Bangkok, 18 March, (Asiantribune.com): Burmese Military Inteligence Unit arrested on 17 March Kyaw Ko Ko, the leader of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, taken away from his hiding place. Earlier, with the help of supporters, Kyaw Ko Ko twice had escaped arrest. Nyan Linn Aung, another ABFSU leader, was also arrested together with Kyaw Ko Ko. It is not known where they were taken.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has expressed concern over the arrest of Kyaw Ko Ko and Nyan Lin Aung. Military authorities are notorious for torturing political prisoners, and often the most severe treatment occurs during the interrogation stage following the arrest.
Background:
Kyaw Ko Ko is a student who is attending in Economic University from Yangon for a master degree. He is 25 years old and a son of U Kyaw Gyi. He is a leader of All Burma Federation of Student Unions which was reestablished on 28 August 2007.
Burma’s first student union, the Rangoon University Students’ Union, was founded in 1931 by national independence hero Gen Aung San and his friends.
The group was renamed the All Burma Students’ Union in 1936 before switching to the ABFSU in 1951.Following Gen Ne Win’s military coup in 1962, the office of the ABFSU in Rangoon was demolished and hundreds of students were killed by the army.
During the nationwide pro-democracy 8888 uprising, the ABFSU resurfaced under the leadership of Min Ko Naing and other prominent student leaders on 28 August 1988.
During th Suffaron Revolution…..
“Today we reestablish the ABFSU to take on the shifting roles of former students in a new generation to fight for freedom, justice and the building of a democratic country,” Kyaw Ko Ko said on 28 August 2007 when the fighting peacock flag was raised again.
“I hereby encourage all students across the country to accept the shifting responsibilities on behalf of our former brothers and sisters,” he added.
The influential All Burma Federation of Student Unions has resumed its struggle against the country’s military government .
“Student unions must exist for the students in Burma,” said Kyaw Ko Ko.
Tuesday, 18 March 2008
Support and Encouragement
WALK for FREEDOM and LIBERTY of BURMA
Update
March 18, 2008
At 10am last Sunday, Zaw Min Htwe, Athein and few members of Democracy and Freedom students packed with all their Free Burma pamphlets were demonstrating in front of the Baker City Hall in Oregon.
Their protest was directed to the junta to hand over the government to a proper democracy, to free Aung San Suu kyi and all political prisoners. Athein and Zaw made the stop over in Baker City to rest their walking feet... Please visit their blog to view the photos, your Paypal support and encouragement is very welcomed. http://88portland.wordpress.com
Update
March 18, 2008
At 10am last Sunday, Zaw Min Htwe, Athein and few members of Democracy and Freedom students packed with all their Free Burma pamphlets were demonstrating in front of the Baker City Hall in Oregon.
Their protest was directed to the junta to hand over the government to a proper democracy, to free Aung San Suu kyi and all political prisoners. Athein and Zaw made the stop over in Baker City to rest their walking feet... Please visit their blog to view the photos, your Paypal support and encouragement is very welcomed. http://88portland.wordpress.com
NMSP must be ready: Mon leaders
By Loa Htaw, IMNA
March 18, 2008 - The New Mon State Party (NMSP) must be ready if it does not plan to either support the referendum or involve itself in the elections, said Mon revolutionary leaders.
"The NMSP must be ready for future movements if it does not plan to involve itself in the elections.
Whether the party involves itself or not, the situation will remain the same. It is better not to get involved," said a senior leader of the MNDF.
The former Army Chief of the NMSP General Aung Naing had also warned the party that the Burmese regime will crackdown on them soon if they do not support the referendum and get involved in the elections.
"Without disarming the NMSP the regime will not recognise it as a political party and will not allow it to get involved in the elections. Even if the junta does disarm, the government will not give equal rights or a federal state either unless NMSP can oust the military government," General Aung Naing had said.
"The ensuing election will usher in a new military government. If the NMSP does involve itself, they may not get a chance to do political movements anymore," said a MNDF senior leader.
Another senior MNDF leader predicted that there will be an uprising again if the government holds the referendum and elections and ignores what the people want.
The Chairman of the Mon Unity League Nai Sunthorn said that Mon people have invested their lives and properties in the Mon revolution for over half a century and NMSP must consider that in their decision making for the ensuing referendum and elections. Otherwise, we will lose what we have done and will have to begin the revolution from scratch.
New Mon State Party (NMSP) was formed in July 1958 just after a big surrender of the Mon People¢s Front (MPF) which took up armed resistance since 1948. The NMSP reached a ceasefire with the Burmese government in 1995 to solve political problems across the table.
March 18, 2008 - The New Mon State Party (NMSP) must be ready if it does not plan to either support the referendum or involve itself in the elections, said Mon revolutionary leaders.
"The NMSP must be ready for future movements if it does not plan to involve itself in the elections.
Whether the party involves itself or not, the situation will remain the same. It is better not to get involved," said a senior leader of the MNDF.
The former Army Chief of the NMSP General Aung Naing had also warned the party that the Burmese regime will crackdown on them soon if they do not support the referendum and get involved in the elections.
"Without disarming the NMSP the regime will not recognise it as a political party and will not allow it to get involved in the elections. Even if the junta does disarm, the government will not give equal rights or a federal state either unless NMSP can oust the military government," General Aung Naing had said.
"The ensuing election will usher in a new military government. If the NMSP does involve itself, they may not get a chance to do political movements anymore," said a MNDF senior leader.
Another senior MNDF leader predicted that there will be an uprising again if the government holds the referendum and elections and ignores what the people want.
The Chairman of the Mon Unity League Nai Sunthorn said that Mon people have invested their lives and properties in the Mon revolution for over half a century and NMSP must consider that in their decision making for the ensuing referendum and elections. Otherwise, we will lose what we have done and will have to begin the revolution from scratch.
New Mon State Party (NMSP) was formed in July 1958 just after a big surrender of the Mon People¢s Front (MPF) which took up armed resistance since 1948. The NMSP reached a ceasefire with the Burmese government in 1995 to solve political problems across the table.
Back to Child Recruitments
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Mar 18, 2008 (IPS) - Till last September, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) office in military-ruled Burma had received few complaints about children being forced to join the army. But that is no longer the case.
In a new report, the ILO makes a pointed reference to the shift noticed since September 2007, the month when the Burmese junta launched a brutal crackdown on peaceful street protests led by thousands of Buddhist monks chanting a prayer for ''loving kindness.''
Prior to that month, the majority of complaints received about forced labour ''concerned public works under local administration with only a few military-related complaints and cases of underage recruitment,'' reveals a report submitted to the ILO's governing body, which is currently meeting at the labour rights agency's headquarters, in Geneva.
''Since September that pattern has been reversed with majority of complaints now being military-related and underage recruitment cases,'' adds the report prepared by the ILO's Rangoon office of the 15 ''child soldier/forced recruitment cases'' between Feb. 26, 2007 and Feb. 25, 2008.
What happened to an ILO account of a 14-year-old Burmese boy in late October may be typical. He had gone to a market in Rangoon, the former capital, to lend a hand at a stall run by his elder brother. But he was stopped by soldiers and taken in a truck to an army recruiting office.
In fact, the ILO admits that its record of young boys forced to swell the ranks of the 'Tatmadaw', the Burmese name for the armed forces, is not an accurate picture. ''We believe that the number of complaints we have received does not reflect the size of the problem. It is the tip of the iceberg,'' Steve Marshall, the ILO's liaison officer in Rangoon, said in an IPS interview.
''We understand there are some people who operate as brokers. They use force or trickery to take children to recruiting officers,'' he added. ''We have lodged complaints with the government and it has responded quickly, discharging the recruit and disciplining the recruiting officer.''
But human rights groups warn the international community not to be fooled by the junta's claims that it is trying to end the scourge of forced conscription. The London-based Burma Campaign UK has ''dismissed as total nonsense'' claims by a state-run newspaper that ''hundreds of children have been returned to their families in recent years''.
In 2004, the military leaders in Burma, also called Myanmar, responded to growing international criticism about the recruitment of child soldiers by setting up a high-powered group to deal with the problem. But the record of the Committee for Prevention of Military Recruitment of Underage Children has proved wanting, with its regular statements tending to denounce reports of child soldiers in the country than helping to curb this on-going violation of labour and children's rights.
A November 2007 report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) confirms the failure of the junta's special committee to save children from the Tatmadaw. ''Children as young as 10 are being targeted by Burmese military recruiters and threatened with arrest or beaten if they refuse to join,'' revealed the report by the New York-based global rights lobby.
''Child soldiers are sometimes forced to participate in human rights abuses, such as burning villages and using civilians for forced labour,'' adds the report, 'Sold to be soldiers: The recruitment and use of child soldiers in Burma'. ''Those who attempt to escape or desert are beaten, forcibly re-recruited or imprisoned.''
The dismal tone of this report echoed a similar tone of a 2002 report by HRW dealing with the growing number of child soldiers in Burma. That report, 'My gun was as tall as me', estimated that ''70,000 or more of the Burma army's estimated 350,000 soldiers may be children.''
And the hunting ground for the army's recruiters to grab children has changed little over the last five years. Soldiers and civilians assigned the job target markets, railway stations, bus stations, ferry terminals, streets and festivals. The rewards for such forced conscription missions have varied, though, with some being paid in cash of up to 25 US dollars per child or given a bag of rice.
The gap between the junta's rhetoric and the reality in the South-east Asian country is stark, says David Scott Mathieson, HRW's Burma consultant. ''There is a massive disconnect between the laws and regulations the Burmese regime has made and the reality on the ground.''
''There is widespread forced recruitment of children into the army,'' he told IPS. ''It is part of a mercantile system. The battalions have to meet their quotas of recruits, and if they do so they are rewarded.''
The junta's hunger for young Burmese boys to fatten the ranks of the Tatmadaw is rooted in a shift in military policy after 1988. That year saw a pro-democracy uprising, drawing tens of thousands of civilians to the streets, to challenge a military dictatorship that had been in power since a 1962 coup. And the army responded with bullets, killing some 3,000 unarmed demonstrators.
Soon after, the Tatmadaw, which was a much leaner and smaller and had no record of child soldiers, was ordered to expand to strengthen the junta's grip on power. It went from being a force of some 180,000 to its current number of nearly 400,000 -- at least on paper.
Yet, as a Burmese military analyst notes, the Tatmadaw has been hit with a high desertion rate, adding to the number of soldiers it keeps losing in the on-going conflict in the border areas with ethnic rebel groups. ''A northern commander reported that during a four-month period in 2006 the army had lost an entire brigade of soldiers due to desertion,'' Win Min, who lectures at Payap University in northern Thailand, said in an interview. ''That is over 3,000 soldiers based on the strength of a battalion in Burma.''
It was worse during the previous year, when internal military records reveal that during a four-month period in 2005 the Tatmadaw was hit with 4,701 deserters across the country, adds Win Min. ''My estimate is that by the end of last year the situation may have got worse. The army may have been hit with nearly 15,000 deserters in 2007.''
But how many soldiers fled the Tatmadaw after being ordered to fire on the highly revered Buddhist monks who led last September's protest still remains unknown, he revealed. ''This may come out when the commanders have their next quarterly meeting, which has not been held since May last year.''
BANGKOK, Mar 18, 2008 (IPS) - Till last September, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) office in military-ruled Burma had received few complaints about children being forced to join the army. But that is no longer the case.
In a new report, the ILO makes a pointed reference to the shift noticed since September 2007, the month when the Burmese junta launched a brutal crackdown on peaceful street protests led by thousands of Buddhist monks chanting a prayer for ''loving kindness.''
Prior to that month, the majority of complaints received about forced labour ''concerned public works under local administration with only a few military-related complaints and cases of underage recruitment,'' reveals a report submitted to the ILO's governing body, which is currently meeting at the labour rights agency's headquarters, in Geneva.
''Since September that pattern has been reversed with majority of complaints now being military-related and underage recruitment cases,'' adds the report prepared by the ILO's Rangoon office of the 15 ''child soldier/forced recruitment cases'' between Feb. 26, 2007 and Feb. 25, 2008.
What happened to an ILO account of a 14-year-old Burmese boy in late October may be typical. He had gone to a market in Rangoon, the former capital, to lend a hand at a stall run by his elder brother. But he was stopped by soldiers and taken in a truck to an army recruiting office.
In fact, the ILO admits that its record of young boys forced to swell the ranks of the 'Tatmadaw', the Burmese name for the armed forces, is not an accurate picture. ''We believe that the number of complaints we have received does not reflect the size of the problem. It is the tip of the iceberg,'' Steve Marshall, the ILO's liaison officer in Rangoon, said in an IPS interview.
''We understand there are some people who operate as brokers. They use force or trickery to take children to recruiting officers,'' he added. ''We have lodged complaints with the government and it has responded quickly, discharging the recruit and disciplining the recruiting officer.''
But human rights groups warn the international community not to be fooled by the junta's claims that it is trying to end the scourge of forced conscription. The London-based Burma Campaign UK has ''dismissed as total nonsense'' claims by a state-run newspaper that ''hundreds of children have been returned to their families in recent years''.
In 2004, the military leaders in Burma, also called Myanmar, responded to growing international criticism about the recruitment of child soldiers by setting up a high-powered group to deal with the problem. But the record of the Committee for Prevention of Military Recruitment of Underage Children has proved wanting, with its regular statements tending to denounce reports of child soldiers in the country than helping to curb this on-going violation of labour and children's rights.
A November 2007 report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) confirms the failure of the junta's special committee to save children from the Tatmadaw. ''Children as young as 10 are being targeted by Burmese military recruiters and threatened with arrest or beaten if they refuse to join,'' revealed the report by the New York-based global rights lobby.
''Child soldiers are sometimes forced to participate in human rights abuses, such as burning villages and using civilians for forced labour,'' adds the report, 'Sold to be soldiers: The recruitment and use of child soldiers in Burma'. ''Those who attempt to escape or desert are beaten, forcibly re-recruited or imprisoned.''
The dismal tone of this report echoed a similar tone of a 2002 report by HRW dealing with the growing number of child soldiers in Burma. That report, 'My gun was as tall as me', estimated that ''70,000 or more of the Burma army's estimated 350,000 soldiers may be children.''
And the hunting ground for the army's recruiters to grab children has changed little over the last five years. Soldiers and civilians assigned the job target markets, railway stations, bus stations, ferry terminals, streets and festivals. The rewards for such forced conscription missions have varied, though, with some being paid in cash of up to 25 US dollars per child or given a bag of rice.
The gap between the junta's rhetoric and the reality in the South-east Asian country is stark, says David Scott Mathieson, HRW's Burma consultant. ''There is a massive disconnect between the laws and regulations the Burmese regime has made and the reality on the ground.''
''There is widespread forced recruitment of children into the army,'' he told IPS. ''It is part of a mercantile system. The battalions have to meet their quotas of recruits, and if they do so they are rewarded.''
The junta's hunger for young Burmese boys to fatten the ranks of the Tatmadaw is rooted in a shift in military policy after 1988. That year saw a pro-democracy uprising, drawing tens of thousands of civilians to the streets, to challenge a military dictatorship that had been in power since a 1962 coup. And the army responded with bullets, killing some 3,000 unarmed demonstrators.
Soon after, the Tatmadaw, which was a much leaner and smaller and had no record of child soldiers, was ordered to expand to strengthen the junta's grip on power. It went from being a force of some 180,000 to its current number of nearly 400,000 -- at least on paper.
Yet, as a Burmese military analyst notes, the Tatmadaw has been hit with a high desertion rate, adding to the number of soldiers it keeps losing in the on-going conflict in the border areas with ethnic rebel groups. ''A northern commander reported that during a four-month period in 2006 the army had lost an entire brigade of soldiers due to desertion,'' Win Min, who lectures at Payap University in northern Thailand, said in an interview. ''That is over 3,000 soldiers based on the strength of a battalion in Burma.''
It was worse during the previous year, when internal military records reveal that during a four-month period in 2005 the Tatmadaw was hit with 4,701 deserters across the country, adds Win Min. ''My estimate is that by the end of last year the situation may have got worse. The army may have been hit with nearly 15,000 deserters in 2007.''
But how many soldiers fled the Tatmadaw after being ordered to fire on the highly revered Buddhist monks who led last September's protest still remains unknown, he revealed. ''This may come out when the commanders have their next quarterly meeting, which has not been held since May last year.''
U.S. Congress Introduces Resolution Rejecting Burmese Junta Made Constitution
Daya Gamage
US Bureau Asian Tribune
Washington, D.C. 18 March 2008 (Asiantribune.com): The U.S. Campaign for Burma, a Washington DC-based organization mobilizing international support for freedom and democracy in Burma, March 17 welcomes and supports the introducing of Congressional resolution, House Res. 317, calling for the President to call for the United Nations Security Council to not accept or recognize the state constitution, unilaterally written by the Burmese military junta, and the outcome of the upcoming referendum, scheduled for May this year.
The resolution denounces the one-sided, undemocratic and illegitimate constitution drafting process and referendum by the Burmese military junta, known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), insists the SPDC engage in a tripartite dialogue with democracy forces led by Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic representatives, and demands the immediate and unconditional releases of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners. It also urges the President Bush to call for the UN Security Council to not accept and recognize the SPDC’s constitution,
House Concurrent Resolution 317 was introduced by Representatives Rush Holt (D-NJ), Howard Berman (D-CA) and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) in the U.S. House of Representatives on March 14, 2008 and it was referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs for consideration.
They introduced the resolution after the SPDC flatly rejected all recommendations made by the United Nations, which are the establishment of an all-party inclusive transparent process of constitution writing, meaningful and time-bound dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, releasing all political prisoners, establishment of a broad-based poverty alleviation commission, opening of an office in Rangoon for the UN Special Envoy, and an offer to provide UN assistance to help ensure the referendum is free and fair. During the last visit of UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari on March 6-10, the five top leaders of the SPDC, Senior-General Than Shwe, Vice-Senior-General Maung Aye, General Thura Shwe Mann, General Thein Sein and Lieutenant General Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myin Oo, refused to meet with Mr. Gambari. The highest level official whom Mr. Gambari was allowed to meet was Bri-Gen Kyaw Hsan, the SPDC’s Minister of Information. On behalf of the SPDC, Kyaw Hsan rejected all of the UN’s recommendations and even complained that “The United Nations should stand fair and square without bias.”
Congressman Berman (D-CA) is Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, who has succeeded Congressman Tom Lantos (D-CA), who was a champion for the Burmese democracy movement and passed away last month. Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen is Ranking Member of House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Congressman Holt serves on House Committee on Education and Labor, Committee on Natural Resources and Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. All three Representatives are strong supporters of the non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights for the people of Burma, led by the world’s only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi.
Congressman Rush Holt, author of the resolution said, “The Burmese people are determined to enjoy the same rights and freedoms that so many of take for granted. The heroic efforts of opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and others have given hope to victims of terrible oppression, and they deserve our support. Passage of this resolution would send a strong signal to the people of Burma that we stand with them in their struggle for democracy.”
“We appreciate Representatives Holt, Berman and Ros-Lehtinen for this important initiative to not recognize the military junta’s illegitimate constitution, which is designed to perpetuate the military dictatorship in Burma by vesting supreme power in the hands of the Chief of the military, Commander-in-Chief,” says Aung Din, Executive Director of the U.S. Campaign for Burma. “People of Burma are determined to reject this sham constitution at any cost, which will make them slaves of the military for generations,” continues Aung Din.
On March 14, 2008, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights Situation in Burma ridiculed the junta’s plan by saying that “if you believe in gnomes, trolls and elves, you can believe in this democratic process in Myanmar,” at a news briefing at the U.N.'s European headquarters in Geneva. However, Thai Prime Minister Samat Sundaravej, who recently came back from Burma, praised military leaders as strong devotees of Buddhism and killing and suppression in the country are normal. “Tragically, like the Thai Prime Minister, there are some governments in Asia and Europe who believe in myths. We need similar actions from other Members of Parliament around the world to urge their respective governments to reject the junta’s sham constitution and to apply more pressure on the Burmese military junta”, added Aung Din.
US Bureau Asian Tribune
Washington, D.C. 18 March 2008 (Asiantribune.com): The U.S. Campaign for Burma, a Washington DC-based organization mobilizing international support for freedom and democracy in Burma, March 17 welcomes and supports the introducing of Congressional resolution, House Res. 317, calling for the President to call for the United Nations Security Council to not accept or recognize the state constitution, unilaterally written by the Burmese military junta, and the outcome of the upcoming referendum, scheduled for May this year.
The resolution denounces the one-sided, undemocratic and illegitimate constitution drafting process and referendum by the Burmese military junta, known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), insists the SPDC engage in a tripartite dialogue with democracy forces led by Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic representatives, and demands the immediate and unconditional releases of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners. It also urges the President Bush to call for the UN Security Council to not accept and recognize the SPDC’s constitution,
House Concurrent Resolution 317 was introduced by Representatives Rush Holt (D-NJ), Howard Berman (D-CA) and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) in the U.S. House of Representatives on March 14, 2008 and it was referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs for consideration.
They introduced the resolution after the SPDC flatly rejected all recommendations made by the United Nations, which are the establishment of an all-party inclusive transparent process of constitution writing, meaningful and time-bound dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, releasing all political prisoners, establishment of a broad-based poverty alleviation commission, opening of an office in Rangoon for the UN Special Envoy, and an offer to provide UN assistance to help ensure the referendum is free and fair. During the last visit of UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari on March 6-10, the five top leaders of the SPDC, Senior-General Than Shwe, Vice-Senior-General Maung Aye, General Thura Shwe Mann, General Thein Sein and Lieutenant General Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myin Oo, refused to meet with Mr. Gambari. The highest level official whom Mr. Gambari was allowed to meet was Bri-Gen Kyaw Hsan, the SPDC’s Minister of Information. On behalf of the SPDC, Kyaw Hsan rejected all of the UN’s recommendations and even complained that “The United Nations should stand fair and square without bias.”
Congressman Berman (D-CA) is Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, who has succeeded Congressman Tom Lantos (D-CA), who was a champion for the Burmese democracy movement and passed away last month. Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen is Ranking Member of House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Congressman Holt serves on House Committee on Education and Labor, Committee on Natural Resources and Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. All three Representatives are strong supporters of the non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights for the people of Burma, led by the world’s only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi.
Congressman Rush Holt, author of the resolution said, “The Burmese people are determined to enjoy the same rights and freedoms that so many of take for granted. The heroic efforts of opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and others have given hope to victims of terrible oppression, and they deserve our support. Passage of this resolution would send a strong signal to the people of Burma that we stand with them in their struggle for democracy.”
“We appreciate Representatives Holt, Berman and Ros-Lehtinen for this important initiative to not recognize the military junta’s illegitimate constitution, which is designed to perpetuate the military dictatorship in Burma by vesting supreme power in the hands of the Chief of the military, Commander-in-Chief,” says Aung Din, Executive Director of the U.S. Campaign for Burma. “People of Burma are determined to reject this sham constitution at any cost, which will make them slaves of the military for generations,” continues Aung Din.
On March 14, 2008, UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights Situation in Burma ridiculed the junta’s plan by saying that “if you believe in gnomes, trolls and elves, you can believe in this democratic process in Myanmar,” at a news briefing at the U.N.'s European headquarters in Geneva. However, Thai Prime Minister Samat Sundaravej, who recently came back from Burma, praised military leaders as strong devotees of Buddhism and killing and suppression in the country are normal. “Tragically, like the Thai Prime Minister, there are some governments in Asia and Europe who believe in myths. We need similar actions from other Members of Parliament around the world to urge their respective governments to reject the junta’s sham constitution and to apply more pressure on the Burmese military junta”, added Aung Din.
Two ABFSU leaders arrested
By Aye Nai
Democratic Voice of Burma
Mar 17, 2008 (DVB)–Two key leaders of the All-Burmese Federation of Student Unions, Ko Kyaw Ko Ko and Ko Nyan Linn Aung, were arrested by authorities on Sunday, group members said.
ABSFU spokesperson Ko Linn Htet Naing told DVB that Kyaw Ko Ko and Nyan Linn Aung were arrested last night by government officials but would not give the location of the arrest.
"ABSFU leaders Ko Kyaw Ko Ko and Ko Nyan Linn Aung were arrested last night," said Linn Htet Naing.
"Arresting people like this will not bring democracy to anyone."
Ko Kyaw Kyaw, leader of youth activist group Generation Wave, was also arrested by authorities on 13 March, Linn Htet Naing said.
Democratic Voice of Burma
Mar 17, 2008 (DVB)–Two key leaders of the All-Burmese Federation of Student Unions, Ko Kyaw Ko Ko and Ko Nyan Linn Aung, were arrested by authorities on Sunday, group members said.
ABSFU spokesperson Ko Linn Htet Naing told DVB that Kyaw Ko Ko and Nyan Linn Aung were arrested last night by government officials but would not give the location of the arrest.
"ABSFU leaders Ko Kyaw Ko Ko and Ko Nyan Linn Aung were arrested last night," said Linn Htet Naing.
"Arresting people like this will not bring democracy to anyone."
Ko Kyaw Kyaw, leader of youth activist group Generation Wave, was also arrested by authorities on 13 March, Linn Htet Naing said.
TODAY'S EDITORIAL: Talk To Dalai Lama
Times of India
China has two options before it to deal with the protesters in Tibet. It could take a cue from Myanmar and use force to suppress the protests or negotiate with dissenters, who include a large number of Buddhist monks.
Reports suggest that Beijing might exercise the second option and offer concessions including amnesty to protesters to buy peace.
The temptation will be there to borrow a leaf from the Myanmarese junta's book and force the monks to disperse. But Beijing should ask itself if such an approach suits China's present interests.
China is not Myanmar. It is a global power and the world expects Beijing to conduct its affairs accordingly. Beijing has taken extra care to underplay the authoritarian features of the Chinese state and project the image of a responsible world power.
The Beijing Olympics, a few months away, are expected to showcase the new China. Blood on the streets of Lhasa would take the shine off China's achievements and pull down its international standing.
Many democracies might even withdraw from the Beijing Olympics. The US and its allies had boycotted the Moscow Olympics in 1980, citing the USSR's invasion of Afghanistan.
Tibet, much as China may disagree, is an international issue. Support for the Tibetan cause is not limited to Tibet; friends of Tibet are spread across the globe.
The Dalai Lama, the spiritual and political leader of the exiled community, is respected in world capitals, mainly because he has been more than reasonable in his dealings with Beijing.
He has not only held the community together but also articulated its genuine demands in non-violent language. Since the Chinese forced him to flee Lhasa and take refuge in India, the Dalai Lama has been forced to dilute his demand from freedom to autonomy under Chinese rule.
Beijing has not reciprocated this concession to negotiate an honourable deal for the Tibetan people.
Beijing should recognise that the Dalai Lama is its best bet to settle the Tibet issue. The Chinese leadership should invite him for talks. Such a gesture would go a long way to show China in a positive light.
It is fatuous for Beijing to imagine that it could sweep dissent under the carpet by enforcing a ban on foreigners in Tibet or YouTube in China. Even the Dalai Lama could run out of patience: it is significant that he has now asked for international agencies to investigate the situation in Tibet, which he describes as a state of cultural genocide.
Equally significant is the support monks in Lhasa have received from people in other Chinese provinces. China could risk international condemnation if it uses excessive force on protesters in Lhasa.
China has two options before it to deal with the protesters in Tibet. It could take a cue from Myanmar and use force to suppress the protests or negotiate with dissenters, who include a large number of Buddhist monks.
Reports suggest that Beijing might exercise the second option and offer concessions including amnesty to protesters to buy peace.
The temptation will be there to borrow a leaf from the Myanmarese junta's book and force the monks to disperse. But Beijing should ask itself if such an approach suits China's present interests.
China is not Myanmar. It is a global power and the world expects Beijing to conduct its affairs accordingly. Beijing has taken extra care to underplay the authoritarian features of the Chinese state and project the image of a responsible world power.
The Beijing Olympics, a few months away, are expected to showcase the new China. Blood on the streets of Lhasa would take the shine off China's achievements and pull down its international standing.
Many democracies might even withdraw from the Beijing Olympics. The US and its allies had boycotted the Moscow Olympics in 1980, citing the USSR's invasion of Afghanistan.
Tibet, much as China may disagree, is an international issue. Support for the Tibetan cause is not limited to Tibet; friends of Tibet are spread across the globe.
The Dalai Lama, the spiritual and political leader of the exiled community, is respected in world capitals, mainly because he has been more than reasonable in his dealings with Beijing.
He has not only held the community together but also articulated its genuine demands in non-violent language. Since the Chinese forced him to flee Lhasa and take refuge in India, the Dalai Lama has been forced to dilute his demand from freedom to autonomy under Chinese rule.
Beijing has not reciprocated this concession to negotiate an honourable deal for the Tibetan people.
Beijing should recognise that the Dalai Lama is its best bet to settle the Tibet issue. The Chinese leadership should invite him for talks. Such a gesture would go a long way to show China in a positive light.
It is fatuous for Beijing to imagine that it could sweep dissent under the carpet by enforcing a ban on foreigners in Tibet or YouTube in China. Even the Dalai Lama could run out of patience: it is significant that he has now asked for international agencies to investigate the situation in Tibet, which he describes as a state of cultural genocide.
Equally significant is the support monks in Lhasa have received from people in other Chinese provinces. China could risk international condemnation if it uses excessive force on protesters in Lhasa.
Beijing's dread of dissent
By John Lee
March 18, 2008 (The Australian)- WHEN the monks in Burma led protests against the military junta there last September, China initially reacted by making the usual call for calm and restraint from all sides.
As those protests escalated and the world's media responded with expressions of outrage, revulsion and shock, the Chinese Government responded by saying that "demonstrations would not only undermine the stability of the state but also tarnish the image of Myanmar's monks".
Why has Beijing taken a hard line in Tibet? The key is "stability of state".
Don't be fooled by the glamour of Shanghai or the magnificence of Beijing. There are large swaths of disunity and disorder in the country.
For example, China claims 23 provinces, five autonomous regions, four municipalities, and two special administrative regions: Hong Kong and Macau. Of these, Taiwan remains recalcitrant and is effectively a separate state. Many of the Uighurs in the western province of Xinjiang want out.
Residents in Hong Kong want guarantees that Beijing will not dismantle the rights they enjoyed under British rule. And traditional Tibetans, fearful of a complete Han Chinese takeover and the suppression of their culture and religion, want more and more autonomy.
Furthermore, there is widespread disorder even in provinces that pose no challenge to Beijing's right to rule. In 2006, the latest available figures, there were 87,000 officially recorded instances of unrest, which is defined as those involving 15 or more people.
These protests are overwhelmingly spontaneous and arise from the frustration of the one billion or so "have-nots": with the hardship in their lives, against illegal taxes and land grabs by corrupt officials, against job losses and so on.
Although these protests rarely call for the overthrow of the regime, they do express profound dissatisfaction with local officials.
This brings us back to Tibet.
Note that most Chinese do not support the separatist agendas of Tibet, Taiwan or Xinjiang. They would rather see a strong and unified China restored to historic glory. Indeed, most Chinese do not want to see their government give in to separatist agendas and would be critical of the leadership if it did so.
Therefore, as far as Beijing is concerned, when the regime's moral and political legitimacy is threatened, the leadership almost always chooses to take a hard, uncompromising line.
It is one thing to negotiate with protesters when the issue is about lost jobs in Chongqing. It is another thing completely when the protest is a direct challenge to the party's right to rule.
To be sure, the monks and their supporters cannot by themselves foment widespread protest throughout China. The protests will eventually be quelled and their leaders will no doubt be dealt with brutally.
However, President Hu Jintao, who incidentally earned early brownie points within the party by leading a crackdown of political dissidents in Tibet in 1989, deeply understands that authoritarian regimes appear weak at their own peril and losing face will only embolden the "enemies of state".
Even back in 2005, the Communist Party's Leading Group on Foreign Affairs, which is chaired by Hu, argued that "hostile foreign forces have not abandoned their conspiracy and tactics to Westernise China and to divide the country". Principles such as self-determination sought by provinces such as Tibet and Taiwan were part of these Western political weapons.
Elsewhere, the LGFA has spoken about the democratic and other "viruses" that were behind the "colour revolutions" in Ukraine and Georgia, and which could conceivably take root in places such as Xinjiang and Tibet.
This in large part explains why Chinese authorities are so deeply suspicious of any grouping with loyalties that might transcend the state and regime or at least cannot be easily controlled by the state, such as the Falun Gong, Catholics and independent trade unions.
While we see the Dalai Lama as a humble and peace-loving spiritual leader of a major world religion, Beijing sees him as a political agitator in league with influential Western agents who presents a clear and present danger to the "stability of state". In Beijing's eyes, these protests were, after all, preceded by the Dalai Lama's calls for greater Tibetan autonomy.
Beijing has written several manuals to counsel officials on how to manage protests in the lead-up to the Olympic Games in August. It details options to deal with protest leaders: namely the tactical use of permissiveness and repression, compromise and coercion, on a case by case basis.
This is designed to take the fuel out of the fire. Sometimes leaders of protests are taken away; other times they are paid off; and other times they are given what they want.
In this case, its handbook for managing protests has offered authorities few options.
Predictably, Beijing will feel that it has no room to move and has taken a hard line by cracking down on the protesters and declaring a "people's war" of security and propaganda against the Dalai Lama.
Hu will at least be relieved that this has happened now rather than in August when several thousand Western journalists will be in China.
John Lee is a visiting fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies. His book Will China Fail? was released by the CIS last year.
March 18, 2008 (The Australian)- WHEN the monks in Burma led protests against the military junta there last September, China initially reacted by making the usual call for calm and restraint from all sides.
As those protests escalated and the world's media responded with expressions of outrage, revulsion and shock, the Chinese Government responded by saying that "demonstrations would not only undermine the stability of the state but also tarnish the image of Myanmar's monks".
Why has Beijing taken a hard line in Tibet? The key is "stability of state".
Don't be fooled by the glamour of Shanghai or the magnificence of Beijing. There are large swaths of disunity and disorder in the country.
For example, China claims 23 provinces, five autonomous regions, four municipalities, and two special administrative regions: Hong Kong and Macau. Of these, Taiwan remains recalcitrant and is effectively a separate state. Many of the Uighurs in the western province of Xinjiang want out.
Residents in Hong Kong want guarantees that Beijing will not dismantle the rights they enjoyed under British rule. And traditional Tibetans, fearful of a complete Han Chinese takeover and the suppression of their culture and religion, want more and more autonomy.
Furthermore, there is widespread disorder even in provinces that pose no challenge to Beijing's right to rule. In 2006, the latest available figures, there were 87,000 officially recorded instances of unrest, which is defined as those involving 15 or more people.
These protests are overwhelmingly spontaneous and arise from the frustration of the one billion or so "have-nots": with the hardship in their lives, against illegal taxes and land grabs by corrupt officials, against job losses and so on.
Although these protests rarely call for the overthrow of the regime, they do express profound dissatisfaction with local officials.
This brings us back to Tibet.
Note that most Chinese do not support the separatist agendas of Tibet, Taiwan or Xinjiang. They would rather see a strong and unified China restored to historic glory. Indeed, most Chinese do not want to see their government give in to separatist agendas and would be critical of the leadership if it did so.
Therefore, as far as Beijing is concerned, when the regime's moral and political legitimacy is threatened, the leadership almost always chooses to take a hard, uncompromising line.
It is one thing to negotiate with protesters when the issue is about lost jobs in Chongqing. It is another thing completely when the protest is a direct challenge to the party's right to rule.
To be sure, the monks and their supporters cannot by themselves foment widespread protest throughout China. The protests will eventually be quelled and their leaders will no doubt be dealt with brutally.
However, President Hu Jintao, who incidentally earned early brownie points within the party by leading a crackdown of political dissidents in Tibet in 1989, deeply understands that authoritarian regimes appear weak at their own peril and losing face will only embolden the "enemies of state".
Even back in 2005, the Communist Party's Leading Group on Foreign Affairs, which is chaired by Hu, argued that "hostile foreign forces have not abandoned their conspiracy and tactics to Westernise China and to divide the country". Principles such as self-determination sought by provinces such as Tibet and Taiwan were part of these Western political weapons.
Elsewhere, the LGFA has spoken about the democratic and other "viruses" that were behind the "colour revolutions" in Ukraine and Georgia, and which could conceivably take root in places such as Xinjiang and Tibet.
This in large part explains why Chinese authorities are so deeply suspicious of any grouping with loyalties that might transcend the state and regime or at least cannot be easily controlled by the state, such as the Falun Gong, Catholics and independent trade unions.
While we see the Dalai Lama as a humble and peace-loving spiritual leader of a major world religion, Beijing sees him as a political agitator in league with influential Western agents who presents a clear and present danger to the "stability of state". In Beijing's eyes, these protests were, after all, preceded by the Dalai Lama's calls for greater Tibetan autonomy.
Beijing has written several manuals to counsel officials on how to manage protests in the lead-up to the Olympic Games in August. It details options to deal with protest leaders: namely the tactical use of permissiveness and repression, compromise and coercion, on a case by case basis.
This is designed to take the fuel out of the fire. Sometimes leaders of protests are taken away; other times they are paid off; and other times they are given what they want.
In this case, its handbook for managing protests has offered authorities few options.
Predictably, Beijing will feel that it has no room to move and has taken a hard line by cracking down on the protesters and declaring a "people's war" of security and propaganda against the Dalai Lama.
Hu will at least be relieved that this has happened now rather than in August when several thousand Western journalists will be in China.
John Lee is a visiting fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies. His book Will China Fail? was released by the CIS last year.
Increased security presence leads to clashes in Shan state
Solomon
Mizzima News
March 17, 2008
New Delhi – The ruling Burmese military junta has significantly increased the presence of troops in Shan State to intensify security before it holds the referendum on the draft constitution in May, ethnic Shan rebels said.
The spokesperson of the Shan State Army (South), Sai Loa Seng, said they have exchanged fire with the Burmese Army at least thrice in March alone, when they bumped into each other.
"This month alone, we have clashed thrice with the Burmese troops and exchanged gun fire. But there were no casualties on either side except for one Burmese Army Major," Sai Lao Seng told Mizzima over telephone.
The SSA spokesperson said it was rare for the SSA and the Burmese Army to meet unintentionally, without launching an operation. This is a sign that the Burmese Army is increasing its presence in Shan state.
"In each of our encounters, there were about 60 to 100 soldiers on their side, and it does not seem like they are into any major offensive targeting us," Sai Lao Seng said.
He added that the Burmese soldiers seemed more like providing security to officials who have come to Shan state for registering villagers and ceasefire armed groups as a preparation to enable them to vote in the referendum.
Khun Sai, editor of the Thailand based Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N), who is following up on information in Burma's eastern State of Shan, confirmed the clashes between SSA cadres and Burmese troops.
He added that the Burmese Army troops are not on an operation but are providing security to officials, who travel across villages in Shan State to provide national identity cards, with which holders are eligible to cast their votes in the ensuing referendum.
Sources among the armed rebels, who have a ceasefire pact with the junta, said the Burmese authorities have began the process of registering villagers and members of the armed groups, and are providing them with temporary identity cards since the end of February.
In February, the junta enacted a law for the constitution approval process, in which one of the articles mentions that only Burmese citizens, who posses national identity cards, will be eligible to vote.
The junta has announced holding of a referendum in May and general elections in 2010.
Mizzima News
March 17, 2008
New Delhi – The ruling Burmese military junta has significantly increased the presence of troops in Shan State to intensify security before it holds the referendum on the draft constitution in May, ethnic Shan rebels said.
The spokesperson of the Shan State Army (South), Sai Loa Seng, said they have exchanged fire with the Burmese Army at least thrice in March alone, when they bumped into each other.
"This month alone, we have clashed thrice with the Burmese troops and exchanged gun fire. But there were no casualties on either side except for one Burmese Army Major," Sai Lao Seng told Mizzima over telephone.
The SSA spokesperson said it was rare for the SSA and the Burmese Army to meet unintentionally, without launching an operation. This is a sign that the Burmese Army is increasing its presence in Shan state.
"In each of our encounters, there were about 60 to 100 soldiers on their side, and it does not seem like they are into any major offensive targeting us," Sai Lao Seng said.
He added that the Burmese soldiers seemed more like providing security to officials who have come to Shan state for registering villagers and ceasefire armed groups as a preparation to enable them to vote in the referendum.
Khun Sai, editor of the Thailand based Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N), who is following up on information in Burma's eastern State of Shan, confirmed the clashes between SSA cadres and Burmese troops.
He added that the Burmese Army troops are not on an operation but are providing security to officials, who travel across villages in Shan State to provide national identity cards, with which holders are eligible to cast their votes in the ensuing referendum.
Sources among the armed rebels, who have a ceasefire pact with the junta, said the Burmese authorities have began the process of registering villagers and members of the armed groups, and are providing them with temporary identity cards since the end of February.
In February, the junta enacted a law for the constitution approval process, in which one of the articles mentions that only Burmese citizens, who posses national identity cards, will be eligible to vote.
The junta has announced holding of a referendum in May and general elections in 2010.
Burmese monks call for stop to violence in Tibet
By Phanida
Mizzima News
17 March 2008
Chiang Mai – The 'International Burmese Monks Association' called on the Chinese authorities yesterday to stop using violence against Tibetan monks and people who are staging protests in Tibet.
The Chinese authorities used force against Tibetan monks and Tibetan people who staged protests for freedom of religion and releasing of detained monks. The crackdown started since March 14 and brute force is being used against the protesters.
The statement of Burmese monks said they are concerned about the security of their fellow Tibetan monks, their freedom of expression and freedom of religion in Tibet.
The Thai based Burmese monks association Vice-Chairman Ashin Pyinyar Tharmi said, "The persecution unleashed by the Chinese authorities insults Buddhism. We demand that the Chinese government stop it. They beat up Tibetan abbots and monks, and imprisoned them. We cannot accept these things for any reason. Monks, irrespective whether they are from Tibet or Burma, do not want violence. The Sasana Moli vehemently protested against the violence used in Tibet".
Ashin Pyinyar Tharami said that raiding and sealing monasteries by the Chinese authorities in Tibet are identical to the activities by the Burmese junta in Burma.
Sasana Moli General Secretary Ashin U Ottara said, "The Chinese and Burmese governments are waging a holy war. We'd like to appeal to the world family to help us in stopping this war".
The London based pro-democracy activists will launch a solidarity campaign along with the London based Tibet Campaign. And the London based monks will stage a demonstration in front of the Chinese embassy in London from 4 to 7 p.m. local time today.
Mizzima News
17 March 2008
Chiang Mai – The 'International Burmese Monks Association' called on the Chinese authorities yesterday to stop using violence against Tibetan monks and people who are staging protests in Tibet.
The Chinese authorities used force against Tibetan monks and Tibetan people who staged protests for freedom of religion and releasing of detained monks. The crackdown started since March 14 and brute force is being used against the protesters.
The statement of Burmese monks said they are concerned about the security of their fellow Tibetan monks, their freedom of expression and freedom of religion in Tibet.
The Thai based Burmese monks association Vice-Chairman Ashin Pyinyar Tharmi said, "The persecution unleashed by the Chinese authorities insults Buddhism. We demand that the Chinese government stop it. They beat up Tibetan abbots and monks, and imprisoned them. We cannot accept these things for any reason. Monks, irrespective whether they are from Tibet or Burma, do not want violence. The Sasana Moli vehemently protested against the violence used in Tibet".
Ashin Pyinyar Tharami said that raiding and sealing monasteries by the Chinese authorities in Tibet are identical to the activities by the Burmese junta in Burma.
Sasana Moli General Secretary Ashin U Ottara said, "The Chinese and Burmese governments are waging a holy war. We'd like to appeal to the world family to help us in stopping this war".
The London based pro-democracy activists will launch a solidarity campaign along with the London based Tibet Campaign. And the London based monks will stage a demonstration in front of the Chinese embassy in London from 4 to 7 p.m. local time today.
Week's suspension of 7 Days News journal for reporting murders
By Nam Davies
Mizzima News
17 March 2008
New Delhi: Using its draconian laws the Burmese Censor Board under the Ministry of Information suspended the publication of '7 Days News' journal for reporting the multiple murders in Green Bank, Kamayut Township, Rangoon.
The Rangoon based '7 Days News' weekly journal reported the multiple murders in its 13th March issue with the headline 'Four souls taking order to find culprits'. It was made to suspend publication for a week, a source close to Journal told Mizzima.
The March 19 issue of the journal has been banned and will not be distributed to the market.
"They banned Wednesday's issue. This issue reported the funeral ceremony and what the police said besides having news photographs of the coffins. As far as we know, the censor board didn't allow both the news headline and the news photo, and ordered the editors to remove these. But we heard that the journal reported them as supplementary news," an editor of a weekly journal said on condition of anonymity.
Similarly the editors of 'The Voice' weekly journal published every Saturday were summoned to the censor board office and ordered to sign the pledge. The weekly journal also reported the news of the killing of five persons with news photographs.
"The editors of 'The Voice' journal were summoned and interrogated about the news photograph and ordered to sign on the bond. The news photograph of security personnel and police forces deployed at the crime scene appeared with the news report. They had to just sign on the pledge. That's all," the editor added.
"But we learnt that no action was taken against other weekly journals, like 'Weekly Eleven' and Flowers 'News Journal'. They too reported the multiple murders as it appeared in the state-run media," he added.
On March 3, four family members and a housemaid at a residence under tight security, near to the home of Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, were shot dead in broad daylight.
Businessman Charlie (Saw Kyipha), aged 60, and his wife San San Myint, 58, along with their two daughters, Mya Sanda, 36, and Hnin Pwint Aye, 27, and their housemaid Alphaw, 15, were all shot in the head inside the residence at No.126 Seinlaekanthar Street, Kamaryut Township.
The culprit, or culprits, is still at large and a police source says cash totaling at least $90,000 was missing from the victim's home.
Mizzima News
17 March 2008
New Delhi: Using its draconian laws the Burmese Censor Board under the Ministry of Information suspended the publication of '7 Days News' journal for reporting the multiple murders in Green Bank, Kamayut Township, Rangoon.
The Rangoon based '7 Days News' weekly journal reported the multiple murders in its 13th March issue with the headline 'Four souls taking order to find culprits'. It was made to suspend publication for a week, a source close to Journal told Mizzima.
The March 19 issue of the journal has been banned and will not be distributed to the market.
"They banned Wednesday's issue. This issue reported the funeral ceremony and what the police said besides having news photographs of the coffins. As far as we know, the censor board didn't allow both the news headline and the news photo, and ordered the editors to remove these. But we heard that the journal reported them as supplementary news," an editor of a weekly journal said on condition of anonymity.
Similarly the editors of 'The Voice' weekly journal published every Saturday were summoned to the censor board office and ordered to sign the pledge. The weekly journal also reported the news of the killing of five persons with news photographs.
"The editors of 'The Voice' journal were summoned and interrogated about the news photograph and ordered to sign on the bond. The news photograph of security personnel and police forces deployed at the crime scene appeared with the news report. They had to just sign on the pledge. That's all," the editor added.
"But we learnt that no action was taken against other weekly journals, like 'Weekly Eleven' and Flowers 'News Journal'. They too reported the multiple murders as it appeared in the state-run media," he added.
On March 3, four family members and a housemaid at a residence under tight security, near to the home of Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, were shot dead in broad daylight.
Businessman Charlie (Saw Kyipha), aged 60, and his wife San San Myint, 58, along with their two daughters, Mya Sanda, 36, and Hnin Pwint Aye, 27, and their housemaid Alphaw, 15, were all shot in the head inside the residence at No.126 Seinlaekanthar Street, Kamaryut Township.
The culprit, or culprits, is still at large and a police source says cash totaling at least $90,000 was missing from the victim's home.
Than Shwe's daughter pleads for furniture at fair
Mizzima News
17 March 2008
Rangoon – In an acute display of lack of self respect, Khin Thandar Shwe, daughter of Burmese military junta supremo Snr. Gen. Than Shwe, visited the Myanmar Furniture Fair, pleaded and took away furniture worth approximately USD 10,000 without payment, sources said.
She visited 'Myanmar Furniture Fair 2008' held at the Armed Forces Hall (Envoy Hall) in U Wisara Road, Rangoon on March 8. She took away a truckload of woodcrafts and furniture in a 'CANTER' truck. Most of the stuff was from 'Golden Pollen Myanmar'.
"She took away all she wanted without making any payment. The furniture companies did not dare ask for payment from her because most of these companies are running on import-export licenses issued by Myanmar Timber Corporation," a source in the industry said.
A staff member from another company said they gave the furniture to her free of cost.
The biennial furniture fair was scheduled to be held from March 3 to 7 but was extended for another two days.
Thandar Shwe, daughter of Snr. Gen. Than Shwe and Kyaing Kyaing, was married in July 2006. In the videotape of the wedding ceremony, she was seen wearing a lot of diamonds.
The lavish wedding ceremony where USD 50 million was rumored to have been spent in one of the poorest countries in the world became infamous. The physical possession of the video disc and video tape of the wedding ceremony carries a prison term and it was strictly banned in Burma.
17 March 2008
Rangoon – In an acute display of lack of self respect, Khin Thandar Shwe, daughter of Burmese military junta supremo Snr. Gen. Than Shwe, visited the Myanmar Furniture Fair, pleaded and took away furniture worth approximately USD 10,000 without payment, sources said.
She visited 'Myanmar Furniture Fair 2008' held at the Armed Forces Hall (Envoy Hall) in U Wisara Road, Rangoon on March 8. She took away a truckload of woodcrafts and furniture in a 'CANTER' truck. Most of the stuff was from 'Golden Pollen Myanmar'.
"She took away all she wanted without making any payment. The furniture companies did not dare ask for payment from her because most of these companies are running on import-export licenses issued by Myanmar Timber Corporation," a source in the industry said.
A staff member from another company said they gave the furniture to her free of cost.
The biennial furniture fair was scheduled to be held from March 3 to 7 but was extended for another two days.
Thandar Shwe, daughter of Snr. Gen. Than Shwe and Kyaing Kyaing, was married in July 2006. In the videotape of the wedding ceremony, she was seen wearing a lot of diamonds.
The lavish wedding ceremony where USD 50 million was rumored to have been spent in one of the poorest countries in the world became infamous. The physical possession of the video disc and video tape of the wedding ceremony carries a prison term and it was strictly banned in Burma.
Monday, 17 March 2008
Bullets cannot kill freedom in the heart
By May Ng
Mizzima News
March 17, 2008
"The way is not in the sky. The way is in the heart," teaches Buddha.
Until the Saffron Revolution, images over the Internet were not expected to have much impact in Burma, since most people in the isolated country lack access to the Internet. But when, following widely available images of the opulent wedding of General Than Shwe's daughter, August's fuel price hike left poor Burmese on the verge of starvation, the people's anger was aroused.
During September's Saffron Revolution, the Burmese military was at a loss as to how the closely guarded country leaked pictures and information about the bloody protests to the worldwide media. And after killing, imprisoning and driving political protesters underground, the Burmese army and its supporter, China, confidently announced to the world that peace and order were restored in Burma.
Since then the Burmese junta has been playing a cat and mouse game with web-surfers, deliberately slowing down the Internet connection. China reportedly employs thirty thousand cyber hackers to infiltrate individuals and governments across the globe. Last year Russia shut down a neighboring governments' Internet access during a period of heightened conflict.
In response to cyber censorship throughout the world, Reporters Without Borders launched the first Online Free Expression Day on March 12. They remarked, "We are giving all Internet users the opportunity to demonstrate in places where protests are not normally possible. We hope many will come and protest in virtual versions of Beijing's Tiananmen Square, Cuba's Revolution Square, or on the streets of Rangoon in Burma. At least 62 cyber-dissidents are currently imprisoned worldwide, while more than 2,600 websites; blogs or discussions forums were closed or made inaccessible in 2007".
The Burmese military is being trained in Russia in computer technology and China gives enormous support, including Internet technology, to the Burmese army. Burma related news and information network sites are under constant attack by cyber assailants in support of the Burmese junta.
Similar to events during the Saffron Revolution in Burma, the latest information from Tibet is now being delayed and distorted as the autonomous region is witnessing widespread unrest to Chinese rule. While Beijing told the world a few days ago that the outbreak of protests in Tibet has been under control and inconsequential, the situation has escalated, involving death and destruction. Instead of taking responsibility, China points the finger at exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, and accuses him of plotting the violence as part of "separatist sabotage."
As fires burn in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa, neither has the iron grip of Beijing prevented Tibetan news from reaching the world, nor have the iron rods beaten the desire for freedom from the hearts of Tibetans.
For six decades China has conquered the Tibetans' sky but not their hearts. To do so China must begin with truth and tolerance, which takes a lot more courage and determination than the challenges of the Olympics.
For now, China and its partner, the Burmese junta, are clearly not up to the task of facing truth or tolerance. Until they do, the Beijing Olympics will be a mockery of the ultimate human aspiration for peace and freedom.
May Ng is a Burmese member of Justice for Human Rights in Burma.
Mizzima News
March 17, 2008
"The way is not in the sky. The way is in the heart," teaches Buddha.
Until the Saffron Revolution, images over the Internet were not expected to have much impact in Burma, since most people in the isolated country lack access to the Internet. But when, following widely available images of the opulent wedding of General Than Shwe's daughter, August's fuel price hike left poor Burmese on the verge of starvation, the people's anger was aroused.
During September's Saffron Revolution, the Burmese military was at a loss as to how the closely guarded country leaked pictures and information about the bloody protests to the worldwide media. And after killing, imprisoning and driving political protesters underground, the Burmese army and its supporter, China, confidently announced to the world that peace and order were restored in Burma.
Since then the Burmese junta has been playing a cat and mouse game with web-surfers, deliberately slowing down the Internet connection. China reportedly employs thirty thousand cyber hackers to infiltrate individuals and governments across the globe. Last year Russia shut down a neighboring governments' Internet access during a period of heightened conflict.
In response to cyber censorship throughout the world, Reporters Without Borders launched the first Online Free Expression Day on March 12. They remarked, "We are giving all Internet users the opportunity to demonstrate in places where protests are not normally possible. We hope many will come and protest in virtual versions of Beijing's Tiananmen Square, Cuba's Revolution Square, or on the streets of Rangoon in Burma. At least 62 cyber-dissidents are currently imprisoned worldwide, while more than 2,600 websites; blogs or discussions forums were closed or made inaccessible in 2007".
The Burmese military is being trained in Russia in computer technology and China gives enormous support, including Internet technology, to the Burmese army. Burma related news and information network sites are under constant attack by cyber assailants in support of the Burmese junta.
Similar to events during the Saffron Revolution in Burma, the latest information from Tibet is now being delayed and distorted as the autonomous region is witnessing widespread unrest to Chinese rule. While Beijing told the world a few days ago that the outbreak of protests in Tibet has been under control and inconsequential, the situation has escalated, involving death and destruction. Instead of taking responsibility, China points the finger at exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, and accuses him of plotting the violence as part of "separatist sabotage."
As fires burn in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa, neither has the iron grip of Beijing prevented Tibetan news from reaching the world, nor have the iron rods beaten the desire for freedom from the hearts of Tibetans.
For six decades China has conquered the Tibetans' sky but not their hearts. To do so China must begin with truth and tolerance, which takes a lot more courage and determination than the challenges of the Olympics.
For now, China and its partner, the Burmese junta, are clearly not up to the task of facing truth or tolerance. Until they do, the Beijing Olympics will be a mockery of the ultimate human aspiration for peace and freedom.
May Ng is a Burmese member of Justice for Human Rights in Burma.
Brown blasts Rudd over Tibet
March 17, 2008 - Australian Greens leader Bob Brown has accused the prime minister of been "effectively silent" on a violent crackdown on Tibetan protesters by Chinese authorities.
Mr Rudd's reaction to the crackdown, compared to his stance against the military in Burma, was double standards, he said.
"I can't believe that this prime minster has been so effectively silent except for calling for restraint, whatever that is," Senator Brown told reporters today in Canberra.
"When the Burmese crisis was on last year, with Buddhist monks and nuns being shot and incarcerated and tortured, this prime minister called on the then (Howard) government for targeted sanctions against the Burmese regime and for coordinated worldwide condemnation of Burma.
"Now, we've got the same thing happening in Tibet and the prime minister, who's made such a feature of his understanding and relationship with China, is effectively saying nothing except: 'Let's have restraint'."
Senator Brown said seven million Tibetan people had been treated abominably and had no rights.
They were being treated cruelly just for calling for the freedom of their own country, he said.
"Our prime minister and this government has got to get some backbone over Tibet and speak up and look the Chinese communist dictatorship in the eye when Kevin Rudd gets to China and call on China to haul off on Tibet," Senator Brown said.
AAP - Sydney Morning Herald
Mr Rudd's reaction to the crackdown, compared to his stance against the military in Burma, was double standards, he said.
"I can't believe that this prime minster has been so effectively silent except for calling for restraint, whatever that is," Senator Brown told reporters today in Canberra.
"When the Burmese crisis was on last year, with Buddhist monks and nuns being shot and incarcerated and tortured, this prime minister called on the then (Howard) government for targeted sanctions against the Burmese regime and for coordinated worldwide condemnation of Burma.
"Now, we've got the same thing happening in Tibet and the prime minister, who's made such a feature of his understanding and relationship with China, is effectively saying nothing except: 'Let's have restraint'."
Senator Brown said seven million Tibetan people had been treated abominably and had no rights.
They were being treated cruelly just for calling for the freedom of their own country, he said.
"Our prime minister and this government has got to get some backbone over Tibet and speak up and look the Chinese communist dictatorship in the eye when Kevin Rudd gets to China and call on China to haul off on Tibet," Senator Brown said.
AAP - Sydney Morning Herald
Noppadon seems woefully uninformed on Burma issue
By Julian Pieniazek
Nation Multi Media
The latest edict from Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama concerning his government's policy toward Burma is monumentally and breathtakingly staggering in the way it completely ignores all the plainly dreadful facts of recent events in Burma.
March 17, 2008 - His edict ignores the brutal assault and murder of monks and peaceful citizenry and the abject state of a nation that was once (before the generals) a shining light of development in the region. Now some 70 per cent of the population are living on a dollar a day, infant mortality rates are among the worst in the world (according to a UN study, nearly 400 children under the age of five die every day from preventable diseases) and per-capita spending on health and education is around 50 US cents per year!
But that is only part of it. The foreign minister also seems to be totally unaware of the complete and utter intransigence being shown by the junta in the face of all efforts by the UN and most governments around the world to encourage serious moves toward real democracy.
Noppadon Pattama's apparent attempt at rapprochement with the generals is a slur against the whole of Thailand - any government that cares to deal with such murderers and crooks drags their country's reputation through the most stench-ridden gutter imaginable. Can he honestly believe that his words stand a snowball-in-hell's chance of being taken at face value when he chooses to completely disregard the "elephants in the sitting room" - human rights, justice and the litany of crimes against the Burmese people committed by that dreadful regime?
Nation Multi Media
The latest edict from Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama concerning his government's policy toward Burma is monumentally and breathtakingly staggering in the way it completely ignores all the plainly dreadful facts of recent events in Burma.
March 17, 2008 - His edict ignores the brutal assault and murder of monks and peaceful citizenry and the abject state of a nation that was once (before the generals) a shining light of development in the region. Now some 70 per cent of the population are living on a dollar a day, infant mortality rates are among the worst in the world (according to a UN study, nearly 400 children under the age of five die every day from preventable diseases) and per-capita spending on health and education is around 50 US cents per year!
But that is only part of it. The foreign minister also seems to be totally unaware of the complete and utter intransigence being shown by the junta in the face of all efforts by the UN and most governments around the world to encourage serious moves toward real democracy.
Noppadon Pattama's apparent attempt at rapprochement with the generals is a slur against the whole of Thailand - any government that cares to deal with such murderers and crooks drags their country's reputation through the most stench-ridden gutter imaginable. Can he honestly believe that his words stand a snowball-in-hell's chance of being taken at face value when he chooses to completely disregard the "elephants in the sitting room" - human rights, justice and the litany of crimes against the Burmese people committed by that dreadful regime?
Athletes considering Beijing boycott: IOC official
Phayul
March 16, 2008 - International Olympic Committee (IOC) vice-president Thomas Bach says a number of top athletes are considering boycotting the games in China over the bloody crackdown on protesters in Tibet.
"Several sports stars are feeling ill at ease when they think about the Olympic Games. Some are even considering cancelling," Mr Bach, of Germany, told Sunday's edition of the Bild am Sonntag newspaper.
Mr Bach said he understood the athletes' concerns about the situation in Tibet but said he was advising them to participate.
"They will realise when they assess the situation that it is better to make an appearance than to stay away. That is a symbol that will be noticed by the public," he said.
Asked if human rights had been a concern when Beijing was selected to host the Games in August, Mr Bach said the IOC believed the intense focus on China would have a positive effect.
"We are of the opinion that the Games will help China open up. But we cannot solve the problems that UN secretaries general have not been able to solve for generations," he said.
"The Olympic Games can foster change and be a catalyst for a solution but they are not a panacea."
Mr Bach said the current debate over China reminded him of the discussions before the US-led boycott of the Olympic Games in Moscow in 1980 over the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
He urged an end to the violence in Tibet.
"We call on both sides to reject violence," he said. "I hope there will be a peaceful solution."
March 16, 2008 - International Olympic Committee (IOC) vice-president Thomas Bach says a number of top athletes are considering boycotting the games in China over the bloody crackdown on protesters in Tibet.
"Several sports stars are feeling ill at ease when they think about the Olympic Games. Some are even considering cancelling," Mr Bach, of Germany, told Sunday's edition of the Bild am Sonntag newspaper.
Mr Bach said he understood the athletes' concerns about the situation in Tibet but said he was advising them to participate.
"They will realise when they assess the situation that it is better to make an appearance than to stay away. That is a symbol that will be noticed by the public," he said.
Asked if human rights had been a concern when Beijing was selected to host the Games in August, Mr Bach said the IOC believed the intense focus on China would have a positive effect.
"We are of the opinion that the Games will help China open up. But we cannot solve the problems that UN secretaries general have not been able to solve for generations," he said.
"The Olympic Games can foster change and be a catalyst for a solution but they are not a panacea."
Mr Bach said the current debate over China reminded him of the discussions before the US-led boycott of the Olympic Games in Moscow in 1980 over the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
He urged an end to the violence in Tibet.
"We call on both sides to reject violence," he said. "I hope there will be a peaceful solution."
Source: AFP - Phayul
Saturday, 15 March 2008
Junta-back militia group employs locals without wages
KNG News
March 14, 2008 - Local people are being used in road construction work without wages by a Kachin militia group, the Rebellion Resistance Force (RRF) backed by Burma's ruling junta in Kachin State in Northern Burma, local sources said.
Although, hundreds of local people were employed with the promise of reasonable wages in a new horse-road construction project between the military bases of the militia group in Hkawnglang Hpu and near Gi Gi Pass on the Sino-Burma border, most workers were not paid, a resident told KNG today.
The Hkawnglang Hpu is one of the junta's under implementation development projects in Kachin State and the junta's high ranking officials often visit the area every year.
According to a resident near the Hkawnglang Hpu, the road construction is a joint project of the RRF and it was started late last year. They had asked local workers to work on the promise of payment of Kyat 800,000 (est. US $ 727) per mile or Kyat 100,000 (est. US $ 91) per one-eighth of a mile as construction wages.
March 14, 2008 - Local people are being used in road construction work without wages by a Kachin militia group, the Rebellion Resistance Force (RRF) backed by Burma's ruling junta in Kachin State in Northern Burma, local sources said.
Although, hundreds of local people were employed with the promise of reasonable wages in a new horse-road construction project between the military bases of the militia group in Hkawnglang Hpu and near Gi Gi Pass on the Sino-Burma border, most workers were not paid, a resident told KNG today.
The Hkawnglang Hpu is one of the junta's under implementation development projects in Kachin State and the junta's high ranking officials often visit the area every year.
According to a resident near the Hkawnglang Hpu, the road construction is a joint project of the RRF and it was started late last year. They had asked local workers to work on the promise of payment of Kyat 800,000 (est. US $ 727) per mile or Kyat 100,000 (est. US $ 91) per one-eighth of a mile as construction wages.
United front to combat junta's referendum?
Mungpi
Mizzima News
March 14, 2008, New Delhi - Burma's prominent student activists group, widely known as '8.8.88 generation', Friday called on the people of Burma to vote 'NO' in the junta's upcoming constitutional referendum.
88 generation, in a statement released today, called on the people of Burma to vote 'NO' at the ballot boxes to prevent "the country from falling into the depths as a result of the junta's one-sided road-map."
"Let us transform the junta's sham national referendum into a 'National Show of the Peoples' Desire'," the statement urged.
This is the first official statement made by 88 generation on the upcoming referendum, for which the junta's referendum law declares criticizing the referendum process as a criminal offence.
Tun Myint Aung, an 88 generation student who is on the run from arrest, told Mizzima from his hideout that it is crucial for the people of Burma not to miss the opportunity to vote against the junta's plans.
"By voting 'No' we are not only against the junta's referendum, we want the junta to know that the people of Burma do not recognize every step of its road-map or their rule," Tun Myint Aung elaborated.
Burma's military rulers have announced they will hold a referendum on a draft constitution in May and a general election in 2010, for the first time setting a timetable on its 'seven-step road-map to democracy, which was announced in 2003.
However, critics say the junta's road-map lacks credibility as it excludes opposition parties as well as representatives of ethnic nationalities. Further, critics have slammed the junta's referendum plans saying they lack transparency without an independent group to monitor the process.
According to the junta's draft constitution, the military will automatically be given 25 % of parliamentary seats, and will be granted veto power to call for emergency rule anytime it deems necessary.
88 generation said the constitution will only allow the military dictatorship to perpetuate in Burma.
The group believes the only way for the people of Burma to deny military rule is to vote against the draft constitution.
"We do not want anybody to be in danger of their lives, so we are calling for the people to cast a 'No' vote, for which the junta cannot take action," Tun Myint Aung said.
February's referendum law states that anybody disturbing the constitutional poll is subject to three-year prison sentence.
"The authorities have no right to arrest you for voting 'AGAINST' this constitution," voices 88 generation.
Opposing views
Meanwhile, the 88 generation students (Union of Myanmar), a contemporary student group led by Aye Lwin, urged the people to vote in favor of the junta's constitution saying, "It is a chance to make democracy become real in our country."
The 88 generation students (Union of Myanmar), in a statement released on Thursday, said the referendum is a chance for the people of Burma to build democracy in the country.
Their argument, said Ye Tun, a member the group, is that no constitution is perfect and all have flaws. However, this is the first step in which the people of Burma, by endorsing the draft constitution, could begin the process of democratization.
"If the people of Burma boycott or give a 'NO' vote, then it will give the military another chance to delay the process of reform. Therefore, we are urging the people to utilize this opportunity to express that the people of Burma are ready for democracy," Ye Tun told Mizzima.
88 generation students (Union of Myanmar), the only student group that is allowed to operate freely by the junta, is accused by Burmese activists of being junta-led and used by the authorities to counter Min Ko Naing's 88 generation group.
The 88 generation students (Union of Myanmar) said they see this as the only way to build democracy and would continue a widespread campaign to gain support for the upcoming referendum.
While the two 88 generation students groups occupy different points of view on the junta's constitution, there exist additional perspectives as well.
Burma Campaign UK, a lobby group, have called for the boycott of the junta's road-map and urge the people not to vote in the referendum, saying it will give legitimacy to the generals that have plagued the country with over 40 years of unbroken rule.
Meanwhile, Dr. Nay Win Maung, a Burmese intellectual and Publisher of the Rangoon-based The Voice and CEO of Living Color Magazine, has cobbled together yet another solution to Burma's political stalemate.
Nay Win Maung, in an exclusive interview with Mizzima, said Burma's opposition party - National League for Democracy - should first endorse the junta's road-map and participate actively in the process alongside the junta, in a bid to build a better relationship with the junta.
He believes detained Burmese pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD party should prove they are not seeking political power by contesting only half of the total parliamentary seats.
"If it were me, I would just want to serve in the rebuilding of the country in any way I can. But I would tell the government that they have to release all political prisoners to build unity toward a prosperous and happy country. She should decide to stand resolutely as a strong opposition figure," said Nay Win Maung, referring to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Mystifying options
While the junta has made clear indications that it is determined to go ahead with its planned roadmap and is making the necessary preparations for a referendum, which they have declared to hold in May, opposition groups as well as the international community have varied in their responses.
Finding the best response seems to be a hard task and a big risk in trying to end decades of military rule in Burma, Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese analyst based in Thailand commented.
"There is no guarantee in any way that the people's response will be recognized by the junta. They [junta] have all the power and could always manipulate the results of the referendum as has been earlier done," Aung Naing Oo went on to remark.
The junta has declared that the upcoming referendum is to approve the draft constitution it has drawn, which indicates that they will get what they want, Aung Naing Oo continued, citing the junta's declaration on the referendum.
Aung Naing Oo did however say, "The people can show their resentment collectively by uniting on a common strategy. It could be of total boycott, or a vote of "No", but what's important is to be unified in their stance."
"The junta will go on with whatever their plan is, but if the people are united in their stand it is possible to achieve a certain goal," added Aung Naing Oo.
The Best Response
While there seems to be no best response to the junta's plan to legitimize its rule, 88 generation maintains it is best to vote against the junta's constitution, as by abstaining or by approving the junta will have excuses to derail a process of reforms.
"If all people vote 'No' then we believe the junta cannot just go ahead with their plan," Tun Myint Aung stressed.
He added that while the current game is being played on the junta's court, it is necessary for the people to win this game and change the court.
"Let us be responsible for what we, each and every one of us, need to do. Our united action will frighten the generals. They will come to realize that we are not puppets which they can crush as they wish. This will be a way for us to be free from all the crises we face," appeals 88 generation.
Mizzima News
March 14, 2008, New Delhi - Burma's prominent student activists group, widely known as '8.8.88 generation', Friday called on the people of Burma to vote 'NO' in the junta's upcoming constitutional referendum.
88 generation, in a statement released today, called on the people of Burma to vote 'NO' at the ballot boxes to prevent "the country from falling into the depths as a result of the junta's one-sided road-map."
"Let us transform the junta's sham national referendum into a 'National Show of the Peoples' Desire'," the statement urged.
This is the first official statement made by 88 generation on the upcoming referendum, for which the junta's referendum law declares criticizing the referendum process as a criminal offence.
Tun Myint Aung, an 88 generation student who is on the run from arrest, told Mizzima from his hideout that it is crucial for the people of Burma not to miss the opportunity to vote against the junta's plans.
"By voting 'No' we are not only against the junta's referendum, we want the junta to know that the people of Burma do not recognize every step of its road-map or their rule," Tun Myint Aung elaborated.
Burma's military rulers have announced they will hold a referendum on a draft constitution in May and a general election in 2010, for the first time setting a timetable on its 'seven-step road-map to democracy, which was announced in 2003.
However, critics say the junta's road-map lacks credibility as it excludes opposition parties as well as representatives of ethnic nationalities. Further, critics have slammed the junta's referendum plans saying they lack transparency without an independent group to monitor the process.
According to the junta's draft constitution, the military will automatically be given 25 % of parliamentary seats, and will be granted veto power to call for emergency rule anytime it deems necessary.
88 generation said the constitution will only allow the military dictatorship to perpetuate in Burma.
The group believes the only way for the people of Burma to deny military rule is to vote against the draft constitution.
"We do not want anybody to be in danger of their lives, so we are calling for the people to cast a 'No' vote, for which the junta cannot take action," Tun Myint Aung said.
February's referendum law states that anybody disturbing the constitutional poll is subject to three-year prison sentence.
"The authorities have no right to arrest you for voting 'AGAINST' this constitution," voices 88 generation.
Opposing views
Meanwhile, the 88 generation students (Union of Myanmar), a contemporary student group led by Aye Lwin, urged the people to vote in favor of the junta's constitution saying, "It is a chance to make democracy become real in our country."
The 88 generation students (Union of Myanmar), in a statement released on Thursday, said the referendum is a chance for the people of Burma to build democracy in the country.
Their argument, said Ye Tun, a member the group, is that no constitution is perfect and all have flaws. However, this is the first step in which the people of Burma, by endorsing the draft constitution, could begin the process of democratization.
"If the people of Burma boycott or give a 'NO' vote, then it will give the military another chance to delay the process of reform. Therefore, we are urging the people to utilize this opportunity to express that the people of Burma are ready for democracy," Ye Tun told Mizzima.
88 generation students (Union of Myanmar), the only student group that is allowed to operate freely by the junta, is accused by Burmese activists of being junta-led and used by the authorities to counter Min Ko Naing's 88 generation group.
The 88 generation students (Union of Myanmar) said they see this as the only way to build democracy and would continue a widespread campaign to gain support for the upcoming referendum.
While the two 88 generation students groups occupy different points of view on the junta's constitution, there exist additional perspectives as well.
Burma Campaign UK, a lobby group, have called for the boycott of the junta's road-map and urge the people not to vote in the referendum, saying it will give legitimacy to the generals that have plagued the country with over 40 years of unbroken rule.
Meanwhile, Dr. Nay Win Maung, a Burmese intellectual and Publisher of the Rangoon-based The Voice and CEO of Living Color Magazine, has cobbled together yet another solution to Burma's political stalemate.
Nay Win Maung, in an exclusive interview with Mizzima, said Burma's opposition party - National League for Democracy - should first endorse the junta's road-map and participate actively in the process alongside the junta, in a bid to build a better relationship with the junta.
He believes detained Burmese pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD party should prove they are not seeking political power by contesting only half of the total parliamentary seats.
"If it were me, I would just want to serve in the rebuilding of the country in any way I can. But I would tell the government that they have to release all political prisoners to build unity toward a prosperous and happy country. She should decide to stand resolutely as a strong opposition figure," said Nay Win Maung, referring to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Mystifying options
While the junta has made clear indications that it is determined to go ahead with its planned roadmap and is making the necessary preparations for a referendum, which they have declared to hold in May, opposition groups as well as the international community have varied in their responses.
Finding the best response seems to be a hard task and a big risk in trying to end decades of military rule in Burma, Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese analyst based in Thailand commented.
"There is no guarantee in any way that the people's response will be recognized by the junta. They [junta] have all the power and could always manipulate the results of the referendum as has been earlier done," Aung Naing Oo went on to remark.
The junta has declared that the upcoming referendum is to approve the draft constitution it has drawn, which indicates that they will get what they want, Aung Naing Oo continued, citing the junta's declaration on the referendum.
Aung Naing Oo did however say, "The people can show their resentment collectively by uniting on a common strategy. It could be of total boycott, or a vote of "No", but what's important is to be unified in their stance."
"The junta will go on with whatever their plan is, but if the people are united in their stand it is possible to achieve a certain goal," added Aung Naing Oo.
The Best Response
While there seems to be no best response to the junta's plan to legitimize its rule, 88 generation maintains it is best to vote against the junta's constitution, as by abstaining or by approving the junta will have excuses to derail a process of reforms.
"If all people vote 'No' then we believe the junta cannot just go ahead with their plan," Tun Myint Aung stressed.
He added that while the current game is being played on the junta's court, it is necessary for the people to win this game and change the court.
"Let us be responsible for what we, each and every one of us, need to do. Our united action will frighten the generals. They will come to realize that we are not puppets which they can crush as they wish. This will be a way for us to be free from all the crises we face," appeals 88 generation.
Don’t Blame Gambari!
By NEHGINPAO KIPGEN
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
Ibrahim Gambari, a seasoned Nigerian diplomat who has been tasked with coordinating the United Nations’ efforts to end the political impasse in Burma, wrapped up his latest visit to the country on March 10. The outcome of his mission, which ended without any improvement in the situation, was about as good as could be expected.
In the absence of a mandate from the UN Security Council, there was little chance that the special envoy could achieve anything concrete. When the Security Council refused to pass a resolution on Burma on January 12, it effectively ensured that Gambari’s efforts would become an exercise in futility.
Prior to his visit to Burma, the UN special envoy headed to neighboring countries to build some sort of consensus. As anticipated by many, including Burmese opposition groups and members of the United Nations, nothing has come of Gambari’s travels around the region.
Gambari was reportedly encouraged when the countries he visited paid lip service to the need for real improvement in Burma. But in the end, all he received were words without concrete commitments. China remains as determined as ever to expand its influence in the country for its own purposes, while India is still primarily concerned with countering Beijing’s growing clout.
The game being played by China and India is not about national security or ideology; they are not interested in spreading communism or democracy. The driving force behind the Burma policies of the two countries is economic interest.
Despite the shortcomings of UN efforts to date, however, we should acknowledge, with reservations, the good offices of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in his efforts to bring about some resolution of Burma’s longstanding conflicts. Although substantive results have yet to be borne, the first meeting of the 14-nation “Group of Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar” was convened on December 19, 2007.
There are two possible ways to end Burma’s current situation: through international intervention or by a popular uprising (supported by disgruntled military personnel). Although it may be naïve to even consider it, the swiftest way to bring change would be by military intervention, either by the United States or by the United Nations.
So far, the regime has easily withstood pressure from the international community, which has yet to make a truly concerted effort to address the situation in Burma. Change from within the country is also unlikely to emerge without the support of elements within the military that has run the country since 1962.
Meanwhile, the regime continues to push a constitution that is deeply flawed and clearly undemocratic. Under the military-drafted constitution, 25% seats will be reserved for the military, which will also reserve the right to declare “emergency rule” at will.
Gambari has become more of a negotiator than a mediator. A suggestion he put forward during his latest visit—allowing independent observers to monitor and provide technical assistance during the May referendum on the constitution—was rejected outright by the regime. This indicates that the military is not prepared to accept the role of the United Nations.
The generals in Burma may one day regret that they did not listen to Gambari when they had a chance. If the regime had accepted his proposal, it would have muted criticism of the referendum and given greater legitimacy to the entire road map process.
On the other hand, international acceptance of the regime’s political process would lead to the marginalization of opposition groups. The result of the 1990 general elections would be officially nullified, and the military’s draft constitution would be accepted as legitimate.
But if a free and fair countrywide referendum were held in Burma today, it would in no uncertain terms reject the constitution. If the regime does succeed in forcing its constitution on an unwilling public, it will only mean that the country will be destined to repeat its unhappy history.
Gambari gave it his best shot, but he was never given any bullets. Even if the UN secretary-general himself personally visited Burma, as many observers have said he should, it would not likely make a significant difference. The Burmese military has guns and resources, but Gambari and Ban Ki-moon only have rhetoric and no enforcement power from the UN Security Council to back it up.
Don’t blame Gambari for not achieving much. Blame China and Russia for exercising their veto powers to block a resolution on Burma!
Nehginpao Kipgen is the general secretary of the US-based Kuki International Forum and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004). He is also the editor of Kuki International Forum.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
Ibrahim Gambari, a seasoned Nigerian diplomat who has been tasked with coordinating the United Nations’ efforts to end the political impasse in Burma, wrapped up his latest visit to the country on March 10. The outcome of his mission, which ended without any improvement in the situation, was about as good as could be expected.
In the absence of a mandate from the UN Security Council, there was little chance that the special envoy could achieve anything concrete. When the Security Council refused to pass a resolution on Burma on January 12, it effectively ensured that Gambari’s efforts would become an exercise in futility.
Prior to his visit to Burma, the UN special envoy headed to neighboring countries to build some sort of consensus. As anticipated by many, including Burmese opposition groups and members of the United Nations, nothing has come of Gambari’s travels around the region.
Gambari was reportedly encouraged when the countries he visited paid lip service to the need for real improvement in Burma. But in the end, all he received were words without concrete commitments. China remains as determined as ever to expand its influence in the country for its own purposes, while India is still primarily concerned with countering Beijing’s growing clout.
The game being played by China and India is not about national security or ideology; they are not interested in spreading communism or democracy. The driving force behind the Burma policies of the two countries is economic interest.
Despite the shortcomings of UN efforts to date, however, we should acknowledge, with reservations, the good offices of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in his efforts to bring about some resolution of Burma’s longstanding conflicts. Although substantive results have yet to be borne, the first meeting of the 14-nation “Group of Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar” was convened on December 19, 2007.
There are two possible ways to end Burma’s current situation: through international intervention or by a popular uprising (supported by disgruntled military personnel). Although it may be naïve to even consider it, the swiftest way to bring change would be by military intervention, either by the United States or by the United Nations.
So far, the regime has easily withstood pressure from the international community, which has yet to make a truly concerted effort to address the situation in Burma. Change from within the country is also unlikely to emerge without the support of elements within the military that has run the country since 1962.
Meanwhile, the regime continues to push a constitution that is deeply flawed and clearly undemocratic. Under the military-drafted constitution, 25% seats will be reserved for the military, which will also reserve the right to declare “emergency rule” at will.
Gambari has become more of a negotiator than a mediator. A suggestion he put forward during his latest visit—allowing independent observers to monitor and provide technical assistance during the May referendum on the constitution—was rejected outright by the regime. This indicates that the military is not prepared to accept the role of the United Nations.
The generals in Burma may one day regret that they did not listen to Gambari when they had a chance. If the regime had accepted his proposal, it would have muted criticism of the referendum and given greater legitimacy to the entire road map process.
On the other hand, international acceptance of the regime’s political process would lead to the marginalization of opposition groups. The result of the 1990 general elections would be officially nullified, and the military’s draft constitution would be accepted as legitimate.
But if a free and fair countrywide referendum were held in Burma today, it would in no uncertain terms reject the constitution. If the regime does succeed in forcing its constitution on an unwilling public, it will only mean that the country will be destined to repeat its unhappy history.
Gambari gave it his best shot, but he was never given any bullets. Even if the UN secretary-general himself personally visited Burma, as many observers have said he should, it would not likely make a significant difference. The Burmese military has guns and resources, but Gambari and Ban Ki-moon only have rhetoric and no enforcement power from the UN Security Council to back it up.
Don’t blame Gambari for not achieving much. Blame China and Russia for exercising their veto powers to block a resolution on Burma!
Nehginpao Kipgen is the general secretary of the US-based Kuki International Forum and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004). He is also the editor of Kuki International Forum.
Crackdown Fallout Hits Burma Tourism Hard
By ED CROPLEY /REUTERS WRITER / PAGAN
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
It may be awash with cultural splendors, topped off by the 1,000-year-old temples of Pagan, but a reviled military government has ensured Burma has never been flooded with foreign tourists.
Six months after September's bloody crackdown on monk-led protests, that trickle of visitors—350,000 in 2006 compared to 13 million in neighboring Thailand—has all but dried up.
The former Burma's rigidly controlled domestic newspapers admit tourism almost halved in the three months after the crackdown, in which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed.
But in Pagan, a mystical plain studded with more than 4,000 temples and stupas on the banks of the mighty Irrawaddy River, hotel and restaurant operators say occupancy rates and takings are just 20-30 percent of the same time last year.
Given that the unrest, and the shocking images of soldiers attacking monks and unarmed demonstrators, fell on the eve of the "cool season"—the traditional peak time for tourism—the decline is threatening many with ruin.
"There are so few visitors at the moment," said tour guide Aung Myint with a shake of the head. "Many people are wondering how they will support their families during the low season. Now is when we're meant to be making all our money."
Although it only took a few days for the junta to crush the biggest democracy protests in 19 years, pictures, including the shooting of a Japanese journalist, reinforced the image of the former British colony as an unstable, hostile place.
Besides a growing number of Russian tour groups, the only visitors who appear to have shrugged off scruples or the perception of risk are German.
"I don't know why but most of the tourists now are Germans," said Aung Thein Myint, owner of a swish open-air restaurant on the banks of the Irrawaddy, where takings in October and November were down by 80 percent.
"They seem to think that until they start shooting Germans, it's still safe to visit," he said.
BLAME IT ON THE MEDIA
In typically uncompromising tone, the junta—the latest face of 46 years of unbroken military rule—blames the decline on the foreign media and dissidents who smuggled out pictures and reports of atrocities on the Internet.
"Some foreigners attempted to tarnish the image of Burma by posting in the Web sites the photos of the protest walks," Deputy Tourism Minister Aye Myint Kyu, a brigadier-general, wrote in state-run papers in January under a widely known pseudonym.
However, in one sense he is right: coverage of the crisis put the oft-forgotten southeast Asian nation firmly in the world spotlight and bolstered the cries of many anti-government organizations telling potential visitors to stay away.
Under the slogan "The cost of a holiday could be someone's life", groups such as the Burma Campaign UK argue that every tourist dollar props up a regime that uses forced labor, child soldiers and systematic rape of ethnic minority women—allegations the junta denies.
Boycott campaigners also say that the jobs of people working in tourism are an unfortunate but unavoidable consequence of the wider effort to overthrow the generals.
"The tourism industry in Burma is tiny. The vast majority of people will never see a tourist in their life," said Anna Roberts of the Burma Campaign UK.
SHOULD I STAY, SHOULD I GO?
Even though the call for a boycott came from detained Nobel peace laureate and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, it is not without its critics.
In particular, detractors argue it is an empty gesture since the cash gleaned directly and indirectly from tourism is a tiny fraction of that from gems and natural gas, which made the generals more than $2 billion in sales to Thailand alone in 2007.
They also say it pushes them further into the isolation on which they appear to thrive.
"The boycott is totally pointless," said Ton Schoonderwoerd, an independent Dutch tourist watching the sun rise above Pagan's temples, the product of 230 years of building by Buddhist kings that came to an abrupt end with a Mongol invasion in 1287.
"It may seem good to politicians in the US and Europe, but out here it just means that people struggle even more to make ends meet," he said.
Rather than coming down on either side of what is a passionate debate, backpacker bible Lonely Planet chooses simply to outline the pros and cons of visiting, and urges those who do to avoid government-run hotels and airlines.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
It may be awash with cultural splendors, topped off by the 1,000-year-old temples of Pagan, but a reviled military government has ensured Burma has never been flooded with foreign tourists.
Six months after September's bloody crackdown on monk-led protests, that trickle of visitors—350,000 in 2006 compared to 13 million in neighboring Thailand—has all but dried up.
The former Burma's rigidly controlled domestic newspapers admit tourism almost halved in the three months after the crackdown, in which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed.
But in Pagan, a mystical plain studded with more than 4,000 temples and stupas on the banks of the mighty Irrawaddy River, hotel and restaurant operators say occupancy rates and takings are just 20-30 percent of the same time last year.
Given that the unrest, and the shocking images of soldiers attacking monks and unarmed demonstrators, fell on the eve of the "cool season"—the traditional peak time for tourism—the decline is threatening many with ruin.
"There are so few visitors at the moment," said tour guide Aung Myint with a shake of the head. "Many people are wondering how they will support their families during the low season. Now is when we're meant to be making all our money."
Although it only took a few days for the junta to crush the biggest democracy protests in 19 years, pictures, including the shooting of a Japanese journalist, reinforced the image of the former British colony as an unstable, hostile place.
Besides a growing number of Russian tour groups, the only visitors who appear to have shrugged off scruples or the perception of risk are German.
"I don't know why but most of the tourists now are Germans," said Aung Thein Myint, owner of a swish open-air restaurant on the banks of the Irrawaddy, where takings in October and November were down by 80 percent.
"They seem to think that until they start shooting Germans, it's still safe to visit," he said.
BLAME IT ON THE MEDIA
In typically uncompromising tone, the junta—the latest face of 46 years of unbroken military rule—blames the decline on the foreign media and dissidents who smuggled out pictures and reports of atrocities on the Internet.
"Some foreigners attempted to tarnish the image of Burma by posting in the Web sites the photos of the protest walks," Deputy Tourism Minister Aye Myint Kyu, a brigadier-general, wrote in state-run papers in January under a widely known pseudonym.
However, in one sense he is right: coverage of the crisis put the oft-forgotten southeast Asian nation firmly in the world spotlight and bolstered the cries of many anti-government organizations telling potential visitors to stay away.
Under the slogan "The cost of a holiday could be someone's life", groups such as the Burma Campaign UK argue that every tourist dollar props up a regime that uses forced labor, child soldiers and systematic rape of ethnic minority women—allegations the junta denies.
Boycott campaigners also say that the jobs of people working in tourism are an unfortunate but unavoidable consequence of the wider effort to overthrow the generals.
"The tourism industry in Burma is tiny. The vast majority of people will never see a tourist in their life," said Anna Roberts of the Burma Campaign UK.
SHOULD I STAY, SHOULD I GO?
Even though the call for a boycott came from detained Nobel peace laureate and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, it is not without its critics.
In particular, detractors argue it is an empty gesture since the cash gleaned directly and indirectly from tourism is a tiny fraction of that from gems and natural gas, which made the generals more than $2 billion in sales to Thailand alone in 2007.
They also say it pushes them further into the isolation on which they appear to thrive.
"The boycott is totally pointless," said Ton Schoonderwoerd, an independent Dutch tourist watching the sun rise above Pagan's temples, the product of 230 years of building by Buddhist kings that came to an abrupt end with a Mongol invasion in 1287.
"It may seem good to politicians in the US and Europe, but out here it just means that people struggle even more to make ends meet," he said.
Rather than coming down on either side of what is a passionate debate, backpacker bible Lonely Planet chooses simply to outline the pros and cons of visiting, and urges those who do to avoid government-run hotels and airlines.
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