Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw and Aye Nai
Democratic Voice of Burma
Apr 4, 2008 (DVB)–The National League for Democracy has issued guidelines on the upcoming national referendum, and laid out its reasons for urging people to vote against the constitution.
NLD special information unit member U Thein Nyunt said the party had called on people to vote against the constitution because it was not written in accordance with democratic principles, but instead reflected the military regime’s own priorities.
The NLD guidelines advise people on the practicalities of voting in the referendum, including registering to vote and information on the polling stations.
The party also summarizes some of the key points it opposes in the draft constitution, such as the requirement for the president and vice president to have military knowledge and the allotting of 25 percent of parliamentary seats to the military.
The constitution also reportedly calls for civilian representatives to give up their seat in parliament if they take up a ministerial post, a requirement that does not apply to military representatives.
In addition, all armed forces are required to be under the control of the military chief, who is authorised to take power in a state of emergency under the draft, the NLD said.
Noting the campaigns run by the government and Union Solidarity and Development Association to encourage people to vote Yes in the referendum, Thein Nyunt said NLD should also have the right to mount their own campaign.
The NLD released a statement on 2 April calling on people to vote No in the national referendum in May.
A number of other pro-democracy groups have also urged people to vote against the constitution, while some have called for a boycott or sabotage of the referendum.
The government and its supporters have been using incentives and pressure to convince voters to support the constitution.
Saturday, 5 April 2008
Censors restrict media reporting on referendum
Reporting by Maung Too
Democratic Voice of Burma
The Burmese state censor board has issued strict instructions to the print media on how the upcoming national referendum should be reported, journalists said.
A journalist in Rangoon said some journals had decided not to write about the referendum at all rather than comply with the restrictive guidelines.
“We cannot write anything about the national referendum by ourselves,” the journalist said.
“We can publish articles about the national referendum written according to the instructions given by the censor board but we can't write it in our own way," he said.
“We are only allowed to write about the national referendum in the way it is described in the [state-run] New Light of Myanmar. So we just decided not to bother.”
Veteran journalist U Sein Hla Oo said the Burmese media has a responsibility to publish stories on the national referendum.
"Journalists in Burma now have a huge responsibility to report news about the national referendum,” he said.
“But it will be difficult for them as there is no press freedom in Burma."
Sein Hla Oo said the situation contrasted with the referendum in 1974, when the media was allowed to publish news stories in the run-up to the vote.
Democratic Voice of Burma
The Burmese state censor board has issued strict instructions to the print media on how the upcoming national referendum should be reported, journalists said.
A journalist in Rangoon said some journals had decided not to write about the referendum at all rather than comply with the restrictive guidelines.
“We cannot write anything about the national referendum by ourselves,” the journalist said.
“We can publish articles about the national referendum written according to the instructions given by the censor board but we can't write it in our own way," he said.
“We are only allowed to write about the national referendum in the way it is described in the [state-run] New Light of Myanmar. So we just decided not to bother.”
Veteran journalist U Sein Hla Oo said the Burmese media has a responsibility to publish stories on the national referendum.
"Journalists in Burma now have a huge responsibility to report news about the national referendum,” he said.
“But it will be difficult for them as there is no press freedom in Burma."
Sein Hla Oo said the situation contrasted with the referendum in 1974, when the media was allowed to publish news stories in the run-up to the vote.
NLD targets undecided voters
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Democratic Voice of Burma
Apr 4, 2008 (DVB)–The National League for Democracy will target voters who are uninterested in the referendum or undecided and try to persuade them to vote “No”, a party spokesperson said.
NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win said the party hoped to convince people to make their votes count.
"The National League for Democracy and its supporters intend to convince people who are not interested in voting in the referendum to vote 'No',” he said.
“We consider speaking out and giving one's opinion is a courageous thing."
A resident of Pazundaung township, Rangoon, said he and his family would vote against the constitution.
"I have made up my mind. I will definitely go to one of those voting polls and put in a 'No' vote. My whole family is going to do that," he said.
But others are sceptical and see little point in voting in the referendum, despite being opposed to the new constitution.
One resident of Bohtataung, Rangoon, who said he was not interested in the referendum, is the sort of person the NLD hopes to convince.
"I have no interest in the referendum that is to be held in May, and I am not going to vote,” he said.
“But if I did, I'd put in a 'No' vote. This government has done nothing right in the past and that hasn’t changed now. If I vote 'Yes' to the referendum, that'll be like supporting them.”
Another Bohtataung resident said he did not believe his vote would change anything.
"Even if I vote 'No' in the referendum, the government is still going to do what they want. I am not voting on this one," he said.
The NLD issued a statement on 2 April calling on the people of Burma to vote against the draft constitution in the May referendum.
The party has also issued guidelines laying out its reasons for opposing the constitution and giving practical information on voting procedures.
Democratic Voice of Burma
Apr 4, 2008 (DVB)–The National League for Democracy will target voters who are uninterested in the referendum or undecided and try to persuade them to vote “No”, a party spokesperson said.
NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win said the party hoped to convince people to make their votes count.
"The National League for Democracy and its supporters intend to convince people who are not interested in voting in the referendum to vote 'No',” he said.
“We consider speaking out and giving one's opinion is a courageous thing."
A resident of Pazundaung township, Rangoon, said he and his family would vote against the constitution.
"I have made up my mind. I will definitely go to one of those voting polls and put in a 'No' vote. My whole family is going to do that," he said.
But others are sceptical and see little point in voting in the referendum, despite being opposed to the new constitution.
One resident of Bohtataung, Rangoon, who said he was not interested in the referendum, is the sort of person the NLD hopes to convince.
"I have no interest in the referendum that is to be held in May, and I am not going to vote,” he said.
“But if I did, I'd put in a 'No' vote. This government has done nothing right in the past and that hasn’t changed now. If I vote 'Yes' to the referendum, that'll be like supporting them.”
Another Bohtataung resident said he did not believe his vote would change anything.
"Even if I vote 'No' in the referendum, the government is still going to do what they want. I am not voting on this one," he said.
The NLD issued a statement on 2 April calling on the people of Burma to vote against the draft constitution in the May referendum.
The party has also issued guidelines laying out its reasons for opposing the constitution and giving practical information on voting procedures.
NLD banned from visiting prisoners
By Naw Say Phaw
Democratic Voice of Burma
An assistance programme run by the National League for Democracy providing food and other necessities to inmates of Insein prison has been stopped by new regulations, an NLD member said.
The NLD had been visiting about 50 people held at the prison, including around 30 monks who were arrested after the September 2007 demonstrations, to provide them with packages containing food and other items.
The NLD member said most of the monks were from the well-known Ngway Kyar Yan, Shwe Taung and Maggin monasteries and the detained laypeople were from Arakan State, Shan state and Magwe division and so their own families found it difficult to visit them.
But now prison authorities have banned non-family members from visiting the detainees or giving parcels.
“We have been doing this to give assistance to monks and detainees from areas outside Rangoon as it was impossible for their families to come visit them regularly,” the NLD member said.
“On Tuesday, the Insein prison authorities set out a new regulation concerning prison visits, which says that only family members are now allowed to visit the detainees.”
Democratic Voice of Burma
An assistance programme run by the National League for Democracy providing food and other necessities to inmates of Insein prison has been stopped by new regulations, an NLD member said.
The NLD had been visiting about 50 people held at the prison, including around 30 monks who were arrested after the September 2007 demonstrations, to provide them with packages containing food and other items.
The NLD member said most of the monks were from the well-known Ngway Kyar Yan, Shwe Taung and Maggin monasteries and the detained laypeople were from Arakan State, Shan state and Magwe division and so their own families found it difficult to visit them.
But now prison authorities have banned non-family members from visiting the detainees or giving parcels.
“We have been doing this to give assistance to monks and detainees from areas outside Rangoon as it was impossible for their families to come visit them regularly,” the NLD member said.
“On Tuesday, the Insein prison authorities set out a new regulation concerning prison visits, which says that only family members are now allowed to visit the detainees.”
People threatened to support the draft constitution
By U Sein Kyi/ Lieng Lern
Shan Herald Agency for News
Local authorities are ordering the people to support the new constitutional referendum in May, with threats on those who might say no to the draft, according to residents of Namkham Township, on the Sino-Burma border.
On 31 March 2008 at 2 pm, Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) chairman U Tin Hlaing held a meeting at (TPDC) office with headmen from 30 village tracts. One village tract had to be represented by at least 1 person.
"U Tin Hlaing explained to the villagers how to vote in May for constitutional referendum and how the local authorities would observe them [people]", said a local.
"The local authorities will check the ballots after the polling station is closed. If they [local authorities] find out who is against the draft constitution they will detain him/ her to be interrogated immediately why he/ she is opposing it," said the source.
In Burma, local authorities in every state are urging people to renew ID cards to support the new constitutional referendum to be held in May 2008 and the general election to be held in 2010.
A respected politician from southern Shan State has counseled that the constitutional referendum should not be boycotted 'at least for the sake of one’s own safety and well being. "However, according to the referendum law promulgated on 26 February, secret ballot is allowed and votes will be immediately counted after voting in the presence of the voters.
“If so,” he advises, “we should all vote.” As for saying yes or no to the draft constitution, “which 99.9% of the people have never seen,” let alone understand the contents, "The core of the constitution is the continuation of the military rule. Please ask yourself if you want it? If you do, just mark ‘Yes’. If you don’t want it, just mark ‘No’."
Shan Herald Agency for News
Local authorities are ordering the people to support the new constitutional referendum in May, with threats on those who might say no to the draft, according to residents of Namkham Township, on the Sino-Burma border.
On 31 March 2008 at 2 pm, Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) chairman U Tin Hlaing held a meeting at (TPDC) office with headmen from 30 village tracts. One village tract had to be represented by at least 1 person.
"U Tin Hlaing explained to the villagers how to vote in May for constitutional referendum and how the local authorities would observe them [people]", said a local.
"The local authorities will check the ballots after the polling station is closed. If they [local authorities] find out who is against the draft constitution they will detain him/ her to be interrogated immediately why he/ she is opposing it," said the source.
In Burma, local authorities in every state are urging people to renew ID cards to support the new constitutional referendum to be held in May 2008 and the general election to be held in 2010.
A respected politician from southern Shan State has counseled that the constitutional referendum should not be boycotted 'at least for the sake of one’s own safety and well being. "However, according to the referendum law promulgated on 26 February, secret ballot is allowed and votes will be immediately counted after voting in the presence of the voters.
“If so,” he advises, “we should all vote.” As for saying yes or no to the draft constitution, “which 99.9% of the people have never seen,” let alone understand the contents, "The core of the constitution is the continuation of the military rule. Please ask yourself if you want it? If you do, just mark ‘Yes’. If you don’t want it, just mark ‘No’."
Government corruption fuels famine in Chin state
By Solomon
Mizzima News
April 4, 2008 - The ongoing acute food shortage in Chin state of western Burma is exacerbated through the corruption of local authorities, a Chin human rights group reports.
The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) on Thursday said that the famine in Chin state, resulting from a scarcity of food, is worsened by local authorities who hinder and seize humanitarian aid intended for the local people.
CHRO said local authorities in Paletwa Township of Chin state in January seized more than 300 bags of rice donated by a Roman Catholic Church as relief aid for famine victims.
Besides this confiscation, another 150 bags on February of rice donated by the Church of the Province of Myanmar were also seized and sold for profit by the same local authorities.
"A mandatory purchasing order was imposed on residents of Paletwa by the authorities, instructing them to buy the seized rice at an overpriced rate," CHRO said in a statement released on Thursday.
Tera, a representative of CHRO based in India's Mizoram state bordering Burma, said, "The Chairman of the local township peace and development council led the seizure of rice bags and later resold the confiscated rice to local people at an overpriced rate."
While a bag of rice in a normal market costs approximately $16, authorities ordered locals to buy the seized rice at a rate of approximately $18 per bag, Tera added.
Since the beginning of 2008, people in Chin state have reportedly suffered from a dire shortage of food. According to Chin folklore, the famine occurs once every 50 years, when rats are released into the fields and consume all food.
Tera related that there are about 100 villages in Paletwa Township and about 600 villagers from more than 40 villages have fled to the Indian border seeking relief from the famine.
Victor Biak Lian, a member of CHRO's Board of Directors said, "This is very cruel action from the Burmese authority. Even if they refuse to help the local villagers, they should not add to their grievances."
He added that CHRO plans to come up with an alternative way to help people with food aid.
CHRO also called on the international community as well as humanitarian aid groups to come to the assistance of the Chin people, who are currently going hungry due to the confluence of famine and ongoing persecution from authorities.
Mizzima News
April 4, 2008 - The ongoing acute food shortage in Chin state of western Burma is exacerbated through the corruption of local authorities, a Chin human rights group reports.
The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) on Thursday said that the famine in Chin state, resulting from a scarcity of food, is worsened by local authorities who hinder and seize humanitarian aid intended for the local people.
CHRO said local authorities in Paletwa Township of Chin state in January seized more than 300 bags of rice donated by a Roman Catholic Church as relief aid for famine victims.
Besides this confiscation, another 150 bags on February of rice donated by the Church of the Province of Myanmar were also seized and sold for profit by the same local authorities.
"A mandatory purchasing order was imposed on residents of Paletwa by the authorities, instructing them to buy the seized rice at an overpriced rate," CHRO said in a statement released on Thursday.
Tera, a representative of CHRO based in India's Mizoram state bordering Burma, said, "The Chairman of the local township peace and development council led the seizure of rice bags and later resold the confiscated rice to local people at an overpriced rate."
While a bag of rice in a normal market costs approximately $16, authorities ordered locals to buy the seized rice at a rate of approximately $18 per bag, Tera added.
Since the beginning of 2008, people in Chin state have reportedly suffered from a dire shortage of food. According to Chin folklore, the famine occurs once every 50 years, when rats are released into the fields and consume all food.
Tera related that there are about 100 villages in Paletwa Township and about 600 villagers from more than 40 villages have fled to the Indian border seeking relief from the famine.
Victor Biak Lian, a member of CHRO's Board of Directors said, "This is very cruel action from the Burmese authority. Even if they refuse to help the local villagers, they should not add to their grievances."
He added that CHRO plans to come up with an alternative way to help people with food aid.
CHRO also called on the international community as well as humanitarian aid groups to come to the assistance of the Chin people, who are currently going hungry due to the confluence of famine and ongoing persecution from authorities.
Fatal accident as health workers flee Burma army
Mizzima News
April 4, 2008
Chiang Mai – Five people are hospitalized with severe burns, and a seven year-old girl is dead, as the vehicle they were riding in to escape army troops overturned on a steep hillside in eastern Burma.
The incident resulted as members of a joint Displaced Persons Response Network (DPRN) and Karen Department of Health & Welfare (KDHW) mission procured transportation away from advancing Burmese army troops operating in close proximity to where teams were providing education on and vaccination against polio.
According to a DPRN report, a tractor and cart were taking two female KDHW staff to their village inside Lu Pleh Township of Karen state when the accident occurred. "While traveling to the village the tractor passed through a large burn area. It is believed the driver became confused in the heat and smoke, and overturned the tractor on the steep hillside, spilling the occupants into the fire," states DPRN.
Those involved in the accident were part of a larger mission to vaccinate internally displaced people in Burma from polio in Lu Pleh Township, Paีan District. The endeavor was, however, brought to a halt only two days into operations as word came to the teams of the presence of Burmese army troops in the region.
Healthcare workers, after successfully vaccinating 82 children in one village on March 28, were forced to conceal their medicine and health records and flee to the jungle ahead of approaching Burmese army troops. Three other teams were obligated to act likewise, as similar reports of oncoming army units reached them.
The five burn victims, all taken to Mae Sot General Hospital just across the border in Thailand, are listed as: the driver, age 33, burns to 100 percent of the body; his son, age 9, with burns to 60 percent of his body; a village healthcare worker, 15 years old, with burns to 75 percent of the body; and two female healthcare workers with KDHW, both age 18, with burns to 90 percent and 75 percent of their bodies, respectively.
The driver's seven year-old daughter perished at the scene of the accident from burns suffered.
Prior to the tragic episode, the joint undertaking was able to teach village healthcare workers how to vaccinate against polio and fill out polio vaccination records. In one village, a day before the accident, a team successfully vaccinated nearly 200 children.
Each of the burn victims is expected to recover except for the driver, whose condition is unknown prior to a scheduled operation.
This latest round of vaccinations was the second phase of a DPRN program, the initial phase having commenced in Hpa-an District in December of last year. That portion of the program was successfully completed in February, vaccinating 1,200 internally displaced children.
In 2007, over a dozen cases of polio were reported in Burma, the first such incidences in five years. If vaccinated, polio is preventable.
April 4, 2008
Chiang Mai – Five people are hospitalized with severe burns, and a seven year-old girl is dead, as the vehicle they were riding in to escape army troops overturned on a steep hillside in eastern Burma.
The incident resulted as members of a joint Displaced Persons Response Network (DPRN) and Karen Department of Health & Welfare (KDHW) mission procured transportation away from advancing Burmese army troops operating in close proximity to where teams were providing education on and vaccination against polio.
According to a DPRN report, a tractor and cart were taking two female KDHW staff to their village inside Lu Pleh Township of Karen state when the accident occurred. "While traveling to the village the tractor passed through a large burn area. It is believed the driver became confused in the heat and smoke, and overturned the tractor on the steep hillside, spilling the occupants into the fire," states DPRN.
Those involved in the accident were part of a larger mission to vaccinate internally displaced people in Burma from polio in Lu Pleh Township, Paีan District. The endeavor was, however, brought to a halt only two days into operations as word came to the teams of the presence of Burmese army troops in the region.
Healthcare workers, after successfully vaccinating 82 children in one village on March 28, were forced to conceal their medicine and health records and flee to the jungle ahead of approaching Burmese army troops. Three other teams were obligated to act likewise, as similar reports of oncoming army units reached them.
The five burn victims, all taken to Mae Sot General Hospital just across the border in Thailand, are listed as: the driver, age 33, burns to 100 percent of the body; his son, age 9, with burns to 60 percent of his body; a village healthcare worker, 15 years old, with burns to 75 percent of the body; and two female healthcare workers with KDHW, both age 18, with burns to 90 percent and 75 percent of their bodies, respectively.
The driver's seven year-old daughter perished at the scene of the accident from burns suffered.
Prior to the tragic episode, the joint undertaking was able to teach village healthcare workers how to vaccinate against polio and fill out polio vaccination records. In one village, a day before the accident, a team successfully vaccinated nearly 200 children.
Each of the burn victims is expected to recover except for the driver, whose condition is unknown prior to a scheduled operation.
This latest round of vaccinations was the second phase of a DPRN program, the initial phase having commenced in Hpa-an District in December of last year. That portion of the program was successfully completed in February, vaccinating 1,200 internally displaced children.
In 2007, over a dozen cases of polio were reported in Burma, the first such incidences in five years. If vaccinated, polio is preventable.
Journalist Kyemon U Thaung Dies in US Exile
By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy
The well-known Burmese journalist Kyemon U Thaung, who wrote under the name Aung Bala, has died in hospital in the United States, at the age of 82.
His death was reported by the Thailand-based New Era journal, where he was chief editor. The journal, which is produced in the US, printed in Thailand and distributed clandestinely in Burma, said he passed away on Thursday in hospital in Fort Lauderdale, Florida.
U Thaung was born on October 4, 1926, in Nyaung U Township, Mandalay Division, the son of Thar Phan and Daw Oak. His childhood name was Tin Maung.
U Thaung began his journalism career in 1947 as a reporter for The Burma Times in Rangoon, advancing rapidly to become chief editor in 1951, at the age of 25.
Six years later, in 1957, he started his own daily newspaper, Kyemon (The Mirror).
His open criticism of Gen Ne Win, who seized power in 1962, earned him a prison sentence in 1964. He and three of his editorial staff were imprisoned without trial, and Kyemon was nationalized.
After his release from prison in 1967, U Thaung was given a bureaucratic post in the Ministry of Information by Gen Ne Win. But his licence to write was revoked when he again criticized the dictator in his writings.
After 10 years at the Ministry of Information, U Thaung was allowed to go to the United States to work as a feature writer for a small newspaper in Washington, Missouri, The Missourian. However, his critical writings—in particular an article in Reader’s Digest about his three years in jail—led the Burmese authorities to revoke his passport. He was granted political asylum in the US.
U Thaung was an outspoken critic of military rule in Burma, writing numerous articles, essays and books, and taking part in pro-democracy meetings around the world. At his home in exile, he wrote some 30 books, under the penname Aung Bala, including the best-sellers “General Ne Win and His Executioners” (1990) and “A Journalist, a General and an Army in Burma” (1995).
U Thaung is survived by his wife, Tin Tin Win and five children, all of whom live in the US.
The Irrawaddy
The well-known Burmese journalist Kyemon U Thaung, who wrote under the name Aung Bala, has died in hospital in the United States, at the age of 82.
His death was reported by the Thailand-based New Era journal, where he was chief editor. The journal, which is produced in the US, printed in Thailand and distributed clandestinely in Burma, said he passed away on Thursday in hospital in Fort Lauderdale, Florida.U Thaung was born on October 4, 1926, in Nyaung U Township, Mandalay Division, the son of Thar Phan and Daw Oak. His childhood name was Tin Maung.
U Thaung began his journalism career in 1947 as a reporter for The Burma Times in Rangoon, advancing rapidly to become chief editor in 1951, at the age of 25.
Six years later, in 1957, he started his own daily newspaper, Kyemon (The Mirror).
His open criticism of Gen Ne Win, who seized power in 1962, earned him a prison sentence in 1964. He and three of his editorial staff were imprisoned without trial, and Kyemon was nationalized.
After his release from prison in 1967, U Thaung was given a bureaucratic post in the Ministry of Information by Gen Ne Win. But his licence to write was revoked when he again criticized the dictator in his writings.
After 10 years at the Ministry of Information, U Thaung was allowed to go to the United States to work as a feature writer for a small newspaper in Washington, Missouri, The Missourian. However, his critical writings—in particular an article in Reader’s Digest about his three years in jail—led the Burmese authorities to revoke his passport. He was granted political asylum in the US.
U Thaung was an outspoken critic of military rule in Burma, writing numerous articles, essays and books, and taking part in pro-democracy meetings around the world. At his home in exile, he wrote some 30 books, under the penname Aung Bala, including the best-sellers “General Ne Win and His Executioners” (1990) and “A Journalist, a General and an Army in Burma” (1995).
U Thaung is survived by his wife, Tin Tin Win and five children, all of whom live in the US.
US Concerned over North Korea Missile Sales to Burma
By LALIT K JHA AND WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy
The United States said Thursday it would take the matter seriously if there are any indications of North Korea selling rocket launchers to Burma, though the US State Department could not confirm the report that appeared in the Japanese media on Wednesday.
“We've seen those reports, but we don't have any information that would be able to substantiate them,” State Department spokesman Tom Casey told reporters in Washington.
“Certainly, though, we would take seriously any indications that there have been violations of the various sanctions that were imposed on North Korea after its nuclear test the previous year,” Casey said.
The Japanese NHK public broadcast reported Wednesday that North Korea has been selling rocket launchers to Burma in violation of UN sanctions imposed against North Korea after it conducted nuclear tests in 2006.
Quoting the NHK report, news agencies reported the sale of rocket launchers was being handled by an unnamed Singapore trading country. No other immediate details were available however.
Htay Aung, a Burmese military researcher based in Thailand, told The Irrawaddy on Friday the Burmese military junta is seeking arms and other military equipment anywhere in the world to upgrade its Tatmadaw (armed forces).
“North Korea is one country among them,” he said. “But what we see is that Naypyidaw’s military upgrading seems to aim at external threats rather than internal ones, because the generals don’t need these kind of rockets to attack guerrilla groups. It is not useful for guerrilla warfare.”
Htay Aung added he heard that the Burmese army had set up new artillery, such as howitzers and rocket-launchers, along Burma’s eastern border. “Of course, the Royal Thai Army is scanning every footstep of the Burmese army,” Htay Aung added. “It means there is an ongoing arms race between Thailand and Burma in silence.”
Burmese-North Korean military ties are said to have been reestablished in 1999 when members of the Burmese junta paid a low-profile visit to the rogue state. The junta sent a delegation to North Korea secretly again in November 2000 for a meeting with high-ranking officials of North Korea’s the People’s Armed Forces. A North Korean delegation led by Deputy Foreign Minister Park Kil-yon met with his counterpart, Khin Maung Win, in June 2001.
Military analysts say the North Korean regime has provided weapons, military technology transfers and expertise in underground tunneling used for concealing secret military installations and, since 2002, dozens of North Korean technicians have worked for the Tatmadaw.
Burma and North Korea restored diplomatic ties last year ending a diplomatic crisis after North Korean special agents assassinated 18 South Korean officials, including four cabinet ministers, who were on a delegation to Burma in 1983.
The Irrawaddy
The United States said Thursday it would take the matter seriously if there are any indications of North Korea selling rocket launchers to Burma, though the US State Department could not confirm the report that appeared in the Japanese media on Wednesday.
“We've seen those reports, but we don't have any information that would be able to substantiate them,” State Department spokesman Tom Casey told reporters in Washington.
“Certainly, though, we would take seriously any indications that there have been violations of the various sanctions that were imposed on North Korea after its nuclear test the previous year,” Casey said.
The Japanese NHK public broadcast reported Wednesday that North Korea has been selling rocket launchers to Burma in violation of UN sanctions imposed against North Korea after it conducted nuclear tests in 2006.
Quoting the NHK report, news agencies reported the sale of rocket launchers was being handled by an unnamed Singapore trading country. No other immediate details were available however.
Htay Aung, a Burmese military researcher based in Thailand, told The Irrawaddy on Friday the Burmese military junta is seeking arms and other military equipment anywhere in the world to upgrade its Tatmadaw (armed forces).
“North Korea is one country among them,” he said. “But what we see is that Naypyidaw’s military upgrading seems to aim at external threats rather than internal ones, because the generals don’t need these kind of rockets to attack guerrilla groups. It is not useful for guerrilla warfare.”
Htay Aung added he heard that the Burmese army had set up new artillery, such as howitzers and rocket-launchers, along Burma’s eastern border. “Of course, the Royal Thai Army is scanning every footstep of the Burmese army,” Htay Aung added. “It means there is an ongoing arms race between Thailand and Burma in silence.”
Burmese-North Korean military ties are said to have been reestablished in 1999 when members of the Burmese junta paid a low-profile visit to the rogue state. The junta sent a delegation to North Korea secretly again in November 2000 for a meeting with high-ranking officials of North Korea’s the People’s Armed Forces. A North Korean delegation led by Deputy Foreign Minister Park Kil-yon met with his counterpart, Khin Maung Win, in June 2001.
Military analysts say the North Korean regime has provided weapons, military technology transfers and expertise in underground tunneling used for concealing secret military installations and, since 2002, dozens of North Korean technicians have worked for the Tatmadaw.
Burma and North Korea restored diplomatic ties last year ending a diplomatic crisis after North Korean special agents assassinated 18 South Korean officials, including four cabinet ministers, who were on a delegation to Burma in 1983.
More Opposition Activists Attacked by Thugs
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy
Pro-democracy activists continue to be attacked by thugs in Rangoon as Burmese authorities tighten control on opposition groups ahead of the constitutional referendum in May, according to National League for Democracy (NLD) sources.
Tin Yu, a member of the NLD in Hlaing Tharyar Township, was attacked on Thursday evening by thugs carrying batons as he walked home from a bus stop. He was admitted to hospital where he received 50 stitches in the face.
Tin Yu was arrested following the September demonstrations for talking to Burmese shortwave radio operators in foreign countries. He was later released.
“The current situation seems to be one in which pro-democracy activists are being systematically attacked by thugs,” said a NLD youth leader in the township. “The attacks are believed to be the work of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and its militia, the Swan Ah-shin.”
The USDA and Swan Ah-shin were behind the brutal attacks on Buddhist monks in August and September 2007, as well as the ambush of Aung San Suu Kyi’s convoy in Depayin in Sagaing Division in northern Burma in May 2003, in which a score of people were killed.
The attack on Tin Yu was the third on pro-democracy activists in Rangoon this week.
On Monday, Myint Hlaing, the NLD chairman in Hlaing Tharyar Township in Rangoon, was assaulted near his home. A leading human rights activist, Myint Aye, was attacked by thugs last week in Sanchaung Township in Rangoon. Both men were hospitalized with head injuries following the attacks.
“The junta’s use of thugs to attack pro-democracy and human rights activists means it is driving the country down a dangerous road in the future,” said Aye Thar Aung, the secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament. “We condemn these backward acts.”
He said special police and informers in civilian clothes are always around his home, and his guests are photographed when they visit.
Meanwhile a NLD member from Thingangyun Township in Rangoon was arrested on Thursday night at his home. on Sunday, at least six NLD activists were arrested in Rangoon.
The Irrawaddy
Pro-democracy activists continue to be attacked by thugs in Rangoon as Burmese authorities tighten control on opposition groups ahead of the constitutional referendum in May, according to National League for Democracy (NLD) sources.
Tin Yu, a member of the NLD in Hlaing Tharyar Township, was attacked on Thursday evening by thugs carrying batons as he walked home from a bus stop. He was admitted to hospital where he received 50 stitches in the face.
Tin Yu was arrested following the September demonstrations for talking to Burmese shortwave radio operators in foreign countries. He was later released.
“The current situation seems to be one in which pro-democracy activists are being systematically attacked by thugs,” said a NLD youth leader in the township. “The attacks are believed to be the work of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and its militia, the Swan Ah-shin.”
The USDA and Swan Ah-shin were behind the brutal attacks on Buddhist monks in August and September 2007, as well as the ambush of Aung San Suu Kyi’s convoy in Depayin in Sagaing Division in northern Burma in May 2003, in which a score of people were killed.
The attack on Tin Yu was the third on pro-democracy activists in Rangoon this week.
On Monday, Myint Hlaing, the NLD chairman in Hlaing Tharyar Township in Rangoon, was assaulted near his home. A leading human rights activist, Myint Aye, was attacked by thugs last week in Sanchaung Township in Rangoon. Both men were hospitalized with head injuries following the attacks.
“The junta’s use of thugs to attack pro-democracy and human rights activists means it is driving the country down a dangerous road in the future,” said Aye Thar Aung, the secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament. “We condemn these backward acts.”
He said special police and informers in civilian clothes are always around his home, and his guests are photographed when they visit.
Meanwhile a NLD member from Thingangyun Township in Rangoon was arrested on Thursday night at his home. on Sunday, at least six NLD activists were arrested in Rangoon.
Friday, 4 April 2008
US, Britain and France Seek UN Statement on Burma
By LALIT K JHA / UNITED NATIONS / NEW YORK
The Irrawaddy
Undeterred by a veto threat from Russia, three permanent members of the UN Security Council-the US, Britain and France-will seek a UN Security Council presidential statement on Burma.
The three countries will draft a presidential statement on Burma, which the Deputy Permanent Representative of the US Mission to the UN, Ambassador Alejandro D Wolff, told reporters Wednesday would be circulated among the 15 members of the Security Council.
The draft, a copy of which was obtained by The Irrawaddy, calls on the Burmese military junta to allow full political participation of all factions, including the detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The proposal will spark intense debate between the two dominant groups inside the Security Council. While the pro-democracy group is led by the US, Britain and France, two permanent members, Russia and China, have resisted all moves to take stronger action against Burma's military government.
The draft statement reiterated the importance of the "early release" of all political prisoners and detainees.
"The Security Council again stresses the need for the Government of Burma to take, in a timely manner, concrete, meaningful steps that result in genuine dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties and ethnic groups in order to achieve an inclusive national reconciliation with the direct support of the United Nations," said the draft statement.
Referring to the junta's announcement of a referendum on the draft constitution in May followed by multi-party elections in 2010, the draft said: "In order for this process to be inclusive and credible, it calls on the Government of Burma to allow full participation of all political actors, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi."
The draft stresses that the importance of the guarantee of freedom of expression, association and assembly in the political process leading up to the referendum, as well as independent poll observers.
"A presidential statement is very important. Burma is going to be listed (on the Security Council program for the month of April) because we are obviously following the situation there very closely. We expect there to be a presidential statement," Wolff said, when he was asked about Russian opposition to such a statement. It was during the Security Council discussion on Burma last month that the US Ambassador to the UN, Zalmay Khalilzad, said the US would seek a presidential statement.
"The situation in Burma is something that this Council and certainly the US and other members are very concerned about and merits close scrutiny, including on the referendum on this constitution," Wolff said. "This is all part of a process that we believe should be to open up the society to give people a voice and allow a democratic process that's serious, and real, and transparent to enfold," he said.
The Security Council president for the month of April, Ambassador Dumisani Kumalo of South African expressed doubt about the need for a presidential statement on Burma's referendum. However, he confirmed that Burma would be on the council's agenda in April.
"No draft presidential statement has been circulated yet. But the United States delegation is putting together elements for a text, though it was not certain that it would focus on the elections there or if there would be a Council mandate for monitoring those elections," he said.
The Irrawaddy
Undeterred by a veto threat from Russia, three permanent members of the UN Security Council-the US, Britain and France-will seek a UN Security Council presidential statement on Burma.
The three countries will draft a presidential statement on Burma, which the Deputy Permanent Representative of the US Mission to the UN, Ambassador Alejandro D Wolff, told reporters Wednesday would be circulated among the 15 members of the Security Council.
The draft, a copy of which was obtained by The Irrawaddy, calls on the Burmese military junta to allow full political participation of all factions, including the detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The proposal will spark intense debate between the two dominant groups inside the Security Council. While the pro-democracy group is led by the US, Britain and France, two permanent members, Russia and China, have resisted all moves to take stronger action against Burma's military government.
The draft statement reiterated the importance of the "early release" of all political prisoners and detainees.
"The Security Council again stresses the need for the Government of Burma to take, in a timely manner, concrete, meaningful steps that result in genuine dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties and ethnic groups in order to achieve an inclusive national reconciliation with the direct support of the United Nations," said the draft statement.
Referring to the junta's announcement of a referendum on the draft constitution in May followed by multi-party elections in 2010, the draft said: "In order for this process to be inclusive and credible, it calls on the Government of Burma to allow full participation of all political actors, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi."
The draft stresses that the importance of the guarantee of freedom of expression, association and assembly in the political process leading up to the referendum, as well as independent poll observers.
"A presidential statement is very important. Burma is going to be listed (on the Security Council program for the month of April) because we are obviously following the situation there very closely. We expect there to be a presidential statement," Wolff said, when he was asked about Russian opposition to such a statement. It was during the Security Council discussion on Burma last month that the US Ambassador to the UN, Zalmay Khalilzad, said the US would seek a presidential statement.
"The situation in Burma is something that this Council and certainly the US and other members are very concerned about and merits close scrutiny, including on the referendum on this constitution," Wolff said. "This is all part of a process that we believe should be to open up the society to give people a voice and allow a democratic process that's serious, and real, and transparent to enfold," he said.
The Security Council president for the month of April, Ambassador Dumisani Kumalo of South African expressed doubt about the need for a presidential statement on Burma's referendum. However, he confirmed that Burma would be on the council's agenda in April.
"No draft presidential statement has been circulated yet. But the United States delegation is putting together elements for a text, though it was not certain that it would focus on the elections there or if there would be a Council mandate for monitoring those elections," he said.
Burmese Authorities Stifle Opposition to Constitution
By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy
Burmese authorities are stepping up their campaign to silence opposition to the proposed constitution, prompting the US on Wednesday to issue a statement condemning recent arrests.
US State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement that on March 29 six “youth activists” had been arrested for taking part in “a peaceful rally against the regime’s draft constitution.”
McCormack said the US was renewing its call “for the Burmese regime to release all detainees and political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, and begin a genuine dialogue between the regime leadership and Burma’s democratic and ethnic minorities leading to a transition to democracy.”
According to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners—Burma (AAPP), some 1,890 political prisoners are currently held in Burmese prisons, 52 of them detained in the past three months. An estimated 700 people arrested during and after the demonstrations in September 2007 were still behind bars, AAPP said. Activist sources say most of the political prisoners are in poor health.
The latest victim of the regime’s continuing crackdown, solo protester Ohn Than, was sentenced to life imprisonment by Rangoon’s west district court on Wednesday for protesting in August 2007 against sharp rises in fuel prices. Rangoon lawyer Aung Thein said Ohn Than was convicted under a provision of article 124 (A) of the criminal code relating to “acts that destabilize the government.”
Ohn Than, who graduated from Rangoon University in 1971, was sentenced to eight years imprisonment in 1988 for taking part in that year’s pro-democracy uprising.
National League for Democracy (NLD) sources in Taunggok township, Arakan State, said three activists had been detained there for their opposition to the proposed constitution.
An NLD source in Mandalay said three detained party members—Shwe Maung, Wunnar Aung and Zaw Win Lay—and two monks had been moved from the city’s prison to Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison on March 30.
Shwe Maung was imprisoned for making a symbolic gold-coated copper hat, known as kha mauk (usually worn by Burmese farmers) in 2002. The hat is a recognized NLD symbol and was intended as a gift for NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The Irrawaddy
Burmese authorities are stepping up their campaign to silence opposition to the proposed constitution, prompting the US on Wednesday to issue a statement condemning recent arrests.
US State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement that on March 29 six “youth activists” had been arrested for taking part in “a peaceful rally against the regime’s draft constitution.”
McCormack said the US was renewing its call “for the Burmese regime to release all detainees and political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, and begin a genuine dialogue between the regime leadership and Burma’s democratic and ethnic minorities leading to a transition to democracy.”
According to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners—Burma (AAPP), some 1,890 political prisoners are currently held in Burmese prisons, 52 of them detained in the past three months. An estimated 700 people arrested during and after the demonstrations in September 2007 were still behind bars, AAPP said. Activist sources say most of the political prisoners are in poor health.
The latest victim of the regime’s continuing crackdown, solo protester Ohn Than, was sentenced to life imprisonment by Rangoon’s west district court on Wednesday for protesting in August 2007 against sharp rises in fuel prices. Rangoon lawyer Aung Thein said Ohn Than was convicted under a provision of article 124 (A) of the criminal code relating to “acts that destabilize the government.”
Ohn Than, who graduated from Rangoon University in 1971, was sentenced to eight years imprisonment in 1988 for taking part in that year’s pro-democracy uprising.
National League for Democracy (NLD) sources in Taunggok township, Arakan State, said three activists had been detained there for their opposition to the proposed constitution.
An NLD source in Mandalay said three detained party members—Shwe Maung, Wunnar Aung and Zaw Win Lay—and two monks had been moved from the city’s prison to Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison on March 30.
Shwe Maung was imprisoned for making a symbolic gold-coated copper hat, known as kha mauk (usually worn by Burmese farmers) in 2002. The hat is a recognized NLD symbol and was intended as a gift for NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Burma's pointless plants a needless burden
By AWZAR THI
Column: Rule of Lords
UPI Asia Online
HONG KONG, China, Around the suburbs of Rangoon small scraggly bushes now occupy plots of land that once were used for growing vegetables or beans. They look miserable. Unattended among weeds and debris, they show no signs of growth and bear few leaves. Some are used for hanging laundry. Others catch plastic bags in the breeze.
They are also a flagship state project. The order to grow these physic nut plants, which belong to the same family as castor oil, is said to have come directly from Burma's military supremo, Senior General Than Shwe. His supposed idea is to alleviate the country's fuel shortages through biodiesel, although some speculate that the order may have had as much to do with astrology as the economy.
People all around the country have been given seeds and pressed into planting them along roads, football fields, schoolyards and government compounds. Some bear the signboards of government departments, police stations and military units. Television broadcasts reassure viewers that the bushes will soon bear a great bounty, and demonstrate how simple it is to extract their oil and use it for fuel.
Reality suggests otherwise. The saplings are almost universally neglected. Without regular care, plants grown years ago still bear no fruit; no fruit, no biodiesel.
In some places villagers have also been obliged to work on commercial physic nut ventures. In late 2006, for instance, U Tin Kyi was called to work on the acreage adjacent to his farm that had been planted by a company under ownership of an army general's son. He pointed out that all the plants had died and that he should be able to go back and work his own crops. The local officials did not take kindly to his stating the obvious and had him jailed for four months.
Ill-conceived and mismanaged schemes can be found the world over. But while in an open society they can be challenged and halted, under autocratic rulers of the sort that exist in Burma they are both far more prevalent and dangerous.
Social scientist James C. Scott identifies why. He suggests that some of the biggest man-made disasters of the last century have four key elements: one, the administrative reordering of society and nature; two, overconfidence in modernity as a measure of progress; three, coercive government, and four, weakened civil society. In these circumstances, when mistakes are made lessons are covered up, not learned; people are pushed too far, and tragedy follows.
This is what happened in China when in the 1950s the rural populace was forced into collectives. Agricultural output plummeted. Regional officials fell to giving increasingly ludicrous figures on grain produced and stored, while locals were in some instances compelled to uproot healthy paddy and plant seedlings alongside roads that Mao and his entourage would travel so that the "great helmsman" might see emerald-green vistas. Millions died in the famine that followed.
Similar patterns have been seen in Burma during recent years, although they have not so far pushed the country over the precipice. Farmers in some areas have been forced to uproot beans and peanuts in order to grow second or third crops of rice on land with inadequate water. Others have had to purchase seeds for summer crops, which once planted have grown at different speeds and to different heights. Many have struggled without fertilizer or outside assistance.
The physic nut plants are unlikely of their own accord to precipitate the sort of hunger in Than Shwe's Burma that occurred in Mao's China, but while officials at every level continue to conceal the truth in order to please their superiors, as they must, these bushes continue to place a needless burden on people who are already struggling for one square meal a day. They may not spell ruin but they are a waste of precious time, land and water.
The pointlessness of dotting the landscape with plants in which no one has any special interest may be missed by the people at the top who give the orders, but it is understood by everyone else. To the extent that Burma prevails it is not because of bureaucratic meddling but despite it. While the physic nuts are on display along the roads and thoroughfares where more senior officers are expected to travel, on the backstreets, in small gardens and on the banks of waterways, vegetables continue to be sown.
--
(Awzar Thi is the pen name of a member of the Asian Human Rights Commission with over 15 years of experience as an advocate of human rights and the rule of law in Thailand and Burma. His Rule of Lords blog can be read at http://ratchasima.net.)
Column: Rule of Lords
UPI Asia Online
HONG KONG, China, Around the suburbs of Rangoon small scraggly bushes now occupy plots of land that once were used for growing vegetables or beans. They look miserable. Unattended among weeds and debris, they show no signs of growth and bear few leaves. Some are used for hanging laundry. Others catch plastic bags in the breeze.
They are also a flagship state project. The order to grow these physic nut plants, which belong to the same family as castor oil, is said to have come directly from Burma's military supremo, Senior General Than Shwe. His supposed idea is to alleviate the country's fuel shortages through biodiesel, although some speculate that the order may have had as much to do with astrology as the economy.
People all around the country have been given seeds and pressed into planting them along roads, football fields, schoolyards and government compounds. Some bear the signboards of government departments, police stations and military units. Television broadcasts reassure viewers that the bushes will soon bear a great bounty, and demonstrate how simple it is to extract their oil and use it for fuel.
Reality suggests otherwise. The saplings are almost universally neglected. Without regular care, plants grown years ago still bear no fruit; no fruit, no biodiesel.
In some places villagers have also been obliged to work on commercial physic nut ventures. In late 2006, for instance, U Tin Kyi was called to work on the acreage adjacent to his farm that had been planted by a company under ownership of an army general's son. He pointed out that all the plants had died and that he should be able to go back and work his own crops. The local officials did not take kindly to his stating the obvious and had him jailed for four months.
Ill-conceived and mismanaged schemes can be found the world over. But while in an open society they can be challenged and halted, under autocratic rulers of the sort that exist in Burma they are both far more prevalent and dangerous.
Social scientist James C. Scott identifies why. He suggests that some of the biggest man-made disasters of the last century have four key elements: one, the administrative reordering of society and nature; two, overconfidence in modernity as a measure of progress; three, coercive government, and four, weakened civil society. In these circumstances, when mistakes are made lessons are covered up, not learned; people are pushed too far, and tragedy follows.
This is what happened in China when in the 1950s the rural populace was forced into collectives. Agricultural output plummeted. Regional officials fell to giving increasingly ludicrous figures on grain produced and stored, while locals were in some instances compelled to uproot healthy paddy and plant seedlings alongside roads that Mao and his entourage would travel so that the "great helmsman" might see emerald-green vistas. Millions died in the famine that followed.
Similar patterns have been seen in Burma during recent years, although they have not so far pushed the country over the precipice. Farmers in some areas have been forced to uproot beans and peanuts in order to grow second or third crops of rice on land with inadequate water. Others have had to purchase seeds for summer crops, which once planted have grown at different speeds and to different heights. Many have struggled without fertilizer or outside assistance.
The physic nut plants are unlikely of their own accord to precipitate the sort of hunger in Than Shwe's Burma that occurred in Mao's China, but while officials at every level continue to conceal the truth in order to please their superiors, as they must, these bushes continue to place a needless burden on people who are already struggling for one square meal a day. They may not spell ruin but they are a waste of precious time, land and water.
The pointlessness of dotting the landscape with plants in which no one has any special interest may be missed by the people at the top who give the orders, but it is understood by everyone else. To the extent that Burma prevails it is not because of bureaucratic meddling but despite it. While the physic nuts are on display along the roads and thoroughfares where more senior officers are expected to travel, on the backstreets, in small gardens and on the banks of waterways, vegetables continue to be sown.
--
(Awzar Thi is the pen name of a member of the Asian Human Rights Commission with over 15 years of experience as an advocate of human rights and the rule of law in Thailand and Burma. His Rule of Lords blog can be read at http://ratchasima.net.)
Burmese Continues Pre-Referendum Arrests,says US
Daya Gamage
Washington,DC. 04 April (Asiantribune.com): The United States April 2 vehemently denounced the Burmese ruling military junta for continuing to arrest political dissidents who are peacefully opposing the draft constitution.
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack issued the following statement at the daily briefing:
"We condemn the Burmese regime’s continued arrests and attacks on peaceful political activists. On March 29, Burmese authorities arrested six youth activists who had participated in a peaceful rally against the regime’s draft constitution. The following day, five Muslim community leaders in Rakhine state were arrested, reportedly for peaceful political activities. On two separate occasions over the past two weeks, democracy and human rights activists in Rangoon were assaulted and beaten with sticks. These blatant human rights abuses contribute to the climate of fear and repression in Burma as the regime prepares to conduct a referendum on its draft constitution.
"The democratic representatives of the Burmese people have made clear their opposition to the unjust process through which the regime seeks to impose its draft constitution, which it has yet to publish. Nonetheless, the regime is proceeding with its planned referendum. The regime’s arrests of individuals campaigning against the constitution, its failure to publish the constitution and welcome independent referendum monitors, and its continued refusal to release political prisoners undercut any claim that this referendum will be free and fair.
"We renew our call for the Burmese regime to release all detainees and political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and begin a genuine dialogue between the regime leadership and Burma’s democratic and ethnic minorities leading to a transition to democracy, as called for by the people of Burma and the UN Security Council in its October 2007 Presidential Statement."
Washington,DC. 04 April (Asiantribune.com): The United States April 2 vehemently denounced the Burmese ruling military junta for continuing to arrest political dissidents who are peacefully opposing the draft constitution.
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack issued the following statement at the daily briefing:
"We condemn the Burmese regime’s continued arrests and attacks on peaceful political activists. On March 29, Burmese authorities arrested six youth activists who had participated in a peaceful rally against the regime’s draft constitution. The following day, five Muslim community leaders in Rakhine state were arrested, reportedly for peaceful political activities. On two separate occasions over the past two weeks, democracy and human rights activists in Rangoon were assaulted and beaten with sticks. These blatant human rights abuses contribute to the climate of fear and repression in Burma as the regime prepares to conduct a referendum on its draft constitution.
"The democratic representatives of the Burmese people have made clear their opposition to the unjust process through which the regime seeks to impose its draft constitution, which it has yet to publish. Nonetheless, the regime is proceeding with its planned referendum. The regime’s arrests of individuals campaigning against the constitution, its failure to publish the constitution and welcome independent referendum monitors, and its continued refusal to release political prisoners undercut any claim that this referendum will be free and fair.
"We renew our call for the Burmese regime to release all detainees and political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and begin a genuine dialogue between the regime leadership and Burma’s democratic and ethnic minorities leading to a transition to democracy, as called for by the people of Burma and the UN Security Council in its October 2007 Presidential Statement."
CII, Myanmar Chambers hail Kaladan project, sign MoU to promote trade ties
ANI
April 4 2008 - NEW DELHI: The Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI ) and the Confederation of Indian Industry ( CII), the two apex industry organizations of Myanmar and India, welcomed the agreement to open the crucial Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Facility, as they signed a Memorandum of Understanding in New Delhi to promote cooperation in specific areas between the private sector between the two countries.
U Win Myint , President, Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce & Industry (UMFCCI ) and Lt gen (Retd) S S Mehta, Director General CII, signed the MoU that aims at enhancing bilateral trade between the two neighbours. The two Chambers also agree to organize one major event in the year 2008 -09 by way of a Made in India Trade fair in Myanmar.
As a follow up of the earlier and existing MoUs between the two chambers, “UMFCCI & CII now wish to focus on enhancing cooperation and interaction in the areas of IT, Pharmaceuticals, Fertilizers, SME industry, Oil and Gas Explorations, Agri and Food Processing and Transport,” the MoU said.
Appreciating India’s economic growth, U Win Myint looked forward to working with Indian industry in various fields and said that the strategic position of Myanmar can serve as a trade hub between its South Asian neighbours and the ASEAN region. He invited Indian businessmen and the CII to visit Myanmar and explore opportunities for cooperation.
India has had long abiding relations with Myanmar and the CII looks forward to strengthening these ties especially in the area of trade and commerce, said Lt Gen (Retd) S S Mehta. India and Myanmar had great potential to enhance trade and cooperation, he said and added that the Kaladan initiative will provide very good linkage with Myanmar.
During discussions while signing the MoU, the two sides agreed to exchange industry delegations and task forces in the near future to augment cooperation between India and Myanmar private sector.
The UMFCCI and the CII had signed a MoU in May 2001 in New Delhi to examine cooperation between the two countries. In their meeting in February 2004 in Yangon, the two chambers had agreed on setting up a Joint Task Force to promote trade between the two countries and identify key thrust areas of cooperation to further the cooperation between the two countries and the two organizations.
An India – Myanmar Joint Task Force Report was brought out with suggestions and recommendations for enhancing bilateral trade and investment, cooperation in services, technology transfers and other areas of cooperation, the MoU said.
April 4 2008 - NEW DELHI: The Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI ) and the Confederation of Indian Industry ( CII), the two apex industry organizations of Myanmar and India, welcomed the agreement to open the crucial Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Facility, as they signed a Memorandum of Understanding in New Delhi to promote cooperation in specific areas between the private sector between the two countries.
U Win Myint , President, Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce & Industry (UMFCCI ) and Lt gen (Retd) S S Mehta, Director General CII, signed the MoU that aims at enhancing bilateral trade between the two neighbours. The two Chambers also agree to organize one major event in the year 2008 -09 by way of a Made in India Trade fair in Myanmar.
As a follow up of the earlier and existing MoUs between the two chambers, “UMFCCI & CII now wish to focus on enhancing cooperation and interaction in the areas of IT, Pharmaceuticals, Fertilizers, SME industry, Oil and Gas Explorations, Agri and Food Processing and Transport,” the MoU said.
Appreciating India’s economic growth, U Win Myint looked forward to working with Indian industry in various fields and said that the strategic position of Myanmar can serve as a trade hub between its South Asian neighbours and the ASEAN region. He invited Indian businessmen and the CII to visit Myanmar and explore opportunities for cooperation.
India has had long abiding relations with Myanmar and the CII looks forward to strengthening these ties especially in the area of trade and commerce, said Lt Gen (Retd) S S Mehta. India and Myanmar had great potential to enhance trade and cooperation, he said and added that the Kaladan initiative will provide very good linkage with Myanmar.
During discussions while signing the MoU, the two sides agreed to exchange industry delegations and task forces in the near future to augment cooperation between India and Myanmar private sector.
The UMFCCI and the CII had signed a MoU in May 2001 in New Delhi to examine cooperation between the two countries. In their meeting in February 2004 in Yangon, the two chambers had agreed on setting up a Joint Task Force to promote trade between the two countries and identify key thrust areas of cooperation to further the cooperation between the two countries and the two organizations.
An India – Myanmar Joint Task Force Report was brought out with suggestions and recommendations for enhancing bilateral trade and investment, cooperation in services, technology transfers and other areas of cooperation, the MoU said.
Hill to discuss N. Korea, Myanmar
Abdul Khalik
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta - United States Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill will meet with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and several ministers Friday to discuss the growing tension in the Korean peninsula and Myanmar.
Hill, also the chief U.S. negotiator for North Korean nuclear disarmament, was in Bali on Thursday to attend an international conference before flying to Jakarta on Friday.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Kristiarto Suryo Legowo said the U.S. senior diplomat was scheduled for separate meetings with Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda and Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono before visiting the President at the Presidential Palace later in the afternoon.
"The discussion will be about issues that concern both countries. For instance, we will listen to his briefing about the latest developments in the Korean peninsula," Kristiarto told The Jakarta Post.
Yonhap news agency reported Wednesday that Hill was slated to meet North Korea's chief negotiator Kim Kye-wan in Bali on Thursday or in Jakarta on Friday.
Kristiarto said he was unaware if such a meeting would take place.
Some officials have suggested the President and his ministers would use the meeting with Hill, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, as an opportunity to raise Indonesia's ideas on other high-profile international issues, such as Myanmar and Tibet.
Indonesia has expressed its interest in playing a bigger role in resolving South Korea-North Korea conflicts.
Tension in the peninsula has heightened since new South Korean President Lee Myung-bak took office in February with pledges to get tough on the North and hold it accountable to its commitments to roll back its nuclear program.
Official from both countries have exchanged threatening statements, with North Korea warning of nuclear catastrophe and making a series of angry gestures, including conducting missile tests recently.
Indonesia is one of the few countries that have a good relationship with North Korea. The relationship stretches back to the Sukarno era. Subsequent presidents have maintained the good relationship, with President Megawati Soekarnoputri visiting Pyongyang in 2003 to meet Kim Jong-il.
On Myanmar, Yudhoyono has repeatedly shown his support for the military junta's steps toward democracy, although Western countries, including the U.S., have dismissed the process and establishment of the new constitution as a way for the military to legitimize the grip on power it has held since its 1962 coup.
International relations expert at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Bantarto Bandoro, urged Yudhoyono to push the U.S. to be more proactive in solving the North Korea nuclear crisis.
"But Indonesia can tell Hill the U.S. should not push Myanmar too hard as it will be counterproductive for the country's democratic process," he said.
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta - United States Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill will meet with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and several ministers Friday to discuss the growing tension in the Korean peninsula and Myanmar.
Hill, also the chief U.S. negotiator for North Korean nuclear disarmament, was in Bali on Thursday to attend an international conference before flying to Jakarta on Friday.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Kristiarto Suryo Legowo said the U.S. senior diplomat was scheduled for separate meetings with Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda and Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono before visiting the President at the Presidential Palace later in the afternoon.
"The discussion will be about issues that concern both countries. For instance, we will listen to his briefing about the latest developments in the Korean peninsula," Kristiarto told The Jakarta Post.
Yonhap news agency reported Wednesday that Hill was slated to meet North Korea's chief negotiator Kim Kye-wan in Bali on Thursday or in Jakarta on Friday.
Kristiarto said he was unaware if such a meeting would take place.
Some officials have suggested the President and his ministers would use the meeting with Hill, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, as an opportunity to raise Indonesia's ideas on other high-profile international issues, such as Myanmar and Tibet.
Indonesia has expressed its interest in playing a bigger role in resolving South Korea-North Korea conflicts.
Tension in the peninsula has heightened since new South Korean President Lee Myung-bak took office in February with pledges to get tough on the North and hold it accountable to its commitments to roll back its nuclear program.
Official from both countries have exchanged threatening statements, with North Korea warning of nuclear catastrophe and making a series of angry gestures, including conducting missile tests recently.
Indonesia is one of the few countries that have a good relationship with North Korea. The relationship stretches back to the Sukarno era. Subsequent presidents have maintained the good relationship, with President Megawati Soekarnoputri visiting Pyongyang in 2003 to meet Kim Jong-il.
On Myanmar, Yudhoyono has repeatedly shown his support for the military junta's steps toward democracy, although Western countries, including the U.S., have dismissed the process and establishment of the new constitution as a way for the military to legitimize the grip on power it has held since its 1962 coup.
International relations expert at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Bantarto Bandoro, urged Yudhoyono to push the U.S. to be more proactive in solving the North Korea nuclear crisis.
"But Indonesia can tell Hill the U.S. should not push Myanmar too hard as it will be counterproductive for the country's democratic process," he said.
Burma voices: Six months later
Six months after protests in Burma ended in a military crackdown, people describe the atmosphere in the country and their fears for the future.
REPORTER, NAY PYI TAW
Life has been hard as ever. No change or hope has come yet to us.
People no longer talk about politics for fear of arrest, accusations, safety and other frightening things.
But everybody desires to know something more and to talk freely about these issues. Some day we hope to have our freedom or right to speak. Ha ha. What a joke!
Everything has been over for nearly six months now. But some of us still recall it.
Here, a referendum on a new constitution is drawing near. People are talking about it and no-one really knows what it is going to look like.
But almost everybody accepts that the government will win it whether the constitution is ratified or not by the people in May.
Even now almost everybody has little understanding of what the referendum is and what has to happen.
I have been in the capital Nay Pyi Taw for a few months now. More construction sites are still being built as more NGOs and private companies have to move here somehow.
They say Nay Pyi Taw is the capital and its future lies with the new democratic government body. There is no sign yet of how the military will stand after the results are out.
I tell people not to even think about voting 'No' or 'Yes' [in the forthcoming referendum on a new constitution]. It means that you consider and accept it.
Actually, the junta does not have the right to do anything for the country. It is an illegal government.
Night is dark without electricity, water is scarce
Even if the work done is good, and the result or outcome is exceptional progress as in China, it is unacceptable because it is a military dictatorship and the junta is unconstitutional - having no law, rules and regulations.
Now the country suffers complete loss and ruin.
Its people are totally destroyed both physically and mentally - the majority are living in a mess, eating junk food, leading a hand-to-mouth lifestyle.
There is no guarantee for healthcare. If a man does not have enough money, in case one needs to go to hospital or a private clinic for serious cases, he should prepare to die. The cost is sky high.
People now become mad and irrational as a result of poverty and a lack of education.
Night is dark without electricity. Water is scarce. How is it like a modern and developed country to which, they say, they are marching?
DAVID, RANGOON
In recent times, we have not been able to use the internet because the government decreased the internet bandwidth during the visit of UN envoy Mr Gambari.
Nothing has changed after six months in Burma. The military junta has arrested our leaders and many activists. Now they've spread many soldiers across Rangoon to break down any movements.
They will have a constitutional referendum in May. They don't care for the UN and the international community.
What would the UN do to get the true result from referendum?
YI, RANGOON
The internet connection was at its worst during the September revolution. There has been little improvement.
Now the junta is showing its strength by patrolling around the town with trucks fully loaded with policemen
Sending information to foreign media can be indicted by the junta and we will be jailed. But we the people of Burma take this risk by sending mails to foreign media because we have to let the people of the world know our situation in our country.
The junta is putting heavy guards around Rangoon and monitoring the mails and the internet because they are going to hold a fake referendum in May.
They haven't [at the time of writing] published the constitution we are to vote on. They dare not let the people of Burma study the constitution thoroughly and freely.
Now the junta is showing its strength by patrolling around the town with trucks fully loaded with policemen and soldiers carrying guns. It is a warning to the people who go against the junta that they will be shot.
Now the junta is arresting and putting into jail without giving reasonable explanation for the people who go against the junta.
Source: BBC
REPORTER, NAY PYI TAW
Life has been hard as ever. No change or hope has come yet to us.
People no longer talk about politics for fear of arrest, accusations, safety and other frightening things.
But everybody desires to know something more and to talk freely about these issues. Some day we hope to have our freedom or right to speak. Ha ha. What a joke!
Everything has been over for nearly six months now. But some of us still recall it.
Here, a referendum on a new constitution is drawing near. People are talking about it and no-one really knows what it is going to look like.
But almost everybody accepts that the government will win it whether the constitution is ratified or not by the people in May.
Even now almost everybody has little understanding of what the referendum is and what has to happen.
I have been in the capital Nay Pyi Taw for a few months now. More construction sites are still being built as more NGOs and private companies have to move here somehow.
They say Nay Pyi Taw is the capital and its future lies with the new democratic government body. There is no sign yet of how the military will stand after the results are out.
I tell people not to even think about voting 'No' or 'Yes' [in the forthcoming referendum on a new constitution]. It means that you consider and accept it.
Actually, the junta does not have the right to do anything for the country. It is an illegal government.
Night is dark without electricity, water is scarce
Even if the work done is good, and the result or outcome is exceptional progress as in China, it is unacceptable because it is a military dictatorship and the junta is unconstitutional - having no law, rules and regulations.
Now the country suffers complete loss and ruin.
Its people are totally destroyed both physically and mentally - the majority are living in a mess, eating junk food, leading a hand-to-mouth lifestyle.
There is no guarantee for healthcare. If a man does not have enough money, in case one needs to go to hospital or a private clinic for serious cases, he should prepare to die. The cost is sky high.
People now become mad and irrational as a result of poverty and a lack of education.
Night is dark without electricity. Water is scarce. How is it like a modern and developed country to which, they say, they are marching?
DAVID, RANGOON
In recent times, we have not been able to use the internet because the government decreased the internet bandwidth during the visit of UN envoy Mr Gambari.
Nothing has changed after six months in Burma. The military junta has arrested our leaders and many activists. Now they've spread many soldiers across Rangoon to break down any movements.
They will have a constitutional referendum in May. They don't care for the UN and the international community.
What would the UN do to get the true result from referendum?
YI, RANGOON
The internet connection was at its worst during the September revolution. There has been little improvement.
Now the junta is showing its strength by patrolling around the town with trucks fully loaded with policemen
Sending information to foreign media can be indicted by the junta and we will be jailed. But we the people of Burma take this risk by sending mails to foreign media because we have to let the people of the world know our situation in our country.
The junta is putting heavy guards around Rangoon and monitoring the mails and the internet because they are going to hold a fake referendum in May.
They haven't [at the time of writing] published the constitution we are to vote on. They dare not let the people of Burma study the constitution thoroughly and freely.
Now the junta is showing its strength by patrolling around the town with trucks fully loaded with policemen and soldiers carrying guns. It is a warning to the people who go against the junta that they will be shot.
Now the junta is arresting and putting into jail without giving reasonable explanation for the people who go against the junta.
Source: BBC
Mobile phones in Myanmar increase to over 200,000 in 2007
Song Shutao
YANGON, April 3 (Xinhua) -- The number of GSM mobile phones in Myanmar increased to 211,812 in 2007, up from 141,564 in 2006, a newly-published local bi-weekly reported Thursday.
Other phones such as CDMA stood at 30,390 in number as of the year, while D-AMPS phones 23,710, DECT radio phones 2,571 and auto-phones 87,636 the "Biweekly Eleven" said, quoting the state-run Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT).
With telephone exchange stations rising up to 891, the number of telephone lines were extended to 747,565 in 2007, up from 685,160 in 2006, it said, adding that rural telephone exchange stations remained as 241, up from 218 correspondingly.
Meanwhile, the telephone density of Myanmar also went up annually reaching 13.1 per 1,000 population in 2007, up from 10.47in 2006 and 7.27 in 2005.
GSM phones have been extensively used in Myanmar since it was introduced in 2002 after cellular ones in 1993 and the DECT (Digital Enhanced Cordless Telecommunication) and CDMA in 1997.
According to the MPT, GSM (global system for mobile) phones in Myanmar can auto-roam over two dozen townships far up to the border areas and mainly cover all other major cities in addition to Yangon and Mandalay.
Meanwhile, Myanmar will introduce world's up-date audio-visual mobile phone for use in the country for the first time to upgrade its telecommunication links, according to an earlier local report.
A total of 30,000 3-G WCDMA mobile phones will be initially installed for users in Yangon soon as the first batch and 15 radio stations are being promptly built for signal links, the report said.
The upgraded system will be based on the existing GSM network, it said, adding that the introduction of 3-G WCDMA system represents Myanmar's entry into a new phase of its mobile phone system.
YANGON, April 3 (Xinhua) -- The number of GSM mobile phones in Myanmar increased to 211,812 in 2007, up from 141,564 in 2006, a newly-published local bi-weekly reported Thursday.
Other phones such as CDMA stood at 30,390 in number as of the year, while D-AMPS phones 23,710, DECT radio phones 2,571 and auto-phones 87,636 the "Biweekly Eleven" said, quoting the state-run Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT).
With telephone exchange stations rising up to 891, the number of telephone lines were extended to 747,565 in 2007, up from 685,160 in 2006, it said, adding that rural telephone exchange stations remained as 241, up from 218 correspondingly.
Meanwhile, the telephone density of Myanmar also went up annually reaching 13.1 per 1,000 population in 2007, up from 10.47in 2006 and 7.27 in 2005.
GSM phones have been extensively used in Myanmar since it was introduced in 2002 after cellular ones in 1993 and the DECT (Digital Enhanced Cordless Telecommunication) and CDMA in 1997.
According to the MPT, GSM (global system for mobile) phones in Myanmar can auto-roam over two dozen townships far up to the border areas and mainly cover all other major cities in addition to Yangon and Mandalay.
Meanwhile, Myanmar will introduce world's up-date audio-visual mobile phone for use in the country for the first time to upgrade its telecommunication links, according to an earlier local report.
A total of 30,000 3-G WCDMA mobile phones will be initially installed for users in Yangon soon as the first batch and 15 radio stations are being promptly built for signal links, the report said.
The upgraded system will be based on the existing GSM network, it said, adding that the introduction of 3-G WCDMA system represents Myanmar's entry into a new phase of its mobile phone system.
S'pore to probe alleged N. Korea rocket exports to Myanmar
April 3, 2008 - SINGAPORE will investigate allegations that a local trading company was linked to North Korean exports of rockets to military-ruled Myanmar, the foreign affairs ministry said on Thursday.
Japan's public broadcaster NHK reported on Wednesday, citing unnamed diplomatic sources, that Pyongyang has started exporting multiple-launch rockets to Myanmar after the two nations agreed to normalise ties last year.
It said 'full-scale' exports of the weapons had been handled by an unnamed Singapore trading company but gave no further details.
'We take such allegations very seriously and will certainly investigate,' a spokesman with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.
'We are committed to fulfilling our international obligations to prevent the proliferation and illicit trafficking of arms and weapons of mass destruction.'
NHK said the weapons exports are in violation of economic sanctions imposed on North Korea after the communist state conducted a nuclear test in October 2006.
Multiple-launch rockets are 24cm in diameter and about one metre long, each with a range of about 65km, according to the report. --
Source: Straits Times
Japan's public broadcaster NHK reported on Wednesday, citing unnamed diplomatic sources, that Pyongyang has started exporting multiple-launch rockets to Myanmar after the two nations agreed to normalise ties last year.
It said 'full-scale' exports of the weapons had been handled by an unnamed Singapore trading company but gave no further details.
'We take such allegations very seriously and will certainly investigate,' a spokesman with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.
'We are committed to fulfilling our international obligations to prevent the proliferation and illicit trafficking of arms and weapons of mass destruction.'
NHK said the weapons exports are in violation of economic sanctions imposed on North Korea after the communist state conducted a nuclear test in October 2006.
Multiple-launch rockets are 24cm in diameter and about one metre long, each with a range of about 65km, according to the report. --
Source: Straits Times
Thursday, 3 April 2008
Constitutional Conundrum
By KYAW ZWA MOE
The Irrawaddy
APRIL, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.4
Illustration: Harn Lay / The Irrawaddy
As analysts and activists debate how to respond to the regime’s draft constitution, others ask if it will cement the generals’ hold on power or trigger a popular uprising
FOR the generals who rule Burma, it is a step closer to the coveted goal of permanent military control of the country’s politics. For its detractors, it is a potential lightning rod for decades of pent-up discontent. But for most, it is still a mystery, as they wonder if this is really a distant light at the end of the tunnel or the headlights of an impending disaster.
The Burmese regime’s draft constitution, which Burmese voters will be asked to endorse or reject in a referendum in May, has drawn many reactions from people both inside and outside the country.
Although there is little consensus on the constitution, which was 14 years in the making, few doubt that the referendum, if it actually goes ahead, will be the junta’s most significant political move since elections in 1990, when voters unequivocally signaled a desire for an end to military rule.
For dissidents in Burma, that desire has only grown stronger over the past 18 years. They see the referendum as an opportunity to let the junta and the world know that that it is time for the generals to go.
“This is not a referendum,” said Tun Myint Aung, a leader of the 88 Generation Students group. “This is a chance to vote against military rule.”
“The regime has given us two choices—‘yes’ or ‘no.’ But the only real choice is, should we vote ‘no’ or just boycott?” he added.
Calls for a referendum boycott have been growing, but Tun Myint Aung, who spoke to The Irrawaddy by phone from a hiding place in Burma, insisted that only a vote “No” would send a clear message.
“It doesn’t matter what people think of the constitution,” the prominent activist said. “They will just be voting to express the anger that has been accumulating over the past 20 years.”
The Tatmadaw Chapter
Of all the people The Irrawaddy has spoken to about the referendum since it was announced on February 9, few have expressed any interest in the actual contents of the constitution, which was released by the junta in March. In the absence of public debate on the constitution, most discussion among exiles and dissidents has focused on ways to effectively turn the referendum against the junta.
The draft constitution does not fundamentally differ from a version of the “principles” of the constitution released by the Ministry of Information in August 2007, one month before the National Convention formally completed its work on the charter.
The draft contains an entire chapter spelling out the precise powers of the military. This chapter, entitled “Tatmadaw”(Burmese for armed forces), is something new in Burma’s constitutional history and represents the first explicit attempt to enable the armed forces to “participate in the national political leadership role of the State”—one of the stated goals of the first chapter of constitutional “principles.”
In concrete terms, this means that 25 percent of the seats in both the upper and lower houses of parliament would be filled with military appointees selected by the Tatmadaw commander in chief. That is, 110 members of the 440-seat lower house, or People’s Parliament, and 56 members of the 224-seat upper house, or National Parliament, would be selected from within the ranks of the armed forces.
The powers of the commander in chief also extend to the selection of the president and two vice presidents. Each of these positions would be filled by individuals selected by the People’s Parliament, the National Parliament and a committee of military officials appointed by the commander in chief, ensuring that a member of the armed forces would occupy at least one of these top government positions—most likely the presidency, since the Tatmadaw exercises considerable influence over both houses of parliament. The commander in chief, meanwhile, would possess powers equal to those of the two vice presidents.
While all of these measures are intended to give the military considerable power over the government, there would also be guarantees that this influence doesn’t go in both directions. Parliament would not be permitted to discuss or interfere in military affairs, including defense spending. Under the new constitution, “The Tatmadaw has the right to independently administer all affairs concerning the armed forces.”
No Room to Maneuver
Critics of the constitution say that it will only serve to legitimize military rule, while reducing parliament to a toothless institution with no more power than the hand-picked National Convention which drafted it.
“Parliament will become a rubber stamp to endorse the commander in chief’s proposals,” said Aung Din, the executive director of the Washington, DC-based US Campaign for Burma, in an open letter calling on the Burmese people to reject “the military regime’s sham constitution.”
Others say that giving the ruling generals the powers they want will only embolden them to step up their oppression.
“Right now, they are ruling the country without any legal authority, and yet they treat citizens and religious leaders brutally,” said Ashin Pyinnya Jota, a leading member of the All Burma Monks Alliance. “If the constitution comes into force, it will only make them worse.”
But others ask what the alternatives are. Some argue that it would be better to accept the constitution and use it as a basis for future democratic changes. This is a position taken both by apologists for the junta and by pragmatists who point out that 20 years of resistance to the regime have yielded little in the way of progress.
One outspoken advocate of the constitution is Dr Nay Win Maung, a member of the so-called “Third Force” group founded during an international Burma conference in Singapore in 2006. This group, which claims to be neither pro-junta nor pro-opposition, has called for more engagement with the regime and an end to sanctions.
In an open letter obtained by The Irrawaddy, Nay Win Maung called on National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi to endorse the constitution and focus on elections to be held in 2010. This is the only way to ensure that the party is not disenfranchised, he said.
“This time, Burmese people should be smart enough and set their emotions aside, so as not to [create] another deadlock,” he wrote, adding that whatever the outcome of the referendum, it was certain that the constitution would ultimately be rectified at a later day.
In response to the letter, Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political commentator based in Thailand, agreed that it was time to take a more forward-looking approach. “We have to stop living in the past. It only prolongs the deadlock and conflict,” he said.
However, others say it is naïve to believe that the regime is offering the country a way forward.
“The junta just wants to be old wine in a new bottle,” said Win Min, a Thailand-based Burmese political analyst. “If the junta wants the opposition to endorse their rule, they must compromise for national reconciliation.”
Win Min points to clauses in the constitution that effectively block future changes as the greatest hurdle to acceptance.
“If we cannot modify the constitution, democratization in Burma cannot grow,” he said.
Under Section 4 (a) of Chapter 12, “Amendment of the Constitution,” any suggested change would need to be sponsored by at least 20 percent of parliament members. This would be followed by a parliamentary vote, which would require over 75 percent support before the proposed amendment could be put to a national referendum. More than fifty percent of voters would have to approve of the amendment before it could come into effect.
With 25 percent of seats going to the military, it would be effectively impossible to pass any amendments that the commander in chief did not approve of. Moreover, in the chapter on the powers of the Tatmadaw, the armed forces bear responsibility for “safeguarding the State Constitution.” This principle can be invoked at any time to prevent amendments that the military sees as inimical to its interests.
At this stage, debate about how the constitution can be reconfigured to make it more democratic is still largely academic. It is also, in the view of some exiled opposition activists, irrelevant.
“Some experts think endorsing the constitution is better than nothing. But people will not see it like this,” said Aung Moe Zaw, a secretary of the exiled opposition’s umbrella group, the National Council of the Union of Burma. “People want to see a long-term guarantee for their future—real democracy and freedom.”
“If the NLD endorses this unjust constitution, people in Burma will object. People will go their own way,” he added.
Even setting aside the question of whether the opposition would be able to alter the constitution to meet the democratic needs of the people, it remains unclear how civilians would function within a military-dominated parliament. Even the normal functions of a parliamentary opposition party could be regarded as hostile to national unity and thus subject to draconian restrictions.
Another concern of the opposition is that the constitution effectively bars Aung San Suu Kyi from occupying a leadership position. As the widow of British scholar Michael Aris and mother of two sons who are British citizens, Suu Kyi would have no right to lead Burma, according to the draft constitution, which states that “the President of the Union himself [and his] parents, spouse [and] children … shall not owe allegiance to a foreign power, shall not be a subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country.”
Ethnic opposition groups also have cause for concern, as their claims to autonomy would also be severely constrained. As Aung Din of the US Campaign for Burma noted, ethnic state legislatures would also have military appointees occupying 25 percent of seats.
“The expectations of ethnic nationalities to obtain the right of self-determination will never be realized, as unelected military officials will effectively intervene in their State affairs,” said Aung Din. “This sham constitution systematically denies equality among all ethnic nationalities and self-determination, demanded by all ethnic groups for a long time.”
World Opinion Divided
As Burmese debate the pros and cons of the constitution, the international community also remains divided over the junta’s latest attempt to set the terms of political change in Burma. While neighboring countries broadly support the constitutional referendum as a step forward, Western critics of the regime, particularly the United States, have dismissed it out of hand.
“It has to begin somewhere and now it has a clear, definite beginning,” said the chief of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), Surin Pitsuwan, soon after the referendum was announced. “I think it is a development in the right direction.”
A “Vote No” rally in front of the NLD headquarters in Rangoon on March 27.
The United Nations, which has attempted to mediate between the regime and the democratic opposition, was more guarded in its assessment. In a statement, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged the Burmese junta to “make the constitution-making process inclusive, participatory and transparent in order to ensure that any draft constitution is broadly representative of the views of all the people of Myanmar [Burma].”
The US, which has long been the regime’s most outspoken critic, was more explicit about the shortcomings of the constitution-making process, drawing attention to the ongoing suppression of democratic rights in Burma.
In a statement released after the regime declared its intention to hold a referendum, Sean McCormack, a US State Department spokesperson, said, “No referendum held under these conditions—a pervasive climate of fear in which virtually the entire population, including Aung San Suu Kyi, is under detention, and the Burmese people not being allowed to participate in or even discuss the drafting of a constitution—can be free, fair or credible.”
In late February, in a move that confirmed suspicions that the junta intended to stage manage the referendum, its top leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, signed into effect a law that threatens dissenters with heavy penalties for opposing the referendum. Under the Referendum Law for the Approval of the Draft Constitution, anybody who publicly criticizes the referendum faces a fine and a three-year prison sentence.
Thein Nyunt, a lawyer in Rangoon, remarked that the current law is even more severe than similar legislation enacted ahead of a referendum in 1973. “Under the previous law, anyone who was against the referendum could be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment. But now people can receive three years’ imprisonment under the terms of the present law.”
A Final Showdown?
Against this backdrop of deepening repression and a mixed international response, many activists suspect that the real referendum will take place not in the polling booths, but on the streets.
“We don’t see it as a final battle, but it will reach that point,” said student activist Tun Myint Aung, who noted that the last constitution drafted under military rule was ultimately scrapped under pressure from the popular uprising in 1988.
In a sign of growing frustration in Burma, in late March a 26-year-old man set himself on fire at Rangoon’s famed Shwedagon Pagoda, a religious site that has often served as a focal point of political protests. Reports suggested that he was acting out of desperation over economic hardships and political frustration.
Observers of Burma’s economy have noted that conditions have only gotten worse since a drastic hike in fuel prices triggered protests last year. Although the regime has put a lid on dissent since its crackdown on monk-led demonstrations in September, it remains vulnerable to economically inspired unrest, which could easily assume a more political nature amid the push to strong-arm the population into endorsing an unpopular constitution.
The lack of leadership from the NLD and disappointment with the international response to the junta’s brutal crackdown, have led many to the conclusion that people power is the only remaining option.
“In the entire history of the world, there has never been a dictator who willingly gave up power once he had it firmly in his hands,” said respected Burmese journalist Ludu Sein Win in a recorded message released in March. “And there are no countries in the world which have gained liberation through the help of the United Nations.”
“Don’t waste your time dreaming about dialogue and considering help from the UN Security Council,” the 68-year-old journalist and former political prisoner added.
“We already have the power to force out the military dictatorship. That power is the force and strength of every Burmese citizen.”
Whether the regime’s exercise in manipulating public opinion succeeds or seriously backfires may prove more important than its efforts to enshrine its control through a new constitution.
In the end, the junta may find that its efforts to control the will of the people could unleash a political firestorm.
The Irrawaddy
APRIL, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.4
Illustration: Harn Lay / The IrrawaddyAs analysts and activists debate how to respond to the regime’s draft constitution, others ask if it will cement the generals’ hold on power or trigger a popular uprising
FOR the generals who rule Burma, it is a step closer to the coveted goal of permanent military control of the country’s politics. For its detractors, it is a potential lightning rod for decades of pent-up discontent. But for most, it is still a mystery, as they wonder if this is really a distant light at the end of the tunnel or the headlights of an impending disaster.
The Burmese regime’s draft constitution, which Burmese voters will be asked to endorse or reject in a referendum in May, has drawn many reactions from people both inside and outside the country.
Although there is little consensus on the constitution, which was 14 years in the making, few doubt that the referendum, if it actually goes ahead, will be the junta’s most significant political move since elections in 1990, when voters unequivocally signaled a desire for an end to military rule.
For dissidents in Burma, that desire has only grown stronger over the past 18 years. They see the referendum as an opportunity to let the junta and the world know that that it is time for the generals to go.
“This is not a referendum,” said Tun Myint Aung, a leader of the 88 Generation Students group. “This is a chance to vote against military rule.”
“The regime has given us two choices—‘yes’ or ‘no.’ But the only real choice is, should we vote ‘no’ or just boycott?” he added.
Calls for a referendum boycott have been growing, but Tun Myint Aung, who spoke to The Irrawaddy by phone from a hiding place in Burma, insisted that only a vote “No” would send a clear message.
“It doesn’t matter what people think of the constitution,” the prominent activist said. “They will just be voting to express the anger that has been accumulating over the past 20 years.”
The Tatmadaw Chapter
Of all the people The Irrawaddy has spoken to about the referendum since it was announced on February 9, few have expressed any interest in the actual contents of the constitution, which was released by the junta in March. In the absence of public debate on the constitution, most discussion among exiles and dissidents has focused on ways to effectively turn the referendum against the junta.
The draft constitution does not fundamentally differ from a version of the “principles” of the constitution released by the Ministry of Information in August 2007, one month before the National Convention formally completed its work on the charter.
The draft contains an entire chapter spelling out the precise powers of the military. This chapter, entitled “Tatmadaw”(Burmese for armed forces), is something new in Burma’s constitutional history and represents the first explicit attempt to enable the armed forces to “participate in the national political leadership role of the State”—one of the stated goals of the first chapter of constitutional “principles.”
In concrete terms, this means that 25 percent of the seats in both the upper and lower houses of parliament would be filled with military appointees selected by the Tatmadaw commander in chief. That is, 110 members of the 440-seat lower house, or People’s Parliament, and 56 members of the 224-seat upper house, or National Parliament, would be selected from within the ranks of the armed forces.
The powers of the commander in chief also extend to the selection of the president and two vice presidents. Each of these positions would be filled by individuals selected by the People’s Parliament, the National Parliament and a committee of military officials appointed by the commander in chief, ensuring that a member of the armed forces would occupy at least one of these top government positions—most likely the presidency, since the Tatmadaw exercises considerable influence over both houses of parliament. The commander in chief, meanwhile, would possess powers equal to those of the two vice presidents.
While all of these measures are intended to give the military considerable power over the government, there would also be guarantees that this influence doesn’t go in both directions. Parliament would not be permitted to discuss or interfere in military affairs, including defense spending. Under the new constitution, “The Tatmadaw has the right to independently administer all affairs concerning the armed forces.”
No Room to Maneuver
Critics of the constitution say that it will only serve to legitimize military rule, while reducing parliament to a toothless institution with no more power than the hand-picked National Convention which drafted it.
“Parliament will become a rubber stamp to endorse the commander in chief’s proposals,” said Aung Din, the executive director of the Washington, DC-based US Campaign for Burma, in an open letter calling on the Burmese people to reject “the military regime’s sham constitution.”
Others say that giving the ruling generals the powers they want will only embolden them to step up their oppression.
“Right now, they are ruling the country without any legal authority, and yet they treat citizens and religious leaders brutally,” said Ashin Pyinnya Jota, a leading member of the All Burma Monks Alliance. “If the constitution comes into force, it will only make them worse.”
But others ask what the alternatives are. Some argue that it would be better to accept the constitution and use it as a basis for future democratic changes. This is a position taken both by apologists for the junta and by pragmatists who point out that 20 years of resistance to the regime have yielded little in the way of progress.
One outspoken advocate of the constitution is Dr Nay Win Maung, a member of the so-called “Third Force” group founded during an international Burma conference in Singapore in 2006. This group, which claims to be neither pro-junta nor pro-opposition, has called for more engagement with the regime and an end to sanctions.
In an open letter obtained by The Irrawaddy, Nay Win Maung called on National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi to endorse the constitution and focus on elections to be held in 2010. This is the only way to ensure that the party is not disenfranchised, he said.
“This time, Burmese people should be smart enough and set their emotions aside, so as not to [create] another deadlock,” he wrote, adding that whatever the outcome of the referendum, it was certain that the constitution would ultimately be rectified at a later day.
In response to the letter, Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political commentator based in Thailand, agreed that it was time to take a more forward-looking approach. “We have to stop living in the past. It only prolongs the deadlock and conflict,” he said.
However, others say it is naïve to believe that the regime is offering the country a way forward.
“The junta just wants to be old wine in a new bottle,” said Win Min, a Thailand-based Burmese political analyst. “If the junta wants the opposition to endorse their rule, they must compromise for national reconciliation.”
Win Min points to clauses in the constitution that effectively block future changes as the greatest hurdle to acceptance.
“If we cannot modify the constitution, democratization in Burma cannot grow,” he said.
Under Section 4 (a) of Chapter 12, “Amendment of the Constitution,” any suggested change would need to be sponsored by at least 20 percent of parliament members. This would be followed by a parliamentary vote, which would require over 75 percent support before the proposed amendment could be put to a national referendum. More than fifty percent of voters would have to approve of the amendment before it could come into effect.
With 25 percent of seats going to the military, it would be effectively impossible to pass any amendments that the commander in chief did not approve of. Moreover, in the chapter on the powers of the Tatmadaw, the armed forces bear responsibility for “safeguarding the State Constitution.” This principle can be invoked at any time to prevent amendments that the military sees as inimical to its interests.
At this stage, debate about how the constitution can be reconfigured to make it more democratic is still largely academic. It is also, in the view of some exiled opposition activists, irrelevant.
“Some experts think endorsing the constitution is better than nothing. But people will not see it like this,” said Aung Moe Zaw, a secretary of the exiled opposition’s umbrella group, the National Council of the Union of Burma. “People want to see a long-term guarantee for their future—real democracy and freedom.”
“If the NLD endorses this unjust constitution, people in Burma will object. People will go their own way,” he added.
Even setting aside the question of whether the opposition would be able to alter the constitution to meet the democratic needs of the people, it remains unclear how civilians would function within a military-dominated parliament. Even the normal functions of a parliamentary opposition party could be regarded as hostile to national unity and thus subject to draconian restrictions.
Another concern of the opposition is that the constitution effectively bars Aung San Suu Kyi from occupying a leadership position. As the widow of British scholar Michael Aris and mother of two sons who are British citizens, Suu Kyi would have no right to lead Burma, according to the draft constitution, which states that “the President of the Union himself [and his] parents, spouse [and] children … shall not owe allegiance to a foreign power, shall not be a subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country.”
Ethnic opposition groups also have cause for concern, as their claims to autonomy would also be severely constrained. As Aung Din of the US Campaign for Burma noted, ethnic state legislatures would also have military appointees occupying 25 percent of seats.
“The expectations of ethnic nationalities to obtain the right of self-determination will never be realized, as unelected military officials will effectively intervene in their State affairs,” said Aung Din. “This sham constitution systematically denies equality among all ethnic nationalities and self-determination, demanded by all ethnic groups for a long time.”
World Opinion Divided
As Burmese debate the pros and cons of the constitution, the international community also remains divided over the junta’s latest attempt to set the terms of political change in Burma. While neighboring countries broadly support the constitutional referendum as a step forward, Western critics of the regime, particularly the United States, have dismissed it out of hand.
“It has to begin somewhere and now it has a clear, definite beginning,” said the chief of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), Surin Pitsuwan, soon after the referendum was announced. “I think it is a development in the right direction.”
A “Vote No” rally in front of the NLD headquarters in Rangoon on March 27.The United Nations, which has attempted to mediate between the regime and the democratic opposition, was more guarded in its assessment. In a statement, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged the Burmese junta to “make the constitution-making process inclusive, participatory and transparent in order to ensure that any draft constitution is broadly representative of the views of all the people of Myanmar [Burma].”
The US, which has long been the regime’s most outspoken critic, was more explicit about the shortcomings of the constitution-making process, drawing attention to the ongoing suppression of democratic rights in Burma.
In a statement released after the regime declared its intention to hold a referendum, Sean McCormack, a US State Department spokesperson, said, “No referendum held under these conditions—a pervasive climate of fear in which virtually the entire population, including Aung San Suu Kyi, is under detention, and the Burmese people not being allowed to participate in or even discuss the drafting of a constitution—can be free, fair or credible.”
In late February, in a move that confirmed suspicions that the junta intended to stage manage the referendum, its top leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, signed into effect a law that threatens dissenters with heavy penalties for opposing the referendum. Under the Referendum Law for the Approval of the Draft Constitution, anybody who publicly criticizes the referendum faces a fine and a three-year prison sentence.
Thein Nyunt, a lawyer in Rangoon, remarked that the current law is even more severe than similar legislation enacted ahead of a referendum in 1973. “Under the previous law, anyone who was against the referendum could be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment. But now people can receive three years’ imprisonment under the terms of the present law.”
A Final Showdown?
Against this backdrop of deepening repression and a mixed international response, many activists suspect that the real referendum will take place not in the polling booths, but on the streets.
“We don’t see it as a final battle, but it will reach that point,” said student activist Tun Myint Aung, who noted that the last constitution drafted under military rule was ultimately scrapped under pressure from the popular uprising in 1988.
In a sign of growing frustration in Burma, in late March a 26-year-old man set himself on fire at Rangoon’s famed Shwedagon Pagoda, a religious site that has often served as a focal point of political protests. Reports suggested that he was acting out of desperation over economic hardships and political frustration.
Observers of Burma’s economy have noted that conditions have only gotten worse since a drastic hike in fuel prices triggered protests last year. Although the regime has put a lid on dissent since its crackdown on monk-led demonstrations in September, it remains vulnerable to economically inspired unrest, which could easily assume a more political nature amid the push to strong-arm the population into endorsing an unpopular constitution.
The lack of leadership from the NLD and disappointment with the international response to the junta’s brutal crackdown, have led many to the conclusion that people power is the only remaining option.
“In the entire history of the world, there has never been a dictator who willingly gave up power once he had it firmly in his hands,” said respected Burmese journalist Ludu Sein Win in a recorded message released in March. “And there are no countries in the world which have gained liberation through the help of the United Nations.”
“Don’t waste your time dreaming about dialogue and considering help from the UN Security Council,” the 68-year-old journalist and former political prisoner added.
“We already have the power to force out the military dictatorship. That power is the force and strength of every Burmese citizen.”
Whether the regime’s exercise in manipulating public opinion succeeds or seriously backfires may prove more important than its efforts to enshrine its control through a new constitution.
In the end, the junta may find that its efforts to control the will of the people could unleash a political firestorm.
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