Ko Htike’s Original post in Burmese
as his points are important for all Burmese who really want to see the Freedom of Burma.
Translated: Sit Mone
January 30, 2008
Military Junta of Burma’s current strategy is “To Counter the Media War with Media War”. In this process Junta started spreading the gossip news among the Burmese youth to divert the attention from the National cause.
Most of the Burmese youth were well aware of Oppression, Injustice of the Military Junta of Burma. However, while most of the Burmese youth attention was on the current Military Generals atrocities, some of them were paying attention to the gossips relating personal affairs of the famous artists of Burma.
Some of the news were authentic and some were just merely rumors. Some were aware of military Junta’s new strategy. However, most of the youth have shown interest of the famous artist Nandar Hlaing’s gossip voice file more than, the news of arrested activist Ko Htin Kyaw’s hunger strike.
There were video clips of porn movies, actually which were cut and pasted from foreign porn movie into Burmese porn clips with the name of ….so and so Burmese Models and artists. The sad news is many Burmese have shown interest and wasting their time discussing who is who in these clips. I feel sorry for those who were arrested while preparing to celebrate Independence Day in Burma.
At the same time our Burmese youth out there were busy searching these clips.
This is very important time for Min Ko Naing and 88 generation students, as Junta is preparing to charge them in a court. At the same time another porn video clip has emerged in Internet which claimed that it was a famous male artist with a daughter of a Minister.
I would like to remind all Burmese youth, the importance of this video clips is so insignificant, when compare to the suffering of the oppressed Burmese people. So be aware of attention diversion news of Military junta.
With regards
Ko Htike
Thursday, 31 January 2008
Taunggok's Poster War : "Bring it on!"
Original report by Naw Say Paw, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
28 January 2008
Taunggok, arguably the most courageous town in the world, managed to put up posters in five areas, early this morning, despite being under close surveillance by armed security forces, the locals announced.
The posters read, " Follow the announcement of United Nations Human Rights !" "Release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, immediately !" " Release all political prisoners and monks, immediately!" " Stop unlawful and violent arrests !" " Start developing Myanmar's future by meetings and discussions !".
"One in a rain tree, near the local authorities office, one in front of the hospital, one near the small market and two by the nursery school, altogether five." said a local.
Not long after the posters were up, the police force went around to remove them all, it is reported.
Taunggok residents planned to stage a peaceful demonstration on 17 January, to express what they think of the current situation but 'authorities', or the junta, intervened.
Since then the security has been tightened up but the brave local people still managed to express their opinions using posters, though only for a short time.
The same anonymous person carried on to explain the aims of the poster war.
"The security is extremely tight and we wouldn't have a chance to gather in public. However it is necessary to raise morale among the people and that's why the posters went up, just to confirm to the junta that we are not going to give up easily."
On 22 January, two men, Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing were arrested and charged with movement restrictions after they went around the town, shouting democracy slogans aloud.
Ko Than Htay, who was beaten and punched by authorities that evening, had his face so bruised his family couldn't recognise who he was when they saw him.
"Taunggok was never very pleased with 'authority' but now with the tight security and violent arrests, the town is very unhappy about it all. We can just safely say that Taunggok is fully prepared for future confrontations."
Translation by Nay Chi U
28 January 2008
Taunggok, arguably the most courageous town in the world, managed to put up posters in five areas, early this morning, despite being under close surveillance by armed security forces, the locals announced.
The posters read, " Follow the announcement of United Nations Human Rights !" "Release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, immediately !" " Release all political prisoners and monks, immediately!" " Stop unlawful and violent arrests !" " Start developing Myanmar's future by meetings and discussions !".
"One in a rain tree, near the local authorities office, one in front of the hospital, one near the small market and two by the nursery school, altogether five." said a local.
Not long after the posters were up, the police force went around to remove them all, it is reported.
Taunggok residents planned to stage a peaceful demonstration on 17 January, to express what they think of the current situation but 'authorities', or the junta, intervened.
Since then the security has been tightened up but the brave local people still managed to express their opinions using posters, though only for a short time.
The same anonymous person carried on to explain the aims of the poster war.
"The security is extremely tight and we wouldn't have a chance to gather in public. However it is necessary to raise morale among the people and that's why the posters went up, just to confirm to the junta that we are not going to give up easily."
On 22 January, two men, Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing were arrested and charged with movement restrictions after they went around the town, shouting democracy slogans aloud.
Ko Than Htay, who was beaten and punched by authorities that evening, had his face so bruised his family couldn't recognise who he was when they saw him.
"Taunggok was never very pleased with 'authority' but now with the tight security and violent arrests, the town is very unhappy about it all. We can just safely say that Taunggok is fully prepared for future confrontations."
Imprisoned MP Desperately Needs Treatment
Original news by Htet Yaza, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
January 28, 2008
Dr Zaw Mying Maung, Member of Parliament, Amarapura, Mandalay, who is serving long-term imprisonment, urgently needs an operation but authorities are still refusing permission, it is reported.
A detainee in Myit Kyeenar prison, the MP is suffering badly from haemorrhoids and stomach problems said Dr Yu Yu May, his wife.
"His stomach problems started two years ago. He is having stomach pains all the time so was examined by a specialist. About 6 months ago, a surgeon said the haemorrhoids need operation but until now it has not been arranged."
"Being a medical man himself, he just suffers more because he knows all the consequences if his problems are not treated soon."
U Bo Kyi, joint secretary of AAPP (Assistance Association for Political Prisoners) condemned the junta for depriving the the prisoners of sufficient medical treatments on purpose, which has caused unnecessary deaths previously.
"Someone like Dr Zaw Myint Maung, who has been imprisoned for nearly 20 years, can easily die if he is not getting essential medical treatments or enough nutritious food. His condition is very worrying".
"His career has been wasted in prison, not only as a doctor but also as an elected politician. Our country desperately needs people like him working and serving, instead the junta has stolen this good man from the people".
Dr Zaw Myin Maung was arrested in November 1990 and sentenced to 25 years for treason. In 1997, he was very strangely accused of committing crimes while serving in prison and 12 more years were added to his long-term imprisonment.
Translation by Nay Chi U
January 28, 2008
Dr Zaw Mying Maung, Member of Parliament, Amarapura, Mandalay, who is serving long-term imprisonment, urgently needs an operation but authorities are still refusing permission, it is reported.
A detainee in Myit Kyeenar prison, the MP is suffering badly from haemorrhoids and stomach problems said Dr Yu Yu May, his wife.
"His stomach problems started two years ago. He is having stomach pains all the time so was examined by a specialist. About 6 months ago, a surgeon said the haemorrhoids need operation but until now it has not been arranged."
"Being a medical man himself, he just suffers more because he knows all the consequences if his problems are not treated soon."
U Bo Kyi, joint secretary of AAPP (Assistance Association for Political Prisoners) condemned the junta for depriving the the prisoners of sufficient medical treatments on purpose, which has caused unnecessary deaths previously.
"Someone like Dr Zaw Myint Maung, who has been imprisoned for nearly 20 years, can easily die if he is not getting essential medical treatments or enough nutritious food. His condition is very worrying".
"His career has been wasted in prison, not only as a doctor but also as an elected politician. Our country desperately needs people like him working and serving, instead the junta has stolen this good man from the people".
Dr Zaw Myin Maung was arrested in November 1990 and sentenced to 25 years for treason. In 1997, he was very strangely accused of committing crimes while serving in prison and 12 more years were added to his long-term imprisonment.
NLD to Sponsor Essay Competition on ‘National Reconciliation’
Wai Moe
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
Burma’s main opposition political party, the National League for Democracy, plans to launch an essay competition on national reconciliation, party officials say.
Han Thar Myint, a NLD spokesperson, told The Irrawaddy that an open essay competition will be held on February 6, based on the title “2008: The Year of National Reconciliation.” The competition is open to all age groups.
“In past years, the NLD has held essay competitions,” he said. “But this time, the theme is National Reconciliation,” he said. “The NLD has already told the authorities about the essay competition, but they have not yet responded.”
In Burma, holding an assembly or competition without the permission of authorities is illegal.
The NLD will also hold public talks on Burma’s Union Day on February 12, as well as Bogyoke [Gen] Aung San’s birthday on February 13. February 13 is also Children’s Day, and the group will sponsor activities for children.
“The talks on February 13 will be on the history of Children’s Day and Bogyoke Aung San,” said Han Thar Myint. “Bogyoke Aung San is unforgettable, and new generations must know about him.”
T-shirts with Aung San and Suu Kyi photos will also be available, he said.
Aung San, the father of Burma’s democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, was martyred and is a hero of the nation’s independence movement. He was founded the tatmadaw (the armed forces).
The NLD youth group published a news bulletin, called Ah-yoan-thit or “Dawn,” on January 4, the anniversary of Burma’s independence. The bulletin carried articles about the September crackdown.
The regime’s censorship board warned the NLD on January 14 that the publication violated the state publication act because it was printed without a press registration work permit.
NLD sources said youth members want the news bulletin to continue.
“But we will publish it under a different name, not Ah-yoan-thit,” said a member of the NLD’s information committee, who speak on condition of anonymity.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
Burma’s main opposition political party, the National League for Democracy, plans to launch an essay competition on national reconciliation, party officials say.
Han Thar Myint, a NLD spokesperson, told The Irrawaddy that an open essay competition will be held on February 6, based on the title “2008: The Year of National Reconciliation.” The competition is open to all age groups.
“In past years, the NLD has held essay competitions,” he said. “But this time, the theme is National Reconciliation,” he said. “The NLD has already told the authorities about the essay competition, but they have not yet responded.”
In Burma, holding an assembly or competition without the permission of authorities is illegal.
The NLD will also hold public talks on Burma’s Union Day on February 12, as well as Bogyoke [Gen] Aung San’s birthday on February 13. February 13 is also Children’s Day, and the group will sponsor activities for children.
“The talks on February 13 will be on the history of Children’s Day and Bogyoke Aung San,” said Han Thar Myint. “Bogyoke Aung San is unforgettable, and new generations must know about him.”
T-shirts with Aung San and Suu Kyi photos will also be available, he said.
Aung San, the father of Burma’s democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, was martyred and is a hero of the nation’s independence movement. He was founded the tatmadaw (the armed forces).
The NLD youth group published a news bulletin, called Ah-yoan-thit or “Dawn,” on January 4, the anniversary of Burma’s independence. The bulletin carried articles about the September crackdown.
The regime’s censorship board warned the NLD on January 14 that the publication violated the state publication act because it was printed without a press registration work permit.
NLD sources said youth members want the news bulletin to continue.
“But we will publish it under a different name, not Ah-yoan-thit,” said a member of the NLD’s information committee, who speak on condition of anonymity.
Seeking the Truth, Informing the Public
Aung Zaw
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 23, 2008
If Burmese people are ready for change in Burma, then we must question whether the exiled Burmese media is ready for change. The answer, I believe, should be a resounding “Yes!”
Over the past decade, Burma’s various media operating inside the country have been struggling to confront the regime’s draconian press laws, heavy-handed censorship and intimidation.
As we all know, Burma enjoyed media freedom and perhaps the liveliest free press in Southeast Asia in the 1950s and 1960s. Burma’s first constitution in 1947 boldly guaranteed citizens the right to express their opinions and convictions. Unfortunately, freedoms of expression and media were rather short-lived.
The first impact against journalism came soon after Gen Ne Win seized power in 1962. Press freedom in Burma gradually disintegrated thereafter, curtailed by Ne Win’s socialist regime.
Newspapers were nationalized and foreign news agencies were asked to pack their bags. Journalists and editors found themselves in prisons. During the 1980s, all forms of public expression and publications had to pass through Burma’s notorious Press Scrutiny Board, even though Burma’s second constitution, drawn up in 1974, guaranteed freedom of expression. However, that freedom, like all others, was subject to the capricious whims and draconian dogma of the “Burmese Way to Socialism.”
In 1988, Burmese citizens marched the streets calling for Ne Win’s resignation and an end to one-party rule. For a brief period the people of Burma witnessed a revival of press freedom—hundreds of pro-democracy bulletins, newspapers and pamphlets were published without going through the PSB. Burma’s state-owned newspapers surprisingly departed from the rose-tinted official line and an objective reporting style suddenly emerged. Alas, it was also short-lived.
The second major impact on press freedom in Burma came shortly after the bloody coup on September 18, 1988. The reporters and editors of the country endured another dark era, facing arrest, torture and lengthy imprisonments. “Burma is an enemy of the press,” said the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists in 2005.
Even then, they didn’t give up.
Over the past decade, a new group of journalists and reporters has emerged—the exiles. Burmese journalists who were formerly political activists, ex-political prisoners from 1988 and those affiliated with the pro-democracy uprisings established news agencies in Burma’s neighboring countries, such as India and Thailand. The Irrawaddy itself, set up in 1993, was a result of this defiant era.
Several Burmese journalists joined the BBC and the VOA Burmese services; the Democratic Voice of Burma was set up by exiled Burmese in Norway.
These Burmese media groups have come of age and have proven themselves powerful in shaping public opinion and accurately informing an international audience.
During the uprising in September 2007, the reporters based in Burma and “citizen reporters” highlighted the monk-led uprising and exposed the brutality of the regime; but these exiled media groups also played a crucial role too.
Chinese-made radios sold out in Burma as news-hungry people rushed to listen to news from abroad. Satellite dishes were immediately installed to receive TV broadcasts from abroad.
Meanwhile, as troops opened fire on the peaceful demonstrators, monks and nuns, “citizen reporters” equipped with digital cameras, cell phones and memory sticks bravely took to the streets to take pictures and gather news.
Before the regime shut down Internet connections, thousands of images and live footage came out of Burma. Powerful photographs and videos told the world the true story of how Buddhist monks and laypeople challenged the Burmese regime, and how the regime, in turn, responded with brutal force. The image of the murder of Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai in broad daylight was splashed around the globe, reviewed time and again on TV screens by the BBC, CNN and Al Jazeera.
Burma’s exiled media—previously scorned by the internationally press as the “dissident underground media” or the “opposition media”—dutifully and faithfully disseminated all the news and images they received from Burma.
The exiled Burmese media have proved to the world, through their professional integrity, skills and talent, that they can function as effectively as any other medium in the world. Equally important were the friendships and informal alliances that were forged between bloggers and professional journalists while sharing news and images.
But there is a boundary line. We have to be guarded and cautious as we stick to our task of maintaining high standards of professionalism by ensuring that we deliver accurate news and stories to our readers.
I remember seeing images during the uprising of the body of a monk floating in a river and a man killed by 10-wheel truck on the road.
These images widely published on the Internet created anger and sadness among Burmese and foreigners alike in the belief that the military had carried out these executions. However, we could not confirm the origin of these pictures and some veteran journalists claimed that these two pictures were, in fact, unrelated to the uprising. In the end, The Irrawaddy did not publish these pictures.
In another case soon after, the news of the death of late Prime Minister Gen Soe Win was published in some exiled publications. But we waited for confirmation. When he was finally confirmed dead, we released the news accurately.
This is the job that media professionals must adhere to—fact-checking, verifying sources and getting confirmation, before sending out accurate news to their readers.
The uprising in 1988 and the monk-led uprising in September 2007 were equally important in Burma’s fight for freedom, democracy and a better society. Nevertheless, technology, computers, Internet connections and cell phones have changed the dynamic of the recent unrest. The attention Burma received was massive; moreover, inside and outside media professionals found ways to cooperate and narrowed any gaps or mistrust. The result is that more and more young Burmese are interested in learning journalism since the uprising.
Significantly, the exiled media groups not only shaped public opinion but offered editorial guidance and analysis to an international audience: officials, policy makers, UN agencies, NGOs, think tanks and international publications. They raised awareness and reached out to a global audience.
These media groups overnight became reliable sources of information to many international media outlets.
It is hoped that the exiled Burmese media will maintain its professionalism, high standards of journalism and credibility, because they have a key role to play inside Burma once the country opens up.
Inevitably, the media will be part of the solution instead of part of the problem.
These opinions and comments were originally delivered at the Burma Update discussion at the Changing Dynamics in the Asia Pacific Conference in Bangkok.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 23, 2008
If Burmese people are ready for change in Burma, then we must question whether the exiled Burmese media is ready for change. The answer, I believe, should be a resounding “Yes!”
Over the past decade, Burma’s various media operating inside the country have been struggling to confront the regime’s draconian press laws, heavy-handed censorship and intimidation.
As we all know, Burma enjoyed media freedom and perhaps the liveliest free press in Southeast Asia in the 1950s and 1960s. Burma’s first constitution in 1947 boldly guaranteed citizens the right to express their opinions and convictions. Unfortunately, freedoms of expression and media were rather short-lived.
The first impact against journalism came soon after Gen Ne Win seized power in 1962. Press freedom in Burma gradually disintegrated thereafter, curtailed by Ne Win’s socialist regime.
Newspapers were nationalized and foreign news agencies were asked to pack their bags. Journalists and editors found themselves in prisons. During the 1980s, all forms of public expression and publications had to pass through Burma’s notorious Press Scrutiny Board, even though Burma’s second constitution, drawn up in 1974, guaranteed freedom of expression. However, that freedom, like all others, was subject to the capricious whims and draconian dogma of the “Burmese Way to Socialism.”
In 1988, Burmese citizens marched the streets calling for Ne Win’s resignation and an end to one-party rule. For a brief period the people of Burma witnessed a revival of press freedom—hundreds of pro-democracy bulletins, newspapers and pamphlets were published without going through the PSB. Burma’s state-owned newspapers surprisingly departed from the rose-tinted official line and an objective reporting style suddenly emerged. Alas, it was also short-lived.
The second major impact on press freedom in Burma came shortly after the bloody coup on September 18, 1988. The reporters and editors of the country endured another dark era, facing arrest, torture and lengthy imprisonments. “Burma is an enemy of the press,” said the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists in 2005.
Even then, they didn’t give up.
Over the past decade, a new group of journalists and reporters has emerged—the exiles. Burmese journalists who were formerly political activists, ex-political prisoners from 1988 and those affiliated with the pro-democracy uprisings established news agencies in Burma’s neighboring countries, such as India and Thailand. The Irrawaddy itself, set up in 1993, was a result of this defiant era.
Several Burmese journalists joined the BBC and the VOA Burmese services; the Democratic Voice of Burma was set up by exiled Burmese in Norway.
These Burmese media groups have come of age and have proven themselves powerful in shaping public opinion and accurately informing an international audience.
During the uprising in September 2007, the reporters based in Burma and “citizen reporters” highlighted the monk-led uprising and exposed the brutality of the regime; but these exiled media groups also played a crucial role too.
Chinese-made radios sold out in Burma as news-hungry people rushed to listen to news from abroad. Satellite dishes were immediately installed to receive TV broadcasts from abroad.
Meanwhile, as troops opened fire on the peaceful demonstrators, monks and nuns, “citizen reporters” equipped with digital cameras, cell phones and memory sticks bravely took to the streets to take pictures and gather news.
Before the regime shut down Internet connections, thousands of images and live footage came out of Burma. Powerful photographs and videos told the world the true story of how Buddhist monks and laypeople challenged the Burmese regime, and how the regime, in turn, responded with brutal force. The image of the murder of Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai in broad daylight was splashed around the globe, reviewed time and again on TV screens by the BBC, CNN and Al Jazeera.
Burma’s exiled media—previously scorned by the internationally press as the “dissident underground media” or the “opposition media”—dutifully and faithfully disseminated all the news and images they received from Burma.
The exiled Burmese media have proved to the world, through their professional integrity, skills and talent, that they can function as effectively as any other medium in the world. Equally important were the friendships and informal alliances that were forged between bloggers and professional journalists while sharing news and images.
But there is a boundary line. We have to be guarded and cautious as we stick to our task of maintaining high standards of professionalism by ensuring that we deliver accurate news and stories to our readers.
I remember seeing images during the uprising of the body of a monk floating in a river and a man killed by 10-wheel truck on the road.
These images widely published on the Internet created anger and sadness among Burmese and foreigners alike in the belief that the military had carried out these executions. However, we could not confirm the origin of these pictures and some veteran journalists claimed that these two pictures were, in fact, unrelated to the uprising. In the end, The Irrawaddy did not publish these pictures.
In another case soon after, the news of the death of late Prime Minister Gen Soe Win was published in some exiled publications. But we waited for confirmation. When he was finally confirmed dead, we released the news accurately.
This is the job that media professionals must adhere to—fact-checking, verifying sources and getting confirmation, before sending out accurate news to their readers.
The uprising in 1988 and the monk-led uprising in September 2007 were equally important in Burma’s fight for freedom, democracy and a better society. Nevertheless, technology, computers, Internet connections and cell phones have changed the dynamic of the recent unrest. The attention Burma received was massive; moreover, inside and outside media professionals found ways to cooperate and narrowed any gaps or mistrust. The result is that more and more young Burmese are interested in learning journalism since the uprising.
Significantly, the exiled media groups not only shaped public opinion but offered editorial guidance and analysis to an international audience: officials, policy makers, UN agencies, NGOs, think tanks and international publications. They raised awareness and reached out to a global audience.
These media groups overnight became reliable sources of information to many international media outlets.
It is hoped that the exiled Burmese media will maintain its professionalism, high standards of journalism and credibility, because they have a key role to play inside Burma once the country opens up.
Inevitably, the media will be part of the solution instead of part of the problem.
These opinions and comments were originally delivered at the Burma Update discussion at the Changing Dynamics in the Asia Pacific Conference in Bangkok.
A Fight for Dignity
Aung Zaw
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
I recently met a group of influential monks from Burma. I immediately asked them about the monk-led uprising in September.
One respected monk said the demonstrations were not entirely about the hike in fuel prices or the economic hardships.
It was also not only about the fight for the democracy. There was one underlying cause that pushed the people to take to the streets, he said.
“It was the fight for dignity. People want to restore the dignity we have lost,” he said.
Under the military regime, the country is demoralized and lacks respect in the eyes of the international community, he said.
The monk continued, “I don’t think our problem is about the economy and poverty alone. I think many people in Burma have lost their dignity and self-respect. Burma is becoming a morally bankrupt society. It is a very dangerous trend.”
I could not agree more. Burma could have been one of Asia’s economic tigers in the 1950s and 1960s, but its leaders didn’t take advantage of the opportunities.
After regaining independence under the late Prime Minister U Nu, the country lost its way. U Nu lacked a clear vision and was a weak leader.
Then strongman Gen Ne Win, a member of the Thirty Comrades who were trained by the Japanese, entered the political scene. Compared to U Nu, Ne Win was an outgoing and charismatic leader, but he had no interest in seeing Burma prosper and become a part of the global community. With the support of the army, he quelled the rebels and insurgents in the mountains. But then, he put Burma under lock and key. It was a nation cut off from the rest of the world.
Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s elder statesman, met with Ne Win several times and encouraged Ne Win and his cabinet members to open up the country and develop tourism. Ne Win was not interested.
And then events began to take control. Ne Win once told journalists that ruling the country was like catching hold of a tiger’s tail. There was nothing he could do but hang on to it.
Under Ne Win, Burma became a failed state.
Lee continued to engage other military leaders, who were protégés of Ne Win.
After the Western economic sanctions and visa bans imposed by the United States and the European Union, Singapore has remained a destination for Burmese generals and their family members. But I wonder what do the generals learn from the city-state?
Lee continued to urge the leaders to open up the country. Among them, he said, he was impressed by Gen Khin Nyunt, the former intelligence chief.
“He's the most intelligent of the lot,” Lee once said of Khin Nyunt, who was purged in October 2004 and is now under house arrest serving a 44-year suspended prison sentence.
Previously, Singapore invested millions of dollars into Burma’s tourism industry, but the hotels and resorts never really prospered and tourism has floundered.
Recently, Lee changed his tune about the generals, speaking out more honestly. After the crackdown in September, he said, “These are rather dumb generals when it comes to the economy.”
“How can they so mismanage the economy and reach this stage when the country has so many natural resources?”
That question is constantly asked by Burmese at home and abroad.
At a recent dinner hosted by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, Lee said the Burmese generals are "people with very fixated minds—quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions."
On the regime’s decision to build a new capital in Pyinmana, Lee said, "I mean, [building a] new capital from ground zero? I ask myself, what rational government would do this?"
Lee predicted, “We will see how it is, but whatever it is, I do not believe that they can survive indefinitely.”
Many Burmese now living and working in Singapore got the message, but not Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his junta.
The Burmese community in Singapore may not like Singapore’s draconian laws and authoritarian government, but they admire the Lion City’s economic success.
It is quite common to hear Burmese say that Singapore is not a democracy, but they would like Burmese leaders to develop an open market economic policy like Singapore.
If Burma could achieve economic success like its neighbors Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, the generals might not need to lock up Aung San Suu Kyi and dissident leaders anymore. But Than Shwe is no Lee Kuan Yew.
Than Shwe, officially at age 75, has no interest in seeing Burma become an economic tiger. It is too late for him to change his direction. He too has caught hold of a tiger’s tail and will hang on to it to the end.
Than Shwe doesn’t trust the Burmese people, and he cares nothing about their dignity.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 30, 2008
I recently met a group of influential monks from Burma. I immediately asked them about the monk-led uprising in September.
One respected monk said the demonstrations were not entirely about the hike in fuel prices or the economic hardships.
It was also not only about the fight for the democracy. There was one underlying cause that pushed the people to take to the streets, he said.
“It was the fight for dignity. People want to restore the dignity we have lost,” he said.
Under the military regime, the country is demoralized and lacks respect in the eyes of the international community, he said.
The monk continued, “I don’t think our problem is about the economy and poverty alone. I think many people in Burma have lost their dignity and self-respect. Burma is becoming a morally bankrupt society. It is a very dangerous trend.”
I could not agree more. Burma could have been one of Asia’s economic tigers in the 1950s and 1960s, but its leaders didn’t take advantage of the opportunities.
After regaining independence under the late Prime Minister U Nu, the country lost its way. U Nu lacked a clear vision and was a weak leader.
Then strongman Gen Ne Win, a member of the Thirty Comrades who were trained by the Japanese, entered the political scene. Compared to U Nu, Ne Win was an outgoing and charismatic leader, but he had no interest in seeing Burma prosper and become a part of the global community. With the support of the army, he quelled the rebels and insurgents in the mountains. But then, he put Burma under lock and key. It was a nation cut off from the rest of the world.
Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s elder statesman, met with Ne Win several times and encouraged Ne Win and his cabinet members to open up the country and develop tourism. Ne Win was not interested.
And then events began to take control. Ne Win once told journalists that ruling the country was like catching hold of a tiger’s tail. There was nothing he could do but hang on to it.
Under Ne Win, Burma became a failed state.
Lee continued to engage other military leaders, who were protégés of Ne Win.
After the Western economic sanctions and visa bans imposed by the United States and the European Union, Singapore has remained a destination for Burmese generals and their family members. But I wonder what do the generals learn from the city-state?
Lee continued to urge the leaders to open up the country. Among them, he said, he was impressed by Gen Khin Nyunt, the former intelligence chief.
“He's the most intelligent of the lot,” Lee once said of Khin Nyunt, who was purged in October 2004 and is now under house arrest serving a 44-year suspended prison sentence.
Previously, Singapore invested millions of dollars into Burma’s tourism industry, but the hotels and resorts never really prospered and tourism has floundered.
Recently, Lee changed his tune about the generals, speaking out more honestly. After the crackdown in September, he said, “These are rather dumb generals when it comes to the economy.”
“How can they so mismanage the economy and reach this stage when the country has so many natural resources?”
That question is constantly asked by Burmese at home and abroad.
At a recent dinner hosted by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, Lee said the Burmese generals are "people with very fixated minds—quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions."
On the regime’s decision to build a new capital in Pyinmana, Lee said, "I mean, [building a] new capital from ground zero? I ask myself, what rational government would do this?"
Lee predicted, “We will see how it is, but whatever it is, I do not believe that they can survive indefinitely.”
Many Burmese now living and working in Singapore got the message, but not Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his junta.
The Burmese community in Singapore may not like Singapore’s draconian laws and authoritarian government, but they admire the Lion City’s economic success.
It is quite common to hear Burmese say that Singapore is not a democracy, but they would like Burmese leaders to develop an open market economic policy like Singapore.
If Burma could achieve economic success like its neighbors Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, the generals might not need to lock up Aung San Suu Kyi and dissident leaders anymore. But Than Shwe is no Lee Kuan Yew.
Than Shwe, officially at age 75, has no interest in seeing Burma become an economic tiger. It is too late for him to change his direction. He too has caught hold of a tiger’s tail and will hang on to it to the end.
Than Shwe doesn’t trust the Burmese people, and he cares nothing about their dignity.
Peace Still out of Reach in Burma
Aung Zaw - News Analysis
New America Media
January 30, 2008
Editor's Note:
Burma's 60th Independence Day this month passed largely unnoticed by the international community. But the desire among its international friends to see an unoppressed and free country is strong, notes Aung Zaw, editor and founder of The Irrawaddy Magazine in Thailand.
CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Less than four months after the shattering events of last September, news about Burma has almost completely disappeared from the international radar screen. The regime’s tight control over the country has increased since the protests, and a quiet crackdown on dissidents has continued. The regime's attempt to restore "normalcy" may be working as many dissidents have been locked up and many Buddhist monks have deserted Burma's temples and monasteries.
In this ongoing stalemate, a combination of deep depression, despair and fear continues to grip the country. News from Iraq, Kenya, Pakistan and Afghanistan, as well as America’s primaries, has taken over the headlines, and developments in Burma are given little attention.
Nevertheless, as the year 2008 gets under way, the desire among Burma’s international friends to see change there is as strong as ever. These friends keep advocating Burma's cause and maintain the spotlight on the country. They are as determined as Burma's own undefeated souls to keep the Burma issue alive.
On the 60th anniversary this month of Burma's independence, U.S. First Lady Laura Bush strongly criticized the country’s military leadership, saying, "Instead of celebrating their freedom, the Burmese people live in fear, poverty and oppression under General Than Shwe and his military regime." She noted that the United States stands behind detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and "all those working to make sure that by the next January 4 the people of Burma will celebrate real independence."
Britain's Foreign Secretary David Miliband, who has written several commentaries on Burma since the September uprising, also issued a statement saying that the Burmese people's aspirations for democracy, stability and prosperity have been frustrated.
Meanwhile, the European Union's special envoy to Burma, Piero Fassino, said that efforts to promote democracy in Burma must remain "at the top of the international community's agenda." Fassino has made a tour of the region, met with Chinese officials in Beijing, and held talks with United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and special envoy Ibrahim Gambari. Fassino said they found common ground, particularly on the need to enlist the support of all key Asian countries for diplomatic pressure to secure a political dialogue between the Burmese regime and the country's opposition.
But the regime is not interested in dialogue. The appointment late last year of a liaison minister between the regime and Suu Kyi was just an attempt to deflect growing international criticism. The junta "fails to show any interest in talks" with Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit said in its recent annual report.
Frustration and disappointment have also been felt in the neighboring countries. As Indonesia prepared to welcome Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein to Jakarta, Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda said that while “some countries in the region choose to be indifferent…we can’t afford to ignore this problem.” He said that his government wanted to see “a more credible process in the implementation of their [the Burmese junta’s] roadmap to democracy.”
Singapore's elder statesman Lee Kuan Yew has criticized the military junta, saying Burma’s ruling generals were "people with very fixated minds, quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions." Lee highlighted the role that other countries in the region could play in persuading the junta to embrace democracy. "The members of ASEAN who could influence them [the generals] will be Thailand, and beyond [that] China and India. The rest of us—we are a kind of background muzak," he said.
China, Thailand and India are major trading partners of the regime, and Beijing has been a leading supplier of arms. Singaporean diplomats and officials have been quietly criticizing Burma’s policy on Thailand, which is eager to purchase gas and natural resources from the regime. Meanwhile, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win that it had become increasingly urgent to bring about "political reform and national reconciliation" in Burma.
The regime is likely this year to face more diplomatic pressure. Dissidents in exile predict that more street protests similar to those of last September are likely to take place, leading to social unrest and?instability. It seems, however, that Gen. Than Shwe and other leaders are prepared to resist any pressure from inside or outside the country. Than Shwe's recent Independence Day speech contained nothing new, while indicating that the regime's "roadmap" will not be inclusive, and that the boundless power of the military will be maintained. In his speech, Than Shwe said that the “roadmap” would guarantee a "discipline-flourishing democratic state."
More political gambits with the United Nations, in order to appease powerful neighbors like China, are to be expected from the former psychological warfare officer, implying that Gambari may soon go back to Burma. Gambari's mission has been supported by Western and regional governments, although his efforts to bring about political dialogue and national reconciliation have so far been unsuccessful.
Burmese at home and abroad have been increasingly critical of Gambari's work. A Western observer and businessman with keen interest in Burma recently said that there is no question of the good intentions of the United States, the European Union, American First Lady Laura Bush and some regional leaders. But, he added, "It is also disgusting to see them back Gambari, who hasn’t a clue about Burma." All of their words and statements uttered about Burma should be turned into action, he said.
The year 2007 ended with a bloody crackdown and deep repression. Independence Day at the start of 2008 marked only Burma’s recolonization by homegrown dictators. Prospects for the rest of the year remain bleak.
New America Media
January 30, 2008
Editor's Note:
Burma's 60th Independence Day this month passed largely unnoticed by the international community. But the desire among its international friends to see an unoppressed and free country is strong, notes Aung Zaw, editor and founder of The Irrawaddy Magazine in Thailand.
CHIANG MAI, Thailand – Less than four months after the shattering events of last September, news about Burma has almost completely disappeared from the international radar screen. The regime’s tight control over the country has increased since the protests, and a quiet crackdown on dissidents has continued. The regime's attempt to restore "normalcy" may be working as many dissidents have been locked up and many Buddhist monks have deserted Burma's temples and monasteries.
In this ongoing stalemate, a combination of deep depression, despair and fear continues to grip the country. News from Iraq, Kenya, Pakistan and Afghanistan, as well as America’s primaries, has taken over the headlines, and developments in Burma are given little attention.
Nevertheless, as the year 2008 gets under way, the desire among Burma’s international friends to see change there is as strong as ever. These friends keep advocating Burma's cause and maintain the spotlight on the country. They are as determined as Burma's own undefeated souls to keep the Burma issue alive.
On the 60th anniversary this month of Burma's independence, U.S. First Lady Laura Bush strongly criticized the country’s military leadership, saying, "Instead of celebrating their freedom, the Burmese people live in fear, poverty and oppression under General Than Shwe and his military regime." She noted that the United States stands behind detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and "all those working to make sure that by the next January 4 the people of Burma will celebrate real independence."
Britain's Foreign Secretary David Miliband, who has written several commentaries on Burma since the September uprising, also issued a statement saying that the Burmese people's aspirations for democracy, stability and prosperity have been frustrated.
Meanwhile, the European Union's special envoy to Burma, Piero Fassino, said that efforts to promote democracy in Burma must remain "at the top of the international community's agenda." Fassino has made a tour of the region, met with Chinese officials in Beijing, and held talks with United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and special envoy Ibrahim Gambari. Fassino said they found common ground, particularly on the need to enlist the support of all key Asian countries for diplomatic pressure to secure a political dialogue between the Burmese regime and the country's opposition.
But the regime is not interested in dialogue. The appointment late last year of a liaison minister between the regime and Suu Kyi was just an attempt to deflect growing international criticism. The junta "fails to show any interest in talks" with Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit said in its recent annual report.
Frustration and disappointment have also been felt in the neighboring countries. As Indonesia prepared to welcome Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein to Jakarta, Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda said that while “some countries in the region choose to be indifferent…we can’t afford to ignore this problem.” He said that his government wanted to see “a more credible process in the implementation of their [the Burmese junta’s] roadmap to democracy.”
Singapore's elder statesman Lee Kuan Yew has criticized the military junta, saying Burma’s ruling generals were "people with very fixated minds, quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to weather any sanctions." Lee highlighted the role that other countries in the region could play in persuading the junta to embrace democracy. "The members of ASEAN who could influence them [the generals] will be Thailand, and beyond [that] China and India. The rest of us—we are a kind of background muzak," he said.
China, Thailand and India are major trading partners of the regime, and Beijing has been a leading supplier of arms. Singaporean diplomats and officials have been quietly criticizing Burma’s policy on Thailand, which is eager to purchase gas and natural resources from the regime. Meanwhile, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win that it had become increasingly urgent to bring about "political reform and national reconciliation" in Burma.
The regime is likely this year to face more diplomatic pressure. Dissidents in exile predict that more street protests similar to those of last September are likely to take place, leading to social unrest and?instability. It seems, however, that Gen. Than Shwe and other leaders are prepared to resist any pressure from inside or outside the country. Than Shwe's recent Independence Day speech contained nothing new, while indicating that the regime's "roadmap" will not be inclusive, and that the boundless power of the military will be maintained. In his speech, Than Shwe said that the “roadmap” would guarantee a "discipline-flourishing democratic state."
More political gambits with the United Nations, in order to appease powerful neighbors like China, are to be expected from the former psychological warfare officer, implying that Gambari may soon go back to Burma. Gambari's mission has been supported by Western and regional governments, although his efforts to bring about political dialogue and national reconciliation have so far been unsuccessful.
Burmese at home and abroad have been increasingly critical of Gambari's work. A Western observer and businessman with keen interest in Burma recently said that there is no question of the good intentions of the United States, the European Union, American First Lady Laura Bush and some regional leaders. But, he added, "It is also disgusting to see them back Gambari, who hasn’t a clue about Burma." All of their words and statements uttered about Burma should be turned into action, he said.
The year 2007 ended with a bloody crackdown and deep repression. Independence Day at the start of 2008 marked only Burma’s recolonization by homegrown dictators. Prospects for the rest of the year remain bleak.
'Jakarta could play a key role'
Supalak G Khundee
The Nation
January 31, 2008
ICG proposes regional forum to end deadlock
The respected think-tank International Crisis Group (ICG) has suggested Indonesia would be ideal to host a multi-level approach to resolve the problem of Burma.
In a report, the group suggested a forum similar to that for Cambodia in the late 1980s.
It would employ a multi-level approach to end the political deadlock in the military-ruled country.
Entitled "Burma/Myanmar: After the Crackdown", the Brussels-based group's report examined the implications of mass protests in September last year, the brutal crackdown and proposals to resolve the crisis.
While the military remains in firm charge, last year's events emphasised the depth of the political and economic problems.
Even the regime's allies recognised the need to take a new course, the report said.
"Burma's neighbours, especially China and members of Asean, need to seize the moment", said John Virgoe, Crisis Group's South East Asia project director.
"Regional multi-party talks - coordinated with the UN Secretary-General's special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, and backed by the wider international community - hold out the best hope for launching a meaningful process of national reconciliation and broader reform", he said.
"Indonesia could play a particularly important role, perhaps by hosting a regional meeting along the lines of the Jakarta Informal Meetings which kick-started the Cambodia peace process in 1988 and 1989," said Crisis Group president Gareth
Evans, who as Australian foreign minister was closely involved in that process.
All international players with some ability to influence the situation need to become actively involved in working for change, including the emergence of a broader, more inclusive, better organised political society, it said.
At the core, UN special envoy Gambari plays a vital role promoting dialogue and coordinating unprecedented international efforts, the ICG's report suggested.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon should strengthen his office by becoming directly involved in key negotiations with the Burmese authorities, including through a personal visit to the capital of Naypyidaw in the near future, the report said.
Others also have important roles. A working group of China and key Asean members - possibly Indonesia, Singa-pore, Thailand and Vietnam - should draw on their close ties to engage Rangoon in talks about issues affecting regional stability and development.
However, role of countries in the region is very limited as Burma, at the Asean summit in Singapore last November, suggested the group should not to intervene in its domestic affairs, reserving its right to work only with the UN to solve the problem.
Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram said after a meeting with the European Union's special envoy on Burma Piero Fassino on Tuesday that Burma did not wish Asean to get involved in its problems.
On a tour of Asia, Fassino is seeking cooperation to help Gambari, who is in India, to achieve a "genuine" political dialogue among all conflicting parties in Burma.
The Nation
January 31, 2008
ICG proposes regional forum to end deadlock
The respected think-tank International Crisis Group (ICG) has suggested Indonesia would be ideal to host a multi-level approach to resolve the problem of Burma.
In a report, the group suggested a forum similar to that for Cambodia in the late 1980s.
It would employ a multi-level approach to end the political deadlock in the military-ruled country.
Entitled "Burma/Myanmar: After the Crackdown", the Brussels-based group's report examined the implications of mass protests in September last year, the brutal crackdown and proposals to resolve the crisis.
While the military remains in firm charge, last year's events emphasised the depth of the political and economic problems.
Even the regime's allies recognised the need to take a new course, the report said.
"Burma's neighbours, especially China and members of Asean, need to seize the moment", said John Virgoe, Crisis Group's South East Asia project director.
"Regional multi-party talks - coordinated with the UN Secretary-General's special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, and backed by the wider international community - hold out the best hope for launching a meaningful process of national reconciliation and broader reform", he said.
"Indonesia could play a particularly important role, perhaps by hosting a regional meeting along the lines of the Jakarta Informal Meetings which kick-started the Cambodia peace process in 1988 and 1989," said Crisis Group president Gareth
Evans, who as Australian foreign minister was closely involved in that process.
All international players with some ability to influence the situation need to become actively involved in working for change, including the emergence of a broader, more inclusive, better organised political society, it said.
At the core, UN special envoy Gambari plays a vital role promoting dialogue and coordinating unprecedented international efforts, the ICG's report suggested.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon should strengthen his office by becoming directly involved in key negotiations with the Burmese authorities, including through a personal visit to the capital of Naypyidaw in the near future, the report said.
Others also have important roles. A working group of China and key Asean members - possibly Indonesia, Singa-pore, Thailand and Vietnam - should draw on their close ties to engage Rangoon in talks about issues affecting regional stability and development.
However, role of countries in the region is very limited as Burma, at the Asean summit in Singapore last November, suggested the group should not to intervene in its domestic affairs, reserving its right to work only with the UN to solve the problem.
Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram said after a meeting with the European Union's special envoy on Burma Piero Fassino on Tuesday that Burma did not wish Asean to get involved in its problems.
On a tour of Asia, Fassino is seeking cooperation to help Gambari, who is in India, to achieve a "genuine" political dialogue among all conflicting parties in Burma.
"Prepare for the worst," Aung San Suu Kyi advises Myanmar (Roundup)
Monsters & Critics
Jan 30, 2008, 14:16 GMT
Yangon(dpa) - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday advised the nation to 'hope for the best but prepare for the worst,' in a rare meeting with her National League for Democracy (NLD) party.
The ruling junta allowed Suu Kyi a rare respite from house arrest to meet with members of the NLD for about two hours Wednesday afternoon at the Sein Le Kanthar State Guest House where she held talks with NLD chairman Aung Shwe and seven others and government liasion minister Aung Kyi.
Following the meeting, NLD spokesman Nyan Win told correspondents that Suu Kyi had criticized the government's so-called dialogue process for not including representatives of the various ethnic minority nationalities and failing to set a deadline.
Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel peace prize in 1991 for her heroic struggle for democracy in her country, cautioned Myanmar's downtrodden population 'to hope for the best prepare for the worst,' said Nyan Win.
Suu Kyi has been kept under house arrest in her family's Yangon compound since May, 2003.
It was not clear why Myanmar's military regime allowed her to meet with the NLD leaders but the conciliatory gesture comes at a time when the junta is under increasing pressure to show progress in its political dialogue with the opposition.
European Union special envoy for Myanmar Piero Fussino was in Bangkok earlier this week calling on all Asian governments to unite in putting pressure on Myanmar's junta.
'It is necessary to open a new phase of more constructive and more concise. We need a real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all different sectors of Myanmar society,' said Fassino.
Fassino has already visited Beijing to discuss the Myanmar issue, and plans to travel to Indonesia, India, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Japan to solidify Asian support in what has become a fairly universal call on the military rulers of Myanmar to speed up their political dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other suppressed segments of Myanmar society.
The EU appointed Fassino as special envoy for Myanmar last year in an effort to increase pressure on the junta to bring about real political change in their country in the aftermath of a brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks that shocked the world and left at least 31 people dead.
The crackdown reignited international concern about Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962, but the growing frustration has thus far accomplished little in terms of forcing the regime into a real political dialogue with Suu Kyi.
United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has visited Myanmar on several occasions, with the last visit in November, to press for a genuine dialogue but with limited success.
Jan 30, 2008, 14:16 GMT
Yangon(dpa) - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday advised the nation to 'hope for the best but prepare for the worst,' in a rare meeting with her National League for Democracy (NLD) party.
The ruling junta allowed Suu Kyi a rare respite from house arrest to meet with members of the NLD for about two hours Wednesday afternoon at the Sein Le Kanthar State Guest House where she held talks with NLD chairman Aung Shwe and seven others and government liasion minister Aung Kyi.
Following the meeting, NLD spokesman Nyan Win told correspondents that Suu Kyi had criticized the government's so-called dialogue process for not including representatives of the various ethnic minority nationalities and failing to set a deadline.
Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel peace prize in 1991 for her heroic struggle for democracy in her country, cautioned Myanmar's downtrodden population 'to hope for the best prepare for the worst,' said Nyan Win.
Suu Kyi has been kept under house arrest in her family's Yangon compound since May, 2003.
It was not clear why Myanmar's military regime allowed her to meet with the NLD leaders but the conciliatory gesture comes at a time when the junta is under increasing pressure to show progress in its political dialogue with the opposition.
European Union special envoy for Myanmar Piero Fussino was in Bangkok earlier this week calling on all Asian governments to unite in putting pressure on Myanmar's junta.
'It is necessary to open a new phase of more constructive and more concise. We need a real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all different sectors of Myanmar society,' said Fassino.
Fassino has already visited Beijing to discuss the Myanmar issue, and plans to travel to Indonesia, India, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Japan to solidify Asian support in what has become a fairly universal call on the military rulers of Myanmar to speed up their political dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other suppressed segments of Myanmar society.
The EU appointed Fassino as special envoy for Myanmar last year in an effort to increase pressure on the junta to bring about real political change in their country in the aftermath of a brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks that shocked the world and left at least 31 people dead.
The crackdown reignited international concern about Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962, but the growing frustration has thus far accomplished little in terms of forcing the regime into a real political dialogue with Suu Kyi.
United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has visited Myanmar on several occasions, with the last visit in November, to press for a genuine dialogue but with limited success.
Burma Briefing at Parliament’s Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs
Canadian Friends of Burma
Jan. 30, 2008
Ottawa - The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development is holding a parliamentary briefing on Burma in Ottawa tomorrow January 31, 2008 .
Senior Foreign Affairs officials will do the briefing and answer questions by members of the committee. Please see details below:
NOTICE OF MEETING
Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development
Briefing on the violent reaction of the Burmese regime
DATE:
Thursday, January 31, 2008
TIME:
3:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m.
AT:
Room 308, West Block
WITNESSES:
Randolph Mank, Director General
Asia South and Pacific Bureau
Peter McGovern, Director General
Bilateral Commercial Relations, Asia and Americas
Adèle Dion, Director General
Human Security and Human Rights Bureau
John F. G. Hannaford
Director General and Deputy Legal Adviser
______________________________
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
Email: cfob@cfob.org
Website: www.cfob.org
Jan. 30, 2008
Ottawa - The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development is holding a parliamentary briefing on Burma in Ottawa tomorrow January 31, 2008 .
Senior Foreign Affairs officials will do the briefing and answer questions by members of the committee. Please see details below:
NOTICE OF MEETING
Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development
Briefing on the violent reaction of the Burmese regime
DATE:
Thursday, January 31, 2008
TIME:
3:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m.
AT:
Room 308, West Block
WITNESSES:
Randolph Mank, Director General
Asia South and Pacific Bureau
Peter McGovern, Director General
Bilateral Commercial Relations, Asia and Americas
Adèle Dion, Director General
Human Security and Human Rights Bureau
John F. G. Hannaford
Director General and Deputy Legal Adviser
______________________________
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
Email: cfob@cfob.org
Website: www.cfob.org
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