authorities must abrogate all black laws which serve as the tools for the violations of human rights against the civilians including the Rohingyas and they must fully comply with the UN Declaration of Human Rights and other covenants like Health ICESCR (International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) where as per Article 12.1: everyone has the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, Shelter ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) where as per Article 12.1: everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within that territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence and Livelihood ICESCR where as per Article 6.1: everyone has the right to work, which includes the right of everyone to the opportunity to gain his living by work which he freely chooses or accepts, and will take appropriate steps to safeguard this right.

Most importantly, the authority must abolish the practice of forced labor in compliance with the 1930 International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention on Forced Labor and as per the recommendation of the ILO, the government must repeal the sections of the Village and Towns Acts that legally sanctions the conscription of labor. The government also must protect the Children's rights in accordance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991.Children must not be forced to work under any circumstances and they must abrogate all written or unwritten rules which stand as the stumbling block for Rohingya students to get education. They must give up all practices which compel Rohingyas to go gradually away from their ethnic culture, heritage as well as language. All Rohingya students must have their right to retain their own Rohingya name and no Rohingya student will be compelled to adopt a Burmese name which, in fact, has been serving as a tool for the military rulers in their way to Burmanization.

Presence of NGOs in Arakan:

Arakan which has turned out to be a land of restlessness, antagonism, discrimination, persecution, anarchy and disappointment during the long military rule and where the peace-loving people pass their life in utmost grief and distress, fear and frustration, the voice of restoration of human rights of Rohingyas can be a far cry there, if the NGOs are not allowed to work for alleviation of sufferings of all the hapless people including the Rohingyas.

It is the NGOs which can heal at least some level of scars caused by despotic rule over the decades pushing tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children towards disasters. Through their grassroot level activities, the NGOs can play a significant role in changing the life of the distressed human beings from the wounds caused by the systemic oppression, socio-economic and political exploitation and social anarchy as well as the havocs of the communal violence.

The NGOs can play a major role in restoration of human rights of Rohingyas if they are allowed to work in Arakan through multidimensional programmes like emergency relief, food security and agriculture, infrastructure and health and education. Under the emergency relief programme, the NGOs can concentrate to the internally displaced Rohingyas. They can pay special attention and concentration to reduce mortality and morbidity and help the distressed people to return to normalcy and let them understand the fact that human rights are not the mercy of a state and that as per Vienna Conference on Human Rights in 1993 which clearly states that "States declare that human rights are the legitimate concern of the international community", human rights obligations are voluntarily confirmed obligations of states or nations towards populations within their jurisdiction, and this obligates States or nations to have consistent efforts and strive towards a complete spectrum of human rights - starting from an effective 'right to health,' within the availability of States resources to the absolute prohibition of torture.

Presence of human rights groups in Arakan:

Another important aspect for the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas is to allow different human rights organizations to be present in Arakan where human rights violations have turned out to be a common phenomenon during the decades long military rule.

In fact, Human Rights and Human Survival are inalienably linked. In concrete terms, the endurance of the society is a human right. But this basic human right to live with peace and security, liberty and equality and prosperity cannot be rejuvenated by any govemment faced with all those factors which endanger the peaceful living of human society. Violence can be termed as one sort of violation of norms of human behaviour recognised by all civilised people of the world. By spreading violence and panic among people, it hits the very roots of democracy. So every society cherishing the democratic way of life is bound to fight any sort of violence and cause panic. Therefore, the implementation of human rights had come to be acknowledged internationally as a major concern and essential in the development of not only the individual but also the nation and, ultimately the world.

So, there can be no meaningful improvement in the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas without the presence of human rights organizations in Arakan who can serve as the watchdogs of all sorts of violations of human rights, whether that violation comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion.

Presence of News Media in Arakan:

Robert Heinlein said, secrecy is the beginning of tyranny. It is the news media which mainly bring most of the secrets to the surface. A journalist witnesses an incident, films it and releases it and thus opens the eye of people, organizations and governments as well as the international community through his report, his video and other online technologies about the human rights violations and thus, he brings a change in the society and in a nation.

The news media play an immense role in the restoration of human rights of a community or a nation. It has an unimaginable power to organize the "people power" against any injustice and tyranny and build a culture of freedom. Moreover, the role that the broadcast media plays in changing the face of a society is beyond description. Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one "global village" as Marshall McLuhan said or as the famous line of Shakespeare "all the world's a stage".

Nevertheless, in a country which the military rulers have turned into a secret state of terror where human rights are constantly violated and where the guns of the army point out the way of life of the people, the voice for the presence of human rights groups or news media organizations in Arakan is a far cry. It is only a democratic atmosphere which can pave the way to stop human rights violations against Rohingyas and bring an end to the chapter of genocide and ethnic cleansing operations against them.

Ahmedur Rahman Farooq, Chairman, Rohingya Human Rights Council (RHRC).

Source: Asian Tribune

Diversion of Attention from the National Cause

Ko Htike’s Original post in Burmese
as his points are important for all Burmese who really want to see the Freedom of Burma.
Translated: Sit Mone
January 30, 2008

Military Junta of Burma’s current strategy is “To Counter the Media War with Media War”. In this process Junta started spreading the gossip news among the Burmese youth to divert the attention from the National cause.

Most of the Burmese youth were well aware of Oppression, Injustice of the Military Junta of Burma. However, while most of the Burmese youth attention was on the current Military Generals atrocities, some of them were paying attention to the gossips relating personal affairs of the famous artists of Burma.

Some of the news were authentic and some were just merely rumors. Some were aware of military Junta’s new strategy. However, most of the youth have shown interest of the famous artist Nandar Hlaing’s gossip voice file more than, the news of arrested activist Ko Htin Kyaw’s hunger strike.

There were video clips of porn movies, actually which were cut and pasted from foreign porn movie into Burmese porn clips with the name of ….so and so Burmese Models and artists. The sad news is many Burmese have shown interest and wasting their time discussing who is who in these clips. I feel sorry for those who were arrested while preparing to celebrate Independence Day in Burma.

At the same time our Burmese youth out there were busy searching these clips.

This is very important time for Min Ko Naing and 88 generation students, as Junta is preparing to charge them in a court. At the same time another porn video clip has emerged in Internet which claimed that it was a famous male artist with a daughter of a Minister.

I would like to remind all Burmese youth, the importance of this video clips is so insignificant, when compare to the suffering of the oppressed Burmese people. So be aware of attention diversion news of Military junta.

With regards

Ko Htike

The Whole World Was Watching

Sarah Stillman
Truth Dig
January 22, 2008

Hundreds of Buddhist monks march through Rangoon in late September 2007 in the days before the Burmese military junta’s brutal crackdown.

When the youths of Burma chanted “The whole world is watching!” through clouds of tear gas last September, it was—for once—an understatement. Cell phone footage of the junta’s violent crackdown made the rounds from Beijing to St. Petersburg. Rebellious monks graced the front page of The New York Times (twice!), and global leaders cheered them on: Desmond Tutu, Laura Bush, the Dalai Lama, Gordon Brown. Everywhere you turned—from late-night TV talk shows to political newsweeklies—the Saffron Revolution was hot.

But then came winter, with new battlegrounds de jour: Kenya, Gaza, Pakistan. In October, CNN’s Anderson Cooper may have pledged his journalistic fidelity to Burma’s 100,000-odd protesters—“We’ll continue to cover this story, no matter how long it takes”—but a mere three months later, while hundreds of monks still languished in Rangoon’s infamous Insein Prison and others continued to flee down the Moei River in inner tubes at night, Cooper had moved on to San Francisco, covering a death-by-tiger at the city zoo.

If only Burma’s junta had the short attention span of U.S. media moguls. To the contrary, the military regime ranks among the world’s most durable autocracies, with a 46-year-long rap sheet of endemic torture, forced labor and extrajudicial executions. If it takes endurance to transform an oil-rich nation of beaches and gemstones into one of the world’s most impoverished states, the Burmese junta has it in spades—along with an uncanny knack for natural-resource trafficking and diplomatic subterfuge. In the 1990s, Burma sold more heroin than any other country on the planet. Elbowed out of the market by Afghanistan, the regime now deals in more hoity-toity cargo—rubies, teak and assorted hydrocarbons—the last of which has been skillfully doled out by Gen. Than Shwe in exchange for more than $2 billion in military equipment from China and India.

But Burma’s democracy movement also has its masterminds. Allow me to introduce Maung Maung. In 1988, the Burmese trade unionist survived the front lines of a violent rally suppression that killed at least 3,000 of his peers. Two decades later, he remains an agitator-in-exile, helping to coordinate last fall’s nonviolent demos from the Thai frontier town of Mae Sot. As secretary-general of the National Council of the Union of Burma, an umbrella group for exiled politicians and ethnic leaders, Maung Maung shuttles revolutionary spores across the border like the Johnny Appleseed of Burmese democracy—everything from educational materials to digital cameras.

I recently caught up with Maung Maung over coffee in Washington, D.C. He’d flown some 17,000 miles to Capitol Hill for another crusade of sorts, testifying before the Congressional Human Rights Caucus on the need for toothier U.S. sanctions against the junta. At present, he says, corporations like Chevron can slip through various loopholes in U.S. protocol, funneling millions into—and out of—Burma’s natural gas pipelines. American consumers, too, play a role in funding the regime, thanks to our taste for Burmese gemstones. In 2006 alone, the state-controlled Myanmar Gems Enterprise lapped up almost $300 million from the global ruby and jade trade, a revenue increase of 45 percent from the previous year.

What follows are Maung Maung’s observations from inside the Saffron Revolution—about the regime’s penchant for trafficking in dirty stones and child soldiers; about the democracy movement’s love affair with Gmail and satellite phones; and, most of all, about the future prospects for a regime-crippled nation with so much to gain from revolt.

Sarah Stillman: Back in September, the whole world had its eyes on Burma. When the junta began clubbing students and shooting monks, the international community reacted with collective outrage and calls to action. But as we enter 2008, that flurry of attention has subsided ... although, of course, the torture and arbitrary arrests have not. What do you think will happen next within Burma? Do you anticipate a new wave of protests, or is the opposition within Burma in a period of consolidation and reassessment?

Maung Maung: There have been countless activities taking place that haven’t made it into the international news—much of it is happening secretly. Our main focus at the moment is getting the endangered monks and activists into safe homes, moving the resistance leaders out of harm’s way. Many of them are still in situations where they could be arrested at any moment by the regime.

There are also brave groups of young people who are getting together at roadside cafes to tear up copies of The New Light of Myanmar, the regime’s newspaper. They rip it up, throw it on the ground and stomp on it, saying, “We don’t believe this propaganda anymore!” They also held a small protest on Nov. 26, with a group of about 300 people.

So, yes, there is action—quite a lot of action, in fact—but there is not much reporting by the international media. Mostly silence.

Stillman: It’s interesting to hear about these roadside gatherings—I guess young people have always played an important part in telling the regime it has no clothes. ... Can you talk more about the role that students have played in the movement, from its origins until today?

Maung Maung: Well, students have always been more mobile and flexible in their activism—they don’t have to fear losing their jobs or being unable to feed their families. That’s one reason they’ve always played such a large role.

The last wave of protests in Burma—the movement that I came out of—took place more than two decades ago now. Young people who were born after that ’88 uprising weren’t tuned in to the injustices of the regime, at least not in the same ways as those of us who lived through it. And so the younger people often fell for the propaganda of the regime more easily.

But last August and September, the protests let them see with their own eyes what this regime is really about. And so a new breed of activists is rising up and radicalizing. It’s a very hopeful sign.

The regime tried hard to prevent this; they opened karaoke bars and restaurants and things like that, trying to divert young people away from politics and claimed that “democratization” was finally happening.

But they couldn’t cover up all the hardships. And now, after the recent protests, the younger generation is finally asking, “Hmm ... what’s really going on here?” So, it’s a regime that we have to thank for showing a new generation of students, “Hey, this is how bad we really are.” We should thank them for their own stupidity.

Stillman: Let’s talk about the shifts between the 1988 protests and the current unrest. Clearly, one key change has been the rise of new forms of media—cell phones, digital cameras, blogging. ... What kind of impact have these technologies had on dissident culture in Burma? What are the other similarities and differences between the recent protests and ’88?

Maung Maung: In ’88, the movement was very different: There were more protesters from all parts of the country and all walks of life. It was much more diverse, in terms of participation. This time, the protests were more confined to the capital city of Rangoon, and monks played a more prominent role than ever before.

But, having said that, there is also the media difference you mention between now and ’88. When ’88 took place, very few people knew about it—the news slowly trickled out as we started telling people, and then more people, and then more people all around the world. This time, you’re right, the graphic images could come out right away with the help of new technologies. The activists inside the country have started to use the available technologies to their advantage—the Internet, the cell phone, the satellite phone. We’ve trained more than 200 activists to transmit images from the front lines of the demonstrations, using satellite phones and digital cameras.

Even more incredible, there were live chats coming from inside the country. There are about 50 Internet cafes all over Burma, and young people were able to log into GTalk and say to the rest of the world, “Here’s what is happening on this corner; here’s what is happening on that corner.” Quite a lot of young activists have been trained in how to use Gmail. It is extremely helpful to the movement.

Stillman: But how much was the regime able to crack down on this activity in September? I read that they tried to cut off cell phone reception and Internet connectivity. ...

Maung Maung: Well, if you look at the number of bloody images from the protests, you can see that the activists found their way around the regime. In the beginning, the junta didn’t know what the hell was happening. Young people were running around with their hand-held mobile phones and passing on photographs to people outside the country. They were two steps ahead.

The regime controlled the gateway to the Internet—it was really more of an Intra-net than an Internet—and they tried to shut it down, but the young people were breaking out for themselves, using their brains to get around the regime’s barriers.

Stillman: I’d like to get your take on some U.S. legislative issues. Last month, Congress passed legislation authored by Rep. Tom Lantos that would cut off tax deductions for business activities in Burma by U.S. companies, such as Chevron. The bill will also block the current laundering of Burmese gemstones, particularly rubies, through third countries before they are sold here. If these new measures get signed by President Bush and become law, how big a blow will they be to the military regime?

Maung Maung: Well, the regime wants the world to think that Burma is a free and open economy, but if you scrutinize it, you’ll see that there are only two or three real monopolies controlling everything. The first is the UMEH. [Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings], which is owned by the military. The second is owned by a business tycoon named Tay Za, and he’s the son-in-law of the regime’s top general. The third is a guy named Steven Law [who is alleged to have links to Burma’s drug trade].

If you want to do mining for gems or jade in Burma, you have to buy permission from the military’s own holdings company, so your very first investment in the project, even before you start digging, goes directly to the government. You also have to give a certain percentage of your profits to the government once you sell the gems, along with an export tax. So to get a single ruby into the global marketplace, you have to feed money to the government at least three times.

That’s why it’s so important that Burma’s gem and jade business be shut down. A long time ago, before I became an activist, I was a gemologist. I worked for the Burmese government for 12 years, so I know the business well, and I know that Burma has the best gems in the world. In order to get around the sanctions that were placed on Burmese gems [in 2003], they are bought by the Thai traders, recut in Thailand, and resold as “Thai” exports.

But any gemologist can look at a collector’s piece and see immediately that it’s come from Burma. You can’t lie about what we call “internal inclusions,” which are always unique to the site of mining: air bubbles, gas bubbles, rubies within rubies. A gem that is mined in, say, Dupont Circle, would be very different from a gem that is mined in Rockville. So you can identify the origins of a gem, if you bother to try.

Although the Thai exporters will continue to claim that their rubies are coming from Thailand, most of the top-quality gemstones are still coming from Burma, and we need to close up these legal loopholes. I think this new piece of legislation is just the beginning.

Stillman: China has significant influence with the Burmese military regime, given its extensive trade and military ties to the junta. And China has blocked meaningful actions by the U.N. Security Council on Burma. What would you like to see done to pressure China on Burma? Some have urged a boycott of the Olympic Games this summer. ....

Maung Maung: We’re not calling for a boycott of the Olympics. First of all, the Olympics are time-bound. They come and they go in 2008. Second of all, the athletes have spent their whole lives preparing for this event, and we want to respect that.

Having said that, what we need is to inform China that a stable Burma is good for everybody. We are not looking to kick up China’s investments in Burma; we’re looking at a system that would allow democratic participation for everybody in Burma’s politics and economics, and, therefore, greater stability.

Stillman: And what about India? It, too, could have an impact on the regime, and while China is repressive in its own right, India is a democracy that ought to play a constructive role but hasn’t—due to its energy interests, it seems.

Maung Maung: Being a large democracy, India is a very bulky animal to move around—the bureaucracy is so big that it’s hard to tell what’s going on. They were supportive of the pro-democracy movement earlier, but we don’t know what shifts have taken place. It seems like energy and gas availability from Burma has made India more willing to get comfortable with the regime.

Once again, we need to emphasize: Democracy in Burma is the best way to ensure that the raw energy that Indian needs comes from a stable and reliable source.

Stillman: How effective do you think the various targeted sanctions by the U.S. are on the regime’s top leaders: the ban on travel visas, restrictions on bank accounts and so on?

Maung Maung: It’s making the regime go crazy. I must point out that, except from the U.S., there have been no sanctions from anybody. Some people say that sanctions haven’t worked, but I want to challenge them: Excuse me, but can you tell me who has even tried to place forceful sanctions on Burma? Europeans, mostly, have not. European countries have visa bans, but nothing to strike at the heart of the economic issues. It’s only the United States that has done anything substantive. We have to thank the U.S. customs people and other authorities for following up on [presidential] executive orders.

As small as they are, the financial sanctions are making a huge economic impact. The man I mentioned earlier—Tay Za—owned an airline called Air Bagan. It flew to Singapore and Thailand, and the military generals were very proud of it. But then the financial scrutiny hit Tay Za, and the banks in Singapore refused to handle his money. The French, too, stopped servicing his planes, and Tay Za eventually had to give up the enterprise.

The business community in Singapore is scrutinizing Burmese accounts more harshly than ever before. There have been complaints from Burmese merchants about it. We know it’s making a big difference.

Stillman: The U.N. has reported on “grave child rights violations,” including the forced recruiting of children into the army. Apparently there’s pressure to accelerate army recruitment rates, and brokers are said to be paid $30 and a bag of rice for each child soldier recruited. The U.N. also found that some children who desert from the Burmese military are given prison terms of up to five years. What is the state of the military. ... Is the regime so desperate that it has to recruit kids?

Maung Maung: Yes, the regime is having serious problems recruiting. The military used to be a respected entity, but this is no longer true. Although the top generals are filthy rich, many of their soldiers face great economic hardships. They don’t even have basic footwear—many of them go around in sandals or barefoot. It’s just not impressive! When a soldier doesn’t have any shoes, it not only makes it hard to fight, but it also shakes his faith in his superiors.

We have a database of how many individuals are deserting the military, and it shows that more and more men at the senior levels of the military are defecting. This is due mostly to the hardships that their families face. It’s a sad fact, but many of the soldiers’ wives and daughters have become prostitutes to cope with the poverty. Reasons like this explain why the military is having a hard time recruiting.

And so what have they done? The regime is forcibly taking children, especially high school kids hanging out at the theater or wherever. The army truck pulls up and the kids are forced into the back of the truck and taken to the police station, where they are left to sleep overnight. The next morning, the sergeant shows up and tells them that they’ve committed a crime and that the only way to avoid jail is to join the military.

Stillman: How would you describe the role of the trade union movement in the Burmese opposition? You’re a union leader, as are many of the key people who play pivotal roles in charting the next steps for this struggle. How did labor people come to play such a vital role?

Maung Maung: Well, I wouldn’t say we’re necessarily prominent. But the real key is that the trade unionists are the only unit of activists inside Burma who have unique experience with international organizations. We know exactly how to link up with trade union movements around the world to get basic training materials, and also to get references on the techniques used by other countries in other struggles in history.

We also have people who are well trained in organizing skills, unlike most of the movement’s student activists. I can ask any union person to come and offer training to our activists for two weeks, and they’ll come—we get tremendous help from the ILO [International Labor Organization], the ITUC [International Trade Union Confederation,] the SEIU [Service Employees International Union] and other groups. The ILO even has an office in Rangoon, working on international monitoring issues and providing protection for us. This isn’t true with the students or political organizations, who have a big handicap on the international front. They often lack basic organizing skills.

Stillman: You mention learning from other countries. When the street demonstrations were going on, Bishop Tutu of South Africa strongly backed the monks and other protesters, saying, “It is so like the rolling mass actions that eventually toppled apartheid.” Certainly there are many differences, but do you see parallels from the success of the anti-apartheid movement?

Maung Maung: Well, different countries, different struggles. I’d say that the overall similarity is that the international effort must be coordinated. We need a wide array of governments to support the United Nation’s initiatives in a coordinated way. The U.S. is doing it, and the UK is, too. France is starting to wake up, and Italy.

But we’re been having big problems with the Germans, who’ve been a pain in the neck. They want to have their own approach. We need unity. Most countries are slowly moving towards working together, with the U.N. at the helm. Even China is starting to think like that. Coordination, like in South Africa, is the most important thing.

Stillman: What do you think is the most constructive role that American advocates can play in the pro-democracy struggle? What forms of action or protest would be most helpful?

Maung Maung: There has been a huge amount of moral support from American politicians, but the U.S. government hasn’t fully delivered. Sure, Congress has done a lot, and there is even support from Laura Bush, but we have huge problems with logistics and implementation.

What it really comes down to is money: We need simple things like bicycles and satellite phones. People may laugh, but the movement really needs bicycles. In Burma, fuel is very expensive, so bicycles allow organizers to go around and speak with individuals in different areas.

We also need money for video cameras, digital cameras and cell phones—these things are transforming our movement. It’s by bringing the eyes of the world back to the brutality of the regime that we can win out.