By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
Thousands of people in hundreds of villages are being forced to labor for free under a military-led reconstruction effort in the cyclone-devastated Irrawaddy delta, according to sources in the area.
Villagers in the hard-hit townships of Laputta, Bogalay, Pyapon and Dedaye say that local people, including children, have been told by Ward Peace and Development Councils and military troops that they must provide labor on a rotating basis.
The work they are expected to do includes serving as porters, cutting bamboo and trees and cleaning up roads and villages. Some have also been put to work on construction sites, the sources said.
The villagers, many of them living in camps for cyclone survivors, said that the duties imposed on them were preventing them from rebuilding their own homes or tending to their fields.
“They [farmers] said that for the past month, they have been forced to work in rotation for the authorities. People who don’t work when it’s their turn have to pay a fine of 1,500 kyat (US $1.26),” said a source in Laputta.
A refugee from the village of Kyar Chaung said that the authorities call on 100 men each day to carry sacks of rice. “Those who do not obey the order are driven out of the refugee camps,” he added.
Another refugee, from the village of Kaing Thaung, said: “The authorities accuse people who don’t want to work for them of being lazy. They say that they are opportunists who are just waiting around to get everything for free.”
There have been a number of reports of people in the camps being beaten and forced to leave. Some say that the authorities are looking for excuses to throw people out of the camps.
Meanwhile, fishermen in the area have been ordered to catch prawns and fish for Burmese troops, said one fisherman in Ywe, a village in Laputta Township.
The Burmese army unit responsible for recovery and reconstruction efforts in the Irrawaddy delta is Light Infantry Division 66, under the command of Brig-Gen Maung Maung Aye. As a commanding officer of Infantry Battalion 70 in Pegu Division and Karen State in the early 2000s, Maung Maung Aye was notorious for pressganging civilians into road construction.
Sources in the camps for cyclone victims say that they have been told not to discuss the use of forced labor with visitors, and to inform the authorities about the presence of any unknown people in the camps.
Burma’s military regime has been strongly condemned by international rights groups for its use of forced labor in building army camps and constructing basic infrastructure such as roads and bridges. Refusal to work on any of these projects has resulted in documented cases of detention, torture and execution.
In June, the International Labor Organization said it was concerned that the Burmese military regime might use forced labor in reconstructing cyclone-devastated areas.
The Irrawaddy’s correspondent Aung Thet Wine in Laputta also contributed to this report.
Thursday, 17 July 2008
The Irrawaddy Delta Redux
By AUNG THET WINE / LAPUTTA
The Irrawaddy News
I’ve just returned from Laputta in the Irrawaddy delta, where the situation is appalling and vastly different than government accounts.
I visited Kaing Thaung, Kanyin Kone, Ywe and Pyin Salu villages, where I witnessed a lot of forced labor incidents in the name of "reconstruction."
I was told the soldiers said, "We’re here for your village reconstruction. You must cooperate with us." Some villagers are even beaten during their forced labor conscription.
There are also numerous cases of refugees who remain at Three-Mile, Five-Mile and Yatana Dipa refugee camps being conscripted for forced labor. The authorities say these remaining camps will be closed on August 5.
I haven’t been that impressed with what the UN is doing. I think many UN workers are just here for dollars. Perhaps, they don’t release the real news of conditions here because they fear the government’s reaction. They are on the ground, they know the situation, but I think they turn a blind eye because they don’t want their projects stopped.
The UN workers live in good house, renting for around 1.5 million kyats (US $ 1271) per month. It’s my belief that if they had good hearts, they could reduce these high expenses and give more to the refugees.
Thanks to regular rain fall, the refugees appear to have enough safe water. If they don't get rain water, there could be more outbreaks of infectious diseases. In terms of medical care, there are still a lot of villages that need medical services.
The villagers I talked with complained about the hardships they experience. They hope I can do something for their relief, but I can't do anything except write a report or a news story. I realize that what I write may get to the international communities, but then what?
Refugees told me that when they were ordered to leave Pha Yar Gyi and other temporary camps in Laputta, soldiers from Light Infantry Division (LID) 66 entered the camps with batons and guns and forced the refugees into trucks, like driving a herd of cattle.
The UN staff knows about the forced relocation of the refugees, but they don’t issue any press releases about it.
Refugees have many stories of abuse by Burmese military and civil officials in charge of the camps. They tell stories of drunken camp officials swearing at refugees: “You are lazy people living on rice donations! You are beggars! Go back home."
Some refugee families couldn't bear it and talked back to the authorities. They would beat and drive them from the camp. It is happening in all three camps. Refugees are also told to inform volunteer donors who come to the camps that they don’t need anything. Some savvy donors wait and talk for several minutes and then they understand the real story.
From my talks with Laputta residents, I also question the assessment by the Tripartite Core Group (TCG)—a body formed in cooperation with Asean, the UN and the Burmese junta. The teams collected data in the Irrawaddy delta.
The local authorities I talked with said some young people came around and asked questions about the situation in the surrounding villages. They claimed they were not well informed on the current situation there, but they offered to send them to the villages. The teams, however, seemed to have limited time and left the town with the data they gathered from the administrators in the town.
I also made inquires about the government providing mechanical tillers and paddy seeds to farmers and boats and fishing nets to villagers. Villagers I spoke with said some villages received the assistance, but the tillers were old and the authorities provided only 2 gallons of diesel for plowing an acre. The old machines break down and consume 4 or 5 gallons to plow one acre of land.
They said three out of five of the tillers were in workable condition, and if a farmer wanted to use the machine, they had to bribe the village head with 200,000 kyat ($ 169.5)
The rice seeds the authorities provided are low quality, called Hnan-Kar, also known as Ma-Naw Thu-Kha. Some farmers said they sow them but no sprouts appeared. The farmers feel helpless because they don’t have access to the seeds they used before.
I saw some paddy fields with green sprouts, but much of the land in the disaster area has not been planted.
My impression is that the camp administrators, township officials, their relatives and landlords in Laputta are benefiting post-Nargis. The restaurants in town are crowded most of the time.
I returned from this trip feeling great sympathy and sorrow for the cyclone victims. I wish the relief effort could be more effective. The people are still suffering.
The Irrawaddy News
I’ve just returned from Laputta in the Irrawaddy delta, where the situation is appalling and vastly different than government accounts.
I visited Kaing Thaung, Kanyin Kone, Ywe and Pyin Salu villages, where I witnessed a lot of forced labor incidents in the name of "reconstruction."
I was told the soldiers said, "We’re here for your village reconstruction. You must cooperate with us." Some villagers are even beaten during their forced labor conscription.
There are also numerous cases of refugees who remain at Three-Mile, Five-Mile and Yatana Dipa refugee camps being conscripted for forced labor. The authorities say these remaining camps will be closed on August 5.
I haven’t been that impressed with what the UN is doing. I think many UN workers are just here for dollars. Perhaps, they don’t release the real news of conditions here because they fear the government’s reaction. They are on the ground, they know the situation, but I think they turn a blind eye because they don’t want their projects stopped.
The UN workers live in good house, renting for around 1.5 million kyats (US $ 1271) per month. It’s my belief that if they had good hearts, they could reduce these high expenses and give more to the refugees.
Thanks to regular rain fall, the refugees appear to have enough safe water. If they don't get rain water, there could be more outbreaks of infectious diseases. In terms of medical care, there are still a lot of villages that need medical services.
The villagers I talked with complained about the hardships they experience. They hope I can do something for their relief, but I can't do anything except write a report or a news story. I realize that what I write may get to the international communities, but then what?
Refugees told me that when they were ordered to leave Pha Yar Gyi and other temporary camps in Laputta, soldiers from Light Infantry Division (LID) 66 entered the camps with batons and guns and forced the refugees into trucks, like driving a herd of cattle.
The UN staff knows about the forced relocation of the refugees, but they don’t issue any press releases about it.
Refugees have many stories of abuse by Burmese military and civil officials in charge of the camps. They tell stories of drunken camp officials swearing at refugees: “You are lazy people living on rice donations! You are beggars! Go back home."
Some refugee families couldn't bear it and talked back to the authorities. They would beat and drive them from the camp. It is happening in all three camps. Refugees are also told to inform volunteer donors who come to the camps that they don’t need anything. Some savvy donors wait and talk for several minutes and then they understand the real story.
From my talks with Laputta residents, I also question the assessment by the Tripartite Core Group (TCG)—a body formed in cooperation with Asean, the UN and the Burmese junta. The teams collected data in the Irrawaddy delta.
The local authorities I talked with said some young people came around and asked questions about the situation in the surrounding villages. They claimed they were not well informed on the current situation there, but they offered to send them to the villages. The teams, however, seemed to have limited time and left the town with the data they gathered from the administrators in the town.
I also made inquires about the government providing mechanical tillers and paddy seeds to farmers and boats and fishing nets to villagers. Villagers I spoke with said some villages received the assistance, but the tillers were old and the authorities provided only 2 gallons of diesel for plowing an acre. The old machines break down and consume 4 or 5 gallons to plow one acre of land.
They said three out of five of the tillers were in workable condition, and if a farmer wanted to use the machine, they had to bribe the village head with 200,000 kyat ($ 169.5)
The rice seeds the authorities provided are low quality, called Hnan-Kar, also known as Ma-Naw Thu-Kha. Some farmers said they sow them but no sprouts appeared. The farmers feel helpless because they don’t have access to the seeds they used before.
I saw some paddy fields with green sprouts, but much of the land in the disaster area has not been planted.
My impression is that the camp administrators, township officials, their relatives and landlords in Laputta are benefiting post-Nargis. The restaurants in town are crowded most of the time.
I returned from this trip feeling great sympathy and sorrow for the cyclone victims. I wish the relief effort could be more effective. The people are still suffering.
Commentary: Let’s hope the UN gets it right this time
By Bo Kyi
Jul 16, 2008 (DVB)–The basic strategy of the United Nations special envoy so far appears to have been to yield to the regime. How far will aspirations and demands slip in his future dealings with the Burmese military? The envoy's next visit to the country will be a test.
Mr Ibrahim Gambari, UN special envoy to Burma, has been invited to return to Burma in mid-August to continue his mediation efforts. The question is: what will his mission be this time?
Many sources close to the UN told me that the envoy is likely to continue pinning his hopes on the regime's seven-step road map, which the UN once viewed as a potential process for democratization in Burma.
In late 2007, Mr Gambari also said, "[The UN] Secretary-General did not reject the seven-step Road Map and what he would like to suggest were inclusiveness and a time frame."
Many key opposition groups, especially the election-winning National League for Democracy and ethnic political parties, might come to agree with the UN that the junta's seven-step road map could still be a viable option for Burma's transition if it was modified to become inclusive and time-bound.
In August 2001, 92 elected members of parliament from inside Burma called for this change in the road map in their public statement. They demanded that the regime modify the road map. The elected MPs said that if the regime made it inclusive, they would like to cooperate and find a political solution within the road map framework.
On 12 November last year, in the wake of September’s Saffron Revolution, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon said that “a return to the status quo that existed before the crisis is not sustainable,” and that he “encourages the government and all relevant parties to redouble their efforts towards achieving national reconciliation, democracy and full respect for human rights”.
The UN made two proposals to the junta, namely that Burma should set up a broad-based constitutional revision commission in order to ensure an inclusive political process and that a poverty alleviation commission should be established. The regime's supreme leader Than Shwe rejected them and finalized the constitution draft. Then the UN suggested that the junta invite international observers to the referendum. That suggestion fell on deaf ears too.
The regime has now declared that they have completed four of the seven steps of the road map. Step one, the National Convention process, took more than 14 years to finish and excluded legitimate political parties such as the NLD, whose leaders are imprisoned.
Instead the military’s handpicked delegations took part in the convention and drew up a draft constitution which simply provides for the continuation and consolidation of military rule. The impunity for members of the State Peace and Development Council and its predecessor the State Law and Order Restoration Council enshrined in the constitution paves the way for further human rights violations against Burma’s people.
In May the junta held a national referendum to approve the draft constitution, despite Ban Ki-moon and the international community’s calls for them to postpone the referendum in order to focus on the massive cyclone relief operation. Moreover, the referendum took place in a climate of harassment, intimidation and fraud to secure the result the junta wanted, much like the run-off presidential election in Zimbabwe. At the time, people in Burma were in mourning because of Cyclone Nargis, which killed over 140,000 and left 2.4 million people suffering. The UN and the international community witnessed the junta’s callous attitude towards its own citizens. The regime shamelessly claimed that their proposed constitution was approved by 92.4 percent of the population.
Now, it is blindingly obvious that the substance of the constitution is undemocratic and, more importantly, that the whole process of implementing the road map has been lacking inclusiveness and transparency.
Special envoy Gambari once encouraged political parties in Burma to participate within the framework of the seven-step road map set out by the junta. All key opposition groups accepted his request and acted accordingly. But the regime has rejected the envoy’s proposals.
So now what?
According to some UN sources I know, the danger now is that the UN is exhausting its persuasive capacity and is shifting towards a yielding approach.
In his press briefing on May 27, Ban Ki-moon said that he "urged them [Than Shwe and the generals] that the seven-point democratization programme should be put into implementation as soon as possible" during his meeting with Than Shwe in Naypyidaw.
The seven-point democratization programme? Isn’t that a contradiction in terms? Is Ban confusing speed with substance?
Since Than Shwe shot down all the UN’s proposals, the secretary-general must know that this road map is not headed in the right direction.
Now Burmese democracy activists fear that the UN envoy will encourage the NLD party to participate in the 2010 election. Since the unilateral implementation of the road map is unacceptable, the party has already rejected the referendum results and the upcoming election as a sham. Aye Thar Aung, an ethnic leader in Burma, hit the nail on the head when he recently said, "the real necessary step is to develop national reconciliation to bring a true democratic system to our country". He is right. In order to take that necessary step, the UN good offices should not imagine that the “softly, softly” yielding approach will work with the regime.
The message for the UN envoy is simple:
Secretary-general Ban Ki-moon should instruct Gambari to reiterate that the regime must adapt its seven-step road map so that it ensures a peaceful transition to democracy, including the redrafting of the constitution by means of a transparent, participatory process. That process must involve representatives of political parties like the NLD and Burma’s ethnic nationalities. Gambari must also call for the release of all political prisoners.
If the seven-step road map truly represented the way forward for a peaceful transition to democracy, then activists and opposition groups might be prepared to rethink their participation within its framework.
If Gambari cannot persuade the regime to take these essential steps, then the secretary-general must declare that the regime’s roadmap is no longer relevant. He must strongly encourage the UN Security Council to use an enforcement mechanism to bring about progress on democratic transition in Burma. If not, the UN will fail again and Burmese activists may reluctantly conclude that the UN is in fact complicit with the regime.
Bo Kyi is a former political prisoner and currently works as a joint secretary for the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
JEG's NOTES;
1) According to the NC or Referendum laws or constitutions DASSK is barred as she was married to a foreigner.
http://please-help-burma.blogspot.com/search?q=%22married+to+foreigner%22
2) a) She is not considered since the referendum "obsolete"
3) b) The New Light of Myanmar newspaper says Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy should PREPARE (it does not say contest, prepare to accept perhaps?) for new elections in 2010 instead of clinging to the results of the 1990 vote. (the 2010 elections have already been won and we are still living 2008)
http://www.voanews.com/english/2008-07-06-voa34.cfm
Jul 16, 2008 (DVB)–The basic strategy of the United Nations special envoy so far appears to have been to yield to the regime. How far will aspirations and demands slip in his future dealings with the Burmese military? The envoy's next visit to the country will be a test.
Mr Ibrahim Gambari, UN special envoy to Burma, has been invited to return to Burma in mid-August to continue his mediation efforts. The question is: what will his mission be this time?
Many sources close to the UN told me that the envoy is likely to continue pinning his hopes on the regime's seven-step road map, which the UN once viewed as a potential process for democratization in Burma.
In late 2007, Mr Gambari also said, "[The UN] Secretary-General did not reject the seven-step Road Map and what he would like to suggest were inclusiveness and a time frame."
Many key opposition groups, especially the election-winning National League for Democracy and ethnic political parties, might come to agree with the UN that the junta's seven-step road map could still be a viable option for Burma's transition if it was modified to become inclusive and time-bound.
In August 2001, 92 elected members of parliament from inside Burma called for this change in the road map in their public statement. They demanded that the regime modify the road map. The elected MPs said that if the regime made it inclusive, they would like to cooperate and find a political solution within the road map framework.
On 12 November last year, in the wake of September’s Saffron Revolution, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon said that “a return to the status quo that existed before the crisis is not sustainable,” and that he “encourages the government and all relevant parties to redouble their efforts towards achieving national reconciliation, democracy and full respect for human rights”.
The UN made two proposals to the junta, namely that Burma should set up a broad-based constitutional revision commission in order to ensure an inclusive political process and that a poverty alleviation commission should be established. The regime's supreme leader Than Shwe rejected them and finalized the constitution draft. Then the UN suggested that the junta invite international observers to the referendum. That suggestion fell on deaf ears too.
The regime has now declared that they have completed four of the seven steps of the road map. Step one, the National Convention process, took more than 14 years to finish and excluded legitimate political parties such as the NLD, whose leaders are imprisoned.
Instead the military’s handpicked delegations took part in the convention and drew up a draft constitution which simply provides for the continuation and consolidation of military rule. The impunity for members of the State Peace and Development Council and its predecessor the State Law and Order Restoration Council enshrined in the constitution paves the way for further human rights violations against Burma’s people.
In May the junta held a national referendum to approve the draft constitution, despite Ban Ki-moon and the international community’s calls for them to postpone the referendum in order to focus on the massive cyclone relief operation. Moreover, the referendum took place in a climate of harassment, intimidation and fraud to secure the result the junta wanted, much like the run-off presidential election in Zimbabwe. At the time, people in Burma were in mourning because of Cyclone Nargis, which killed over 140,000 and left 2.4 million people suffering. The UN and the international community witnessed the junta’s callous attitude towards its own citizens. The regime shamelessly claimed that their proposed constitution was approved by 92.4 percent of the population.
Now, it is blindingly obvious that the substance of the constitution is undemocratic and, more importantly, that the whole process of implementing the road map has been lacking inclusiveness and transparency.
Special envoy Gambari once encouraged political parties in Burma to participate within the framework of the seven-step road map set out by the junta. All key opposition groups accepted his request and acted accordingly. But the regime has rejected the envoy’s proposals.
So now what?
According to some UN sources I know, the danger now is that the UN is exhausting its persuasive capacity and is shifting towards a yielding approach.
In his press briefing on May 27, Ban Ki-moon said that he "urged them [Than Shwe and the generals] that the seven-point democratization programme should be put into implementation as soon as possible" during his meeting with Than Shwe in Naypyidaw.
The seven-point democratization programme? Isn’t that a contradiction in terms? Is Ban confusing speed with substance?
Since Than Shwe shot down all the UN’s proposals, the secretary-general must know that this road map is not headed in the right direction.
Now Burmese democracy activists fear that the UN envoy will encourage the NLD party to participate in the 2010 election. Since the unilateral implementation of the road map is unacceptable, the party has already rejected the referendum results and the upcoming election as a sham. Aye Thar Aung, an ethnic leader in Burma, hit the nail on the head when he recently said, "the real necessary step is to develop national reconciliation to bring a true democratic system to our country". He is right. In order to take that necessary step, the UN good offices should not imagine that the “softly, softly” yielding approach will work with the regime.
The message for the UN envoy is simple:
Secretary-general Ban Ki-moon should instruct Gambari to reiterate that the regime must adapt its seven-step road map so that it ensures a peaceful transition to democracy, including the redrafting of the constitution by means of a transparent, participatory process. That process must involve representatives of political parties like the NLD and Burma’s ethnic nationalities. Gambari must also call for the release of all political prisoners.
If the seven-step road map truly represented the way forward for a peaceful transition to democracy, then activists and opposition groups might be prepared to rethink their participation within its framework.
If Gambari cannot persuade the regime to take these essential steps, then the secretary-general must declare that the regime’s roadmap is no longer relevant. He must strongly encourage the UN Security Council to use an enforcement mechanism to bring about progress on democratic transition in Burma. If not, the UN will fail again and Burmese activists may reluctantly conclude that the UN is in fact complicit with the regime.
Bo Kyi is a former political prisoner and currently works as a joint secretary for the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
JEG's NOTES;
1) According to the NC or Referendum laws or constitutions DASSK is barred as she was married to a foreigner.
http://please-help-burma.blogspot.com/search?q=%22married+to+foreigner%22
2) a) She is not considered since the referendum "obsolete"
3) b) The New Light of Myanmar newspaper says Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy should PREPARE (it does not say contest, prepare to accept perhaps?) for new elections in 2010 instead of clinging to the results of the 1990 vote. (the 2010 elections have already been won and we are still living 2008)
http://www.voanews.com/english/2008-07-06-voa34.cfm
Quote on Reconciliation
"There is no way we can communicate with these people with loving kindness [metta] according to Buddhist teachings.”
“We each have different opinions in our hearts and they cannot be reconciled."
--Masoeyein Monk
Monks continue regime boycott
Jul 16, 2008 (DVB)–Buddhist monks across Burma have said they are continuing their boycott against government officials by refusing to accept donations or passing them on to needy people.
A monk taking part in the boycott from Kaw Thaung, Tenasserim division, said his monastery had not been able to refuse donations outright.
"Our Pattaneikkuzana act against government members is still ongoing – we have been giving away donation items we received from government members to other people,” he said.
“We had to accept these items because they will pressure us if we refuse them."
The monk said some monasteries in Kaw Thaung which had refused donation from government officials had been put under close watch by the military and the monks were also told to inform the authorities when they wanted to travel to other areas.
A monk from one of the lecturing monasteries in Pakokku and another monk from Masoeyein monastery in Mandalay said that they and their fellow monks were also continuing the boycott.
"There is no way we can communicate with these people with loving kindness [metta] according to Buddhist teachings,” the Masoeyein monk said.
“We each have different opinions in our hearts and they cannot be reconciled."
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
A monk taking part in the boycott from Kaw Thaung, Tenasserim division, said his monastery had not been able to refuse donations outright.
"Our Pattaneikkuzana act against government members is still ongoing – we have been giving away donation items we received from government members to other people,” he said.
“We had to accept these items because they will pressure us if we refuse them."
The monk said some monasteries in Kaw Thaung which had refused donation from government officials had been put under close watch by the military and the monks were also told to inform the authorities when they wanted to travel to other areas.
A monk from one of the lecturing monasteries in Pakokku and another monk from Masoeyein monastery in Mandalay said that they and their fellow monks were also continuing the boycott.
"There is no way we can communicate with these people with loving kindness [metta] according to Buddhist teachings,” the Masoeyein monk said.
“We each have different opinions in our hearts and they cannot be reconciled."
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Security Tightened in Sittwe After Fatal Car Accident - (A bit odd??)
Narinjara News
7/16/2008 - Security has been tightened in some places in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, after a student from Sittwe Computer University died in a car accident on Tuesday, said one resident from the city.
He said, "The authority deployed yesterday some additional police forces at the hospital, in Pyidaw Tha Ward, Lawkar Nanda Pagoda, and at Computer University to avoid any unexpected incidents after the student died unnaturally."
Ko Soe Moe Aung, a third-year student at Sittwe Computer University, succumbed to injuries sustained in the accident at 9 am on Tuesday at the general hospital in Sittwe, a day after the accident took place.
A witness said the accident took place at 3 pm on Monday near Lawkar Nanda Pagoda in Sittwe, as the victim was returning home from school on a motorbike along with a friend of his.
A motor vehicle slammed his motorbike from behind as they were crossing the road. Ko Soe Moe Aung and his friend Maung Myo Thein received critical injuries and were immediately sent to the hospital for treatment.
Ko Maung Myo Thein luckily recovered after his hospitalization in Sittwe, but Ko Soe Moe Aung succumbed to his fatal injuries.
The resident said, "After he died, many students and local youths gathered at the hospital to see his body. Authorities suddenly sent the body to his house located in Pyidaw Tha Ward from the hospital with the help of the police force."
The student's funeral ceremony held this afternoon and many students and parents attended the ceremony.
"The authority was anxious about anti-government activity during the funeral, so they have deployed additional police forces in some places nearby his ward to prevent any kind of incidents against the government," the resident said.
7/16/2008 - Security has been tightened in some places in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, after a student from Sittwe Computer University died in a car accident on Tuesday, said one resident from the city.
He said, "The authority deployed yesterday some additional police forces at the hospital, in Pyidaw Tha Ward, Lawkar Nanda Pagoda, and at Computer University to avoid any unexpected incidents after the student died unnaturally."
Ko Soe Moe Aung, a third-year student at Sittwe Computer University, succumbed to injuries sustained in the accident at 9 am on Tuesday at the general hospital in Sittwe, a day after the accident took place.
A witness said the accident took place at 3 pm on Monday near Lawkar Nanda Pagoda in Sittwe, as the victim was returning home from school on a motorbike along with a friend of his.
A motor vehicle slammed his motorbike from behind as they were crossing the road. Ko Soe Moe Aung and his friend Maung Myo Thein received critical injuries and were immediately sent to the hospital for treatment.
Ko Maung Myo Thein luckily recovered after his hospitalization in Sittwe, but Ko Soe Moe Aung succumbed to his fatal injuries.
The resident said, "After he died, many students and local youths gathered at the hospital to see his body. Authorities suddenly sent the body to his house located in Pyidaw Tha Ward from the hospital with the help of the police force."
The student's funeral ceremony held this afternoon and many students and parents attended the ceremony.
"The authority was anxious about anti-government activity during the funeral, so they have deployed additional police forces in some places nearby his ward to prevent any kind of incidents against the government," the resident said.
Burmese refugee dies of starvation in Lada camp
Kaladan Press
Teknaf, Bangladesh: A Burmese refugee belonging to the unofficial Lada camp died of starvation yesterday (15th). Due to incessant heavy rain over two weeks, refugees have been facing severe food shortage because they have been unable to go out to work to support their families.
The dead refugee was identified as Abdu Salam (45), son of Abdul Zabber, Block C, and Room No.193 of Lada refugee camp. He left behind his wife and two children. He was unable to go out of the camp because of the rains and died of starvation, according to the victim's wife.
The situation in the Lada camp is going from bad to worse. The refugees were transferred to Lada camp from Dum Dum Meah camp recently. Though their living conditions have improved and the sheds are better compared to the Dum Dum Meah camp but they are now facing acute food crisis and other problems relating to local villagers, said a Majee (shed Leader) in the camp.
Some local people set up shops near the refugee camp to sell goods to the refugees, but they did not buy because of the high price compared to other shops which are further from the camp.
When some refugees returned to their camp after buying goods such as ---rice, onion, garlic, salt, cigarettes, edible oil, potatoes and other things from far away shops, local shopkeepers looted the goods from the refugees out of anger because they had not bought from their shops.
The refugees were not provided any ration from NGOs and other organizations. But they got some ration from the Islamic Relief Organization (IRO) when they were transferred to Lada camp. Since then they have received no ration from any quarter. The refugees thus have been trying to eke out a living by working outside the camp.
But because of incessant heavy rains since the first week of this month and the increase in bus fares, the refugees are unable to go out to work. As such they are facing acute scarcity of rations. Now, they have to pay Taka 20 to go to Teknaf from their camp when it was only Taka 10 before, where they earn only Taka 50 per day as a daily laborer, said Olison Majee in the camp.
Currently the Lada camp hosts 1,972 families, and the camp will be extended for 2,000 families in the future. Refugees will be provided ration in the days to come, according to Union Nirbahi Officer (UNO) Md. Altaf Hossain Chowdhury of Teknaf.
Besides, 165 families, who did not get sheds earlier, were provided sheds by the authorities.
The refugees who met Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) officials were told that in the future, refugees must have documents from the concerned authorities, if they want to go out of the camp. Refugees are now afraid of being arrested by the BDR if they go out without a document.
Teknaf, Bangladesh: A Burmese refugee belonging to the unofficial Lada camp died of starvation yesterday (15th). Due to incessant heavy rain over two weeks, refugees have been facing severe food shortage because they have been unable to go out to work to support their families.
The dead refugee was identified as Abdu Salam (45), son of Abdul Zabber, Block C, and Room No.193 of Lada refugee camp. He left behind his wife and two children. He was unable to go out of the camp because of the rains and died of starvation, according to the victim's wife.
The situation in the Lada camp is going from bad to worse. The refugees were transferred to Lada camp from Dum Dum Meah camp recently. Though their living conditions have improved and the sheds are better compared to the Dum Dum Meah camp but they are now facing acute food crisis and other problems relating to local villagers, said a Majee (shed Leader) in the camp.
Some local people set up shops near the refugee camp to sell goods to the refugees, but they did not buy because of the high price compared to other shops which are further from the camp.
When some refugees returned to their camp after buying goods such as ---rice, onion, garlic, salt, cigarettes, edible oil, potatoes and other things from far away shops, local shopkeepers looted the goods from the refugees out of anger because they had not bought from their shops.
The refugees were not provided any ration from NGOs and other organizations. But they got some ration from the Islamic Relief Organization (IRO) when they were transferred to Lada camp. Since then they have received no ration from any quarter. The refugees thus have been trying to eke out a living by working outside the camp.
But because of incessant heavy rains since the first week of this month and the increase in bus fares, the refugees are unable to go out to work. As such they are facing acute scarcity of rations. Now, they have to pay Taka 20 to go to Teknaf from their camp when it was only Taka 10 before, where they earn only Taka 50 per day as a daily laborer, said Olison Majee in the camp.
Currently the Lada camp hosts 1,972 families, and the camp will be extended for 2,000 families in the future. Refugees will be provided ration in the days to come, according to Union Nirbahi Officer (UNO) Md. Altaf Hossain Chowdhury of Teknaf.
Besides, 165 families, who did not get sheds earlier, were provided sheds by the authorities.
The refugees who met Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) officials were told that in the future, refugees must have documents from the concerned authorities, if they want to go out of the camp. Refugees are now afraid of being arrested by the BDR if they go out without a document.
Famine-like situation in Maungdaw
Kaladan Press
Maungdaw, Arakan State: Villagers in Maungdaw Township, Arakan State are starving in a famine like situation over the last three weeks because of incessant heavy rain and a consequent rise in prices of essential commodities, said a schoolteacher on condition of anonymity.
Northern Arakan, especially Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships, have been witnessing heavy rain. Poor people are not getting jobs and are unable to support their families resulting in some facing acute food shortage.
Besides, the prices of essential commodities have risen because of the incessant heavy rain. Now a kilogram of rice sells at Kyat 550 against Kyat 500 two weeks ago. The price of chili has soared from Kyat 1,500 to Kyat 2,000 a Viss (one Viss = 1.63 kg). A viss of onion is being sold at Kyat 800 while it was kyat 600 two weeks ago, and a Viss of garlic is being sold at Kyat 1,400. It was Kyat 1,250 before.
Forida Begum (30), from Aley Than Kyaw village tract in Maungdaw Township said, "We have five members in our family. My husband is unable to go out for work due to heavy rain, so we have no money and no rice to feed our family. We have been starving for three days."
Another villager Ali Hussain (60), from the same village said, "I think, in every village in Maungdaw Township, some of the families are starving. I know that at least five to eight families have been staring starvation in the face in other villages surrounding our village Aley Than Kyaw."
Moreover, due to heavy rain, most of the shrimp and prawn projects have been destroyed in Aley Than Kyaw village tracts. Seedlings of paddy were also damaged due to the rain and farmers will be unable to grow paddy in time. So farmers are apprehensive of low harvest next year, said a local farmer.
A village elder from the village also said, "We want support for poor villagers who are starving, from the government, NGOs like World Food Program (WFP) and from other NGOs. Their lives need to be saved. WFP, earlier, supported the poor villagers who had been facing food shortage for the last two years.
Maungdaw, Arakan State: Villagers in Maungdaw Township, Arakan State are starving in a famine like situation over the last three weeks because of incessant heavy rain and a consequent rise in prices of essential commodities, said a schoolteacher on condition of anonymity.
Northern Arakan, especially Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships, have been witnessing heavy rain. Poor people are not getting jobs and are unable to support their families resulting in some facing acute food shortage.
Besides, the prices of essential commodities have risen because of the incessant heavy rain. Now a kilogram of rice sells at Kyat 550 against Kyat 500 two weeks ago. The price of chili has soared from Kyat 1,500 to Kyat 2,000 a Viss (one Viss = 1.63 kg). A viss of onion is being sold at Kyat 800 while it was kyat 600 two weeks ago, and a Viss of garlic is being sold at Kyat 1,400. It was Kyat 1,250 before.
Forida Begum (30), from Aley Than Kyaw village tract in Maungdaw Township said, "We have five members in our family. My husband is unable to go out for work due to heavy rain, so we have no money and no rice to feed our family. We have been starving for three days."
Another villager Ali Hussain (60), from the same village said, "I think, in every village in Maungdaw Township, some of the families are starving. I know that at least five to eight families have been staring starvation in the face in other villages surrounding our village Aley Than Kyaw."
Moreover, due to heavy rain, most of the shrimp and prawn projects have been destroyed in Aley Than Kyaw village tracts. Seedlings of paddy were also damaged due to the rain and farmers will be unable to grow paddy in time. So farmers are apprehensive of low harvest next year, said a local farmer.
A village elder from the village also said, "We want support for poor villagers who are starving, from the government, NGOs like World Food Program (WFP) and from other NGOs. Their lives need to be saved. WFP, earlier, supported the poor villagers who had been facing food shortage for the last two years.
New commander wants timber smuggling routes identified
Kachin News
In a surprising order, the newly appointed Kachin State Commander of the Burmese ruling junta, Maj-Gen. Soe Win has asked the Forestry Department to make a list of the routes used by timber smugglers and loggers along the Sino-Burma border in Kachin State, Northern Burma, local sources said.
A local timber businessman in Kachin capital Myitkyina Township told KNG today, that all personnel in the office of the Forestry Department have been ordered to document all road names along which timber from Kachin State is illegally transported to the China border. He has also asked for related maps. These roads are only known to timber smugglers.
Following the new Commander's order, Forestry personnel in the township have got cracking with the documentation and mapping activities of roads along which timber is sent to the China border, sources close to the department said.
According to local timber businessmen, it is too early to say whether the routes roads will be totally closed down by the Commander Maj-Gen. Soe Win or he plans to make money from illegal timber exports to China in the name of 'holistic development of Kachin State.'
Salang Ja Naw, a timber businessman in Myitkyina told KNG today, "I think Commander Soe Win plans to earn big money from illegal timber trade because every commander has to fend for himself."
Former principal of Tatmadaw (Army) Combat Forces School (Bahtootat) in Pyi-Oo-Lwin Brig-Gen. Soe Win has been appointed the new Northern Command of Kachin State and arrived in the Northern Command headquarters (Ma-Pa-Kha) in Myitkyina on June 26.
In Myitkyina, he first met the head of Buddhist monks in Wuntu Monastery sponsored by the junta in Myitkyina and then met Christian and Muslim religious leaders in the township, said locals.
After that, he met all Kachin ceasefire groups, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K) and Lasang Awng Wa Ceasefire Group as well as government personnel in all departments and schools in the township, locals added.
At the moment, the people at different levels in Kachin State are cautiously watching the leadership of the new Commander Maj-Gen. Soe Win, according to residents of Myitkyina.
In a surprising order, the newly appointed Kachin State Commander of the Burmese ruling junta, Maj-Gen. Soe Win has asked the Forestry Department to make a list of the routes used by timber smugglers and loggers along the Sino-Burma border in Kachin State, Northern Burma, local sources said.
A local timber businessman in Kachin capital Myitkyina Township told KNG today, that all personnel in the office of the Forestry Department have been ordered to document all road names along which timber from Kachin State is illegally transported to the China border. He has also asked for related maps. These roads are only known to timber smugglers.
Following the new Commander's order, Forestry personnel in the township have got cracking with the documentation and mapping activities of roads along which timber is sent to the China border, sources close to the department said.
According to local timber businessmen, it is too early to say whether the routes roads will be totally closed down by the Commander Maj-Gen. Soe Win or he plans to make money from illegal timber exports to China in the name of 'holistic development of Kachin State.'
Salang Ja Naw, a timber businessman in Myitkyina told KNG today, "I think Commander Soe Win plans to earn big money from illegal timber trade because every commander has to fend for himself."
Former principal of Tatmadaw (Army) Combat Forces School (Bahtootat) in Pyi-Oo-Lwin Brig-Gen. Soe Win has been appointed the new Northern Command of Kachin State and arrived in the Northern Command headquarters (Ma-Pa-Kha) in Myitkyina on June 26.
In Myitkyina, he first met the head of Buddhist monks in Wuntu Monastery sponsored by the junta in Myitkyina and then met Christian and Muslim religious leaders in the township, said locals.
After that, he met all Kachin ceasefire groups, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K) and Lasang Awng Wa Ceasefire Group as well as government personnel in all departments and schools in the township, locals added.
At the moment, the people at different levels in Kachin State are cautiously watching the leadership of the new Commander Maj-Gen. Soe Win, according to residents of Myitkyina.
Junta invites Gambari in August
Mizzima News
New Delhi – The Burmese military junta has extended an invitation to Ibrahim Gambari, UN Special envoy to Burma, to visit the country in mid-August. The visit has to do with resuming talks with the regime and the opposition, a UN spokesperson said on Tuesday.
UN spokeswoman, Marie Okabe on Tuesday said Burma's military government has sent an invitation to Gambari to visit the country next month.
Gambari was initially supposed to visit Burma in May but the junta postponed it as the country was reeling under the devastating impact of Cyclone Nargis, which lashed Burma on May 2 and 3, leaving more than 138,000 dead and missing.
The Nigerian diplomat has visited the Southeast Asian country thrice in the wake of the junta brutally cracking down on peaceful protesters in September 2007.
Gambari's visit is part of the UN's untiring efforts to bring about a dialogue between the military regime and opposition groups represented by detained Burmese democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Gambari, who took over from the former UN special envoy Razali Ismail, has so far been able to facilitate talks between the junta's Liaison Minister and Aung San Suu Kyi. But critics say the talks had not yielded any tangible result.
Despite the UN's efforts, the Burmese military junta did not alter its plan and continued with its seven-step 'Roadmap to Democracy' without the participation of the opposition groups as well as representatives ethnic nationalities.
The UN has urged Burma's military rulers to expand its roadmap plans and make it inclusive to allow participation of the opposition parties and ethnic nationalities.
But turning a deaf ear to the UN and the international community's pressure, the junta in May conducted a referendum on a draft constitution, drafted solely by it and the regime's handpicked delegates.
The junta also announced that it will hold general elections in 2010 and form a multi-party democratic government.
The opposition groups and ethnic leaders have said they disagree with the junta's plan and called on the international community as well as the UN not to recognize the junta's roadmap and reject the referendum.
New Delhi – The Burmese military junta has extended an invitation to Ibrahim Gambari, UN Special envoy to Burma, to visit the country in mid-August. The visit has to do with resuming talks with the regime and the opposition, a UN spokesperson said on Tuesday.
UN spokeswoman, Marie Okabe on Tuesday said Burma's military government has sent an invitation to Gambari to visit the country next month.
Gambari was initially supposed to visit Burma in May but the junta postponed it as the country was reeling under the devastating impact of Cyclone Nargis, which lashed Burma on May 2 and 3, leaving more than 138,000 dead and missing.
The Nigerian diplomat has visited the Southeast Asian country thrice in the wake of the junta brutally cracking down on peaceful protesters in September 2007.
Gambari's visit is part of the UN's untiring efforts to bring about a dialogue between the military regime and opposition groups represented by detained Burmese democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Gambari, who took over from the former UN special envoy Razali Ismail, has so far been able to facilitate talks between the junta's Liaison Minister and Aung San Suu Kyi. But critics say the talks had not yielded any tangible result.
Despite the UN's efforts, the Burmese military junta did not alter its plan and continued with its seven-step 'Roadmap to Democracy' without the participation of the opposition groups as well as representatives ethnic nationalities.
The UN has urged Burma's military rulers to expand its roadmap plans and make it inclusive to allow participation of the opposition parties and ethnic nationalities.
But turning a deaf ear to the UN and the international community's pressure, the junta in May conducted a referendum on a draft constitution, drafted solely by it and the regime's handpicked delegates.
The junta also announced that it will hold general elections in 2010 and form a multi-party democratic government.
The opposition groups and ethnic leaders have said they disagree with the junta's plan and called on the international community as well as the UN not to recognize the junta's roadmap and reject the referendum.
'Free Daw Suu' campaigners charged with instigating public unrest
Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima)- Fourteen members of Burma's opposition party – National League for Democracy – who were arrested for protesting on their leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday on Wednesday were charged with disturbing public tranquility.
The NLD members, who had been in custody for about a month, were produced on Wednesday in Bahan Township Court in Rangoon, where charges against them were pressed by Bahan Township Station House Officer SIP Khai Win Aung under Criminal Code section 505(b), inducing people to break public tranquility and under section 143, unlawful assembly.
"The prosecutor charged them with unlawful assembly in front of the NLD office and chanting slogans to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and holding aloft placards which amounted to undermining public tranquility," said lawyer Khin Maung Shein, who was present at the court on Wednesday.
May Nweh, wife of one of the accused, Chit Khin, who was present at the court, said "He [Chit Khin] just attended Daw Suu's birthday party without chanting any slogans, I feel very sad. He's old and suffers severe headaches. Moreover we are not allowed to send him food parcels. I have to come again next week and meet him."
Two of the accused - Tin Ohn and Soe Ohn from Shwepyithar Township - are currently being treated in hospital and could not be present at the court hearing today.
On June 19, the NLD youth members marched to the residence of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is currently under house arrest in University Avenue, as a commemoration of her 63rd birthday.
Members of the Junta-backed civil organizations – Swan Arrshin and Union Solidarity and Development Association - arrested them from the street while they were chanting slogans – 'Free Aung Suu Kyi' and 'Long Live Aung San Suu Kyi'.
Khin Maung Shein said, "It is not a crime to demand for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She has actually completed her house arrest term and is due to be freed. Demanding and shouting for her release is not instigating public unrest."
He added that the NLD members will defend charges against them and argue at the court proceedings in accordance with the law. The court has fixed July 25 for the next hearing.
Chiang Mai (Mizzima)- Fourteen members of Burma's opposition party – National League for Democracy – who were arrested for protesting on their leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday on Wednesday were charged with disturbing public tranquility.
The NLD members, who had been in custody for about a month, were produced on Wednesday in Bahan Township Court in Rangoon, where charges against them were pressed by Bahan Township Station House Officer SIP Khai Win Aung under Criminal Code section 505(b), inducing people to break public tranquility and under section 143, unlawful assembly.
"The prosecutor charged them with unlawful assembly in front of the NLD office and chanting slogans to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and holding aloft placards which amounted to undermining public tranquility," said lawyer Khin Maung Shein, who was present at the court on Wednesday.
May Nweh, wife of one of the accused, Chit Khin, who was present at the court, said "He [Chit Khin] just attended Daw Suu's birthday party without chanting any slogans, I feel very sad. He's old and suffers severe headaches. Moreover we are not allowed to send him food parcels. I have to come again next week and meet him."
Two of the accused - Tin Ohn and Soe Ohn from Shwepyithar Township - are currently being treated in hospital and could not be present at the court hearing today.
On June 19, the NLD youth members marched to the residence of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is currently under house arrest in University Avenue, as a commemoration of her 63rd birthday.
Members of the Junta-backed civil organizations – Swan Arrshin and Union Solidarity and Development Association - arrested them from the street while they were chanting slogans – 'Free Aung Suu Kyi' and 'Long Live Aung San Suu Kyi'.
Khin Maung Shein said, "It is not a crime to demand for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She has actually completed her house arrest term and is due to be freed. Demanding and shouting for her release is not instigating public unrest."
He added that the NLD members will defend charges against them and argue at the court proceedings in accordance with the law. The court has fixed July 25 for the next hearing.
US House vote to bar Burmese gems
New Delhi (Mizzima)- In a renewed pressure, United States' House Foreign Affairs Committee on Tuesday voted unanimously to block Gems and Jewelries from Burma to enter into the US.
The vote, which ban Burmese Rubies from entering the US, is aimed at punishing the Burmese military regime for its failure to help its citizen recover from a Cyclone that swept the country in May and for its brutal crackdown on peaceful monks' protest last year.
House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman said, the law discussed in the House on Tuesday is aimed to hit the Burmese regime 'where it hurts — in the wallet.'
Berman said blocking the import of Burmese gems into the United States and expanding financial sanctions, will substantially reduce hundreds of millions of dollars of the regime's income, which are used to continue suppressing its own citizens.
The bill, after the House has voted, will be sent back to the Senate, which in 2007 voted to bar Burmese woods and timbers to be imported to the US.
Tuesday's vote to bar gems from Burma is part of the US's economic sanctions against the Burmese military regime.
The US along with the European Union had further tightened economic sanctions against the Burmese regime following the brutal crackdown on Burmese monks' protest in September last year.
The vote, which ban Burmese Rubies from entering the US, is aimed at punishing the Burmese military regime for its failure to help its citizen recover from a Cyclone that swept the country in May and for its brutal crackdown on peaceful monks' protest last year.
House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman said, the law discussed in the House on Tuesday is aimed to hit the Burmese regime 'where it hurts — in the wallet.'
Berman said blocking the import of Burmese gems into the United States and expanding financial sanctions, will substantially reduce hundreds of millions of dollars of the regime's income, which are used to continue suppressing its own citizens.
The bill, after the House has voted, will be sent back to the Senate, which in 2007 voted to bar Burmese woods and timbers to be imported to the US.
Tuesday's vote to bar gems from Burma is part of the US's economic sanctions against the Burmese military regime.
The US along with the European Union had further tightened economic sanctions against the Burmese regime following the brutal crackdown on Burmese monks' protest in September last year.
Regime’s Right to Represent Burma Challenged
By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News
An umbrella opposition group in exile, the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), has objected to the claims of the ruling military regime to represent the country in the United Nations General Assembly.
Myint Thein, the NCUB’s joint secretary, said it was important for the nations of the world to cooperate and extend their active support to the people of Burma, who live under the repressive military junta.
“We want the UN to stand up for the principles of democracy and human rights and reject the credentials of the State Peace and Development Council’s delegation to the United Nations during the upcoming session of the General Assembly.”
Besides campaigning to challenge the regime’s right to represent Burma in the UN, the group confirmed that it would also push to put Burmese human rights issues on the UN Security Council’s agenda and urge the world body to arraign Burma’s junta before the International Criminal Court for its crimes against humanity.
The NCUB has repeatedly engaged in similar campaigns over the past decade, but with no success.
Myint Thein said that the UN should not provide a seat for the Burmese regime, which is one of the world’s most repressive and secretive governments, because of its human rights abuses and its refusal to honor the results of legitimate elections held in 1990, when Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) won 80 percent of parliamentary seats.
“We used to only focus our campaign against them [on the basis that] they are not a legal government, but the situation is different now. We want the UN to reject them based on the very recent human rights violations in combination with the junta’s past atrocities,” said Myint Thein.
In a statement released on Monday, the NCUB detailed significant human rights abuses perpetrated by the regime. Among other offenses, the statement described the junta’s ruthless crackdown on peaceful protests by monks and citizens calling for democratic reforms during last year’s “Saffron Revolution.”
The statement also pointed to the regime’s refusal to accept international assistance following Cyclone Nargis as evidence of its failure to provide good governance, and slammed the junta’s decision to go ahead with a discredited constitutional referendum a week after the storm. It also mentioned the illegal extension of Aung San Suu Kyi’s confinement in late May.
Past injustices described in the statement include the killing of protesters during the 1988 national uprising, the regime’s refusal to honor the 1990 elections, its murder of NLD members in the 2003 Depayin massacre, and the ongoing practice of rape, forced labor and killing in ethnic areas.
The Irrawaddy News
An umbrella opposition group in exile, the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), has objected to the claims of the ruling military regime to represent the country in the United Nations General Assembly.
Myint Thein, the NCUB’s joint secretary, said it was important for the nations of the world to cooperate and extend their active support to the people of Burma, who live under the repressive military junta.
“We want the UN to stand up for the principles of democracy and human rights and reject the credentials of the State Peace and Development Council’s delegation to the United Nations during the upcoming session of the General Assembly.”
Besides campaigning to challenge the regime’s right to represent Burma in the UN, the group confirmed that it would also push to put Burmese human rights issues on the UN Security Council’s agenda and urge the world body to arraign Burma’s junta before the International Criminal Court for its crimes against humanity.
The NCUB has repeatedly engaged in similar campaigns over the past decade, but with no success.
Myint Thein said that the UN should not provide a seat for the Burmese regime, which is one of the world’s most repressive and secretive governments, because of its human rights abuses and its refusal to honor the results of legitimate elections held in 1990, when Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) won 80 percent of parliamentary seats.
“We used to only focus our campaign against them [on the basis that] they are not a legal government, but the situation is different now. We want the UN to reject them based on the very recent human rights violations in combination with the junta’s past atrocities,” said Myint Thein.
In a statement released on Monday, the NCUB detailed significant human rights abuses perpetrated by the regime. Among other offenses, the statement described the junta’s ruthless crackdown on peaceful protests by monks and citizens calling for democratic reforms during last year’s “Saffron Revolution.”
The statement also pointed to the regime’s refusal to accept international assistance following Cyclone Nargis as evidence of its failure to provide good governance, and slammed the junta’s decision to go ahead with a discredited constitutional referendum a week after the storm. It also mentioned the illegal extension of Aung San Suu Kyi’s confinement in late May.
Past injustices described in the statement include the killing of protesters during the 1988 national uprising, the regime’s refusal to honor the 1990 elections, its murder of NLD members in the 2003 Depayin massacre, and the ongoing practice of rape, forced labor and killing in ethnic areas.
Nargis Refugees Offered Low-Cost Housing
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
Sixteen private companies in Burma will build more than 6,000 low-cost homes for refugees in seven cyclone-hit regions in the Irrawaddy delta and Rangoon division, according to Flower News, a Rangoon-based weekly.
The paper reported on Monday that 16 construction companies including Asia World, Htoo Trading Company, FMI, MAX and Shwe Thanlwin will build 5,700 low-cost houses for 500,000 to 600,000 kyats (US $420 to $500) each for cyclone refugees in 23 villages in six townships in the Irrawaddy delta and 350 houses in Kungyangon Township in Rangoon Division.
The six townships in the Irrawaddy delta included Laputta, Bogalay, Dedaye and Pyapon, the paper said.
Whether the houses will be provided to refugees free or some form of payment will be required is unclear.
Sources in Bogalay Township said that cyclone victims in Kyae Chaung Gyi village said they were asked by authorities to pay 1.5 million kyat (about US $1,265) for the houses built there.
Sources who work with cyclone refugees said those who want to buy the homes must pay 300,000 kyat (about $253) a year for five years.
“They [authorities] first promised refugees they would receive houses for free,” he said. “But, in fact, refugees have to buy the house. It is impossible for refugees who lost everything in the cyclone disaster to buy a house.”
“No refugees have bought a house so far. Most are staying in temporary shelters they built themselves. It is not suitable. They [the authorities] should aid the victims,” he said.
Houses have already been built in Kyae Chaung Gyi village by Htoo Trading Company, owned by Burmese tycoon Tay Za, a business crony of junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe, said the source.
Another source in Bogalay Township reportedly said that 120 houses have been built in Kyae Chaung Gyi village by Tay Za’s company, and the houses will be given to refugees free of charge. Some refugees are already living in about 20 houses in Kyae Chaung Gyi village, said the source, who is close to Htoo Trading Company. .
The state-own daily The New Light of Myanmar reported on June 30 that Htoo Trading Company planned to build more than 116 houses in Kyae Chaung Gyi village in Bogalay Township.
The Irrawaddy News
Sixteen private companies in Burma will build more than 6,000 low-cost homes for refugees in seven cyclone-hit regions in the Irrawaddy delta and Rangoon division, according to Flower News, a Rangoon-based weekly.
The paper reported on Monday that 16 construction companies including Asia World, Htoo Trading Company, FMI, MAX and Shwe Thanlwin will build 5,700 low-cost houses for 500,000 to 600,000 kyats (US $420 to $500) each for cyclone refugees in 23 villages in six townships in the Irrawaddy delta and 350 houses in Kungyangon Township in Rangoon Division.
The six townships in the Irrawaddy delta included Laputta, Bogalay, Dedaye and Pyapon, the paper said.
Whether the houses will be provided to refugees free or some form of payment will be required is unclear.
Sources in Bogalay Township said that cyclone victims in Kyae Chaung Gyi village said they were asked by authorities to pay 1.5 million kyat (about US $1,265) for the houses built there.
Sources who work with cyclone refugees said those who want to buy the homes must pay 300,000 kyat (about $253) a year for five years.
“They [authorities] first promised refugees they would receive houses for free,” he said. “But, in fact, refugees have to buy the house. It is impossible for refugees who lost everything in the cyclone disaster to buy a house.”
“No refugees have bought a house so far. Most are staying in temporary shelters they built themselves. It is not suitable. They [the authorities] should aid the victims,” he said.
Houses have already been built in Kyae Chaung Gyi village by Htoo Trading Company, owned by Burmese tycoon Tay Za, a business crony of junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe, said the source.
Another source in Bogalay Township reportedly said that 120 houses have been built in Kyae Chaung Gyi village by Tay Za’s company, and the houses will be given to refugees free of charge. Some refugees are already living in about 20 houses in Kyae Chaung Gyi village, said the source, who is close to Htoo Trading Company. .
The state-own daily The New Light of Myanmar reported on June 30 that Htoo Trading Company planned to build more than 116 houses in Kyae Chaung Gyi village in Bogalay Township.
Wednesday, 16 July 2008
CNF threatens assassinations if development obstructed
Jul 15, 2008 (DVB)–The Chin National Front has vowed to carry out sniper attacks on government and Union Solidarity and Development Association officials if they obstruct the group’s efforts to boost development in Chin state.
The CNF said they have started an operation named People Power 20, or PP20, to encourage development in Chin state in cooperation with the Chin people.
According to the CNF’s guidelines, the operation aims to promote regional, education and health development, and prohibits hunting in the Chin forests and using explosives to catch fish in rivers.
CNF military coordinator Pu Solomon said the armed group has also formed special operations squads to conduct assassinations of government officials who disrupt their operation.
"First, we will give notorious military officials and USDA personnel a warning that we will take their lives in sniper attacks," said Pu Solomon.
"If they ignore the warning then we will take real action against them," the coordinator said.
"We have conducted special training for sharpshooters in our group for the sniper operations."
Pu Shwe Kha, joint-secretary of the CNF, said the group has also decided to cut taxes collected from the Chin people to the bare minimum.
"Before, we used to collect 3000 kyat annual tax from every household – but now we have reduced that to 10 kyat," said Pu Shwe Kha.
"Our operation aims to help the people in Chin state to deal with their struggles," he said.
"We will accept the 10 kyat tax from the people just to show them our appreciation of their contribution to the revolution."
The CNF previously held talks on a ceasefire agreement with the government military officials in March 2007 but these ended without an effective resolution except for an agreement on both sides to resume talks at a later date.
"We believe we will resume the talks in future – we are studying the strengths and weaknesses of the ceasefire groups and we will find a peaceful answer for our country's political situation," said Pu Shwe Kha.
The CNF was formed by fighters in Chin state after the 8888 uprising and it is a member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation.
Reporting by Khin Maung Soe Min
The CNF said they have started an operation named People Power 20, or PP20, to encourage development in Chin state in cooperation with the Chin people.
According to the CNF’s guidelines, the operation aims to promote regional, education and health development, and prohibits hunting in the Chin forests and using explosives to catch fish in rivers.
CNF military coordinator Pu Solomon said the armed group has also formed special operations squads to conduct assassinations of government officials who disrupt their operation.
"First, we will give notorious military officials and USDA personnel a warning that we will take their lives in sniper attacks," said Pu Solomon.
"If they ignore the warning then we will take real action against them," the coordinator said.
"We have conducted special training for sharpshooters in our group for the sniper operations."
Pu Shwe Kha, joint-secretary of the CNF, said the group has also decided to cut taxes collected from the Chin people to the bare minimum.
"Before, we used to collect 3000 kyat annual tax from every household – but now we have reduced that to 10 kyat," said Pu Shwe Kha.
"Our operation aims to help the people in Chin state to deal with their struggles," he said.
"We will accept the 10 kyat tax from the people just to show them our appreciation of their contribution to the revolution."
The CNF previously held talks on a ceasefire agreement with the government military officials in March 2007 but these ended without an effective resolution except for an agreement on both sides to resume talks at a later date.
"We believe we will resume the talks in future – we are studying the strengths and weaknesses of the ceasefire groups and we will find a peaceful answer for our country's political situation," said Pu Shwe Kha.
The CNF was formed by fighters in Chin state after the 8888 uprising and it is a member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation.
Reporting by Khin Maung Soe Min
Burma's outdoor advertising industry in doldrums after Nargis
Mizzima News
New Delhi - Cyclone Nargis, which devastated an estimated 2.4 million lives, has left tell tale marks on businesses – particularly advertising industry - in Burma's former capital Rangoon.
The nascent advertising industry in Rangoon is among the many business ventures thrown into doldrums by the cyclone that left at least 138,000 dead and missing.
"About 80 per cent of the [advertising] billboards were blown away by the strong winds that the cyclone generated," an official from the Merry Myanmar Advertising Company in Rangoon told Mizzima.
Cyclone Nargis, in its wake, not only blew away roofs and private houses but also flung advertising billboards, leaving companies counting their losses on what they had heavily invested.
Zaw Lin, spokesperson of the Myanmar Ganad advertising company in Rangoon said they lost about 80 per cent of their advertising billboards in the cyclone. Putting them back in place has cost a huge sum of money.
"So far, we have spent more than 40 million Kyat (US$ 30769) in repairing and replacing the billboards," Zaw Lin told Mizzima, expressing concern that more needs to be spent.
Zaw Lin said his company owned about 35 large sized billboards, 20 by 60 feet each, and several smaller ones. The loss has been incurred by the company in the absence of billboards being insured.
Similarly, Aung Myat, Managing Director of the 21 Advertising Company said about 90 per cent of the billboards owned by his company in and around Rangoon has been destroyed.
"So far, we have spent over 20 million Kyat (US$ 15384) but we have to do a lot more repairing," Aung Myat told Mizzima.
Adding to the grief of the companies, Rangoon Municipals, also known as Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), ordered the advertising companies to complete repairing and reconstructing the billboards latest by the end of June.
"But since we could not do it, it seems they understood us. It is a big load for us," Aung Myat said.
Billboards and huge sign boards have lately sprung up as a new way of advertising in Burma's commercial hub, Rangoon.
Though television, newspaper and radio advertising are still the most popular forms of advertisement, billboards and other outdoor advertisement have slowly picked up, said Zaw Lin from Myanmar Ganad.
But in military-ruled Burma, where the junta keeps a tight control over any form of expression including restrictions on the press, companies are not free to post any writings on their advertisement billboards.
Zaw Lin said the difficulty in outdoor advertisement business in Burma is waiting for permission from the YCDC to approve the words in the advertisement text, the structure and even the size of the board.
A former marketing executive of the EYE advertisement company said, "Getting clients is not as tough as building a relationship with officials of the YCDC to get approvals for the advertisement."
The executive said, companies are required to bribe officials at the YCDC to get easier and faster approvals.
Relationships are built on how much you can give to the officials [at YCDC] and once you have a good relationship going, things work smoothly," she added.
Despite the hurdles, several companies have sprung up in the field of outdoor advertisement, she added.
But the bigger companies that have a good relationship with the YCDC and other government officials control the market share, she added.
According to her, EYE Corp., Myanmar Ganad, ATM, Youth Force, Merry Myanmar Advertising, IDEA, 21 Advertising, and Outdoor Advertising companies with their branch offices spread across the country are currently leading in the market.
Reporting by Mizzima correspondent, writing by Mungpi
New Delhi - Cyclone Nargis, which devastated an estimated 2.4 million lives, has left tell tale marks on businesses – particularly advertising industry - in Burma's former capital Rangoon.
The nascent advertising industry in Rangoon is among the many business ventures thrown into doldrums by the cyclone that left at least 138,000 dead and missing.
"About 80 per cent of the [advertising] billboards were blown away by the strong winds that the cyclone generated," an official from the Merry Myanmar Advertising Company in Rangoon told Mizzima.
Cyclone Nargis, in its wake, not only blew away roofs and private houses but also flung advertising billboards, leaving companies counting their losses on what they had heavily invested.
Zaw Lin, spokesperson of the Myanmar Ganad advertising company in Rangoon said they lost about 80 per cent of their advertising billboards in the cyclone. Putting them back in place has cost a huge sum of money.
"So far, we have spent more than 40 million Kyat (US$ 30769) in repairing and replacing the billboards," Zaw Lin told Mizzima, expressing concern that more needs to be spent.
Zaw Lin said his company owned about 35 large sized billboards, 20 by 60 feet each, and several smaller ones. The loss has been incurred by the company in the absence of billboards being insured.
Similarly, Aung Myat, Managing Director of the 21 Advertising Company said about 90 per cent of the billboards owned by his company in and around Rangoon has been destroyed.
"So far, we have spent over 20 million Kyat (US$ 15384) but we have to do a lot more repairing," Aung Myat told Mizzima.
Adding to the grief of the companies, Rangoon Municipals, also known as Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC), ordered the advertising companies to complete repairing and reconstructing the billboards latest by the end of June.
"But since we could not do it, it seems they understood us. It is a big load for us," Aung Myat said.
Billboards and huge sign boards have lately sprung up as a new way of advertising in Burma's commercial hub, Rangoon.
Though television, newspaper and radio advertising are still the most popular forms of advertisement, billboards and other outdoor advertisement have slowly picked up, said Zaw Lin from Myanmar Ganad.
But in military-ruled Burma, where the junta keeps a tight control over any form of expression including restrictions on the press, companies are not free to post any writings on their advertisement billboards.
Zaw Lin said the difficulty in outdoor advertisement business in Burma is waiting for permission from the YCDC to approve the words in the advertisement text, the structure and even the size of the board.
A former marketing executive of the EYE advertisement company said, "Getting clients is not as tough as building a relationship with officials of the YCDC to get approvals for the advertisement."
The executive said, companies are required to bribe officials at the YCDC to get easier and faster approvals.
Relationships are built on how much you can give to the officials [at YCDC] and once you have a good relationship going, things work smoothly," she added.
Despite the hurdles, several companies have sprung up in the field of outdoor advertisement, she added.
But the bigger companies that have a good relationship with the YCDC and other government officials control the market share, she added.
According to her, EYE Corp., Myanmar Ganad, ATM, Youth Force, Merry Myanmar Advertising, IDEA, 21 Advertising, and Outdoor Advertising companies with their branch offices spread across the country are currently leading in the market.
Reporting by Mizzima correspondent, writing by Mungpi
British MPs call on Govt. to investigation Mahn Sha's assassination
Mizzima News
New Delhi - Nearly 60 British parliamentarians have signed a petition, 'Early Day Motion', urging for the UK government to investigate and expose the assassins of Burma's ethnic rebel leader Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan.
In absence of no official investigation on the assassination of the General Secretary of Karen National Union (KNU), an ethnic armed rebel group, the British parliamentarians call on the UK government to conduct a direct investigation and expose the culprit.
"We welcome this move by the British parliamentarians because it is not only a moral support but is a fight against injustice," Zoya Phan, daughter of Mahn Sha, who is currently in UK, told Mizzima.
Mahn Sha was assassinated on February 14, by two unknown gunmen at his residence in the Thai-Burmese border town of Maesot. However, five months on, the culprit behind the murder is still unknown.
Zoya said, "Though we know that it is the work of the Burmese military junta, there has been no official announcement and we are sad about it."
The British MPs also condemn the Burmese military junta for its terrorist act in organising the assassination, and call on the British government to take action to stop attacks on the Karen and other ethnic civilians.
In loving memories of their father and in order to continue his works, Zoya said she along with her two brothers and a sister had established the 'Phan Foundation'.
"Through this foundation, we aim to preserve the Karen culture and also help Karen people in their education," Zoya said.
Mahn Sha elected as general secretary in December 2006 of the KNU, which has been fighting for self-determination for over half a century.
Majoring in history at the Rangoon University in 1962, he joined the Karen movement in the jungle soon after he complete his studies.
A highly respected figure among both ethnic and Burman allies the Burmese military regime also see Manh Sha as a strong leader in the KNU.
He was 64 years old at the time of his death.
New Delhi - Nearly 60 British parliamentarians have signed a petition, 'Early Day Motion', urging for the UK government to investigate and expose the assassins of Burma's ethnic rebel leader Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan.
In absence of no official investigation on the assassination of the General Secretary of Karen National Union (KNU), an ethnic armed rebel group, the British parliamentarians call on the UK government to conduct a direct investigation and expose the culprit.
"We welcome this move by the British parliamentarians because it is not only a moral support but is a fight against injustice," Zoya Phan, daughter of Mahn Sha, who is currently in UK, told Mizzima.
Mahn Sha was assassinated on February 14, by two unknown gunmen at his residence in the Thai-Burmese border town of Maesot. However, five months on, the culprit behind the murder is still unknown.
Zoya said, "Though we know that it is the work of the Burmese military junta, there has been no official announcement and we are sad about it."
The British MPs also condemn the Burmese military junta for its terrorist act in organising the assassination, and call on the British government to take action to stop attacks on the Karen and other ethnic civilians.
In loving memories of their father and in order to continue his works, Zoya said she along with her two brothers and a sister had established the 'Phan Foundation'.
"Through this foundation, we aim to preserve the Karen culture and also help Karen people in their education," Zoya said.
Mahn Sha elected as general secretary in December 2006 of the KNU, which has been fighting for self-determination for over half a century.
Majoring in history at the Rangoon University in 1962, he joined the Karen movement in the jungle soon after he complete his studies.
A highly respected figure among both ethnic and Burman allies the Burmese military regime also see Manh Sha as a strong leader in the KNU.
He was 64 years old at the time of his death.
A Call to Arms?
By KYAW ZWA MOE
The Irrawaddy News
“Nothing can defeat Burma’s military regime—at least to date.” I wrote those words in a commentary after the monk-led uprising was crushed by the junta last year. “All attempts at peaceful or violent means, including armed struggle, people’s uprisings, international sanctions and political engagement, have failed.”
But I missed one thing: a natural disaster.
The destruction caused by Cyclone Nargis has tested the military regime. It clearly exposed again how restrictive, unreasonable and brutal the generals are, but it couldn’t change the generals’ mindset—even to fully collaborate with the international community to help their own people.
People expected that the monks uprising in September 2007 would have led to something positive for the country. Again in May this year, many people had hopes that an unreasonable response by the junta to the cyclone disaster might create a positive scenario for humanitarian intervention. But hopes were dashed when the generals largely shunned the international community’s effort to provide quick, effective relief aid.
The generals have proved they can handle mass uprising and natural disasters on their own terms, regardless of what others think and feel.
A people’s uprising is unlikely to happen again in the near future. Any uprising, if it happened, would be brutally crushed.
Likewise, economic sanctions imposed by Western countries, led by United States, have caused some disruption and inconvenience among the junta’s senior leaders and business cronies, but they lack real power to bring about democratic change.
After 20 years, diplomacy has proven to be a failure. Burmese people now realize more than ever that they can’t count on the United Nations or the international community to make meaningful change within the country. The generals will continue to do whatever they wish.
The UN is actually useful to the generals—when they want to use it as a political card—but useless for the people.
Perhaps, there is one option left: armed struggle. More Burmese people have been talking about armed struggle in recent months. In fact, armed struggles are nothing new in Burma.
When asked if there is a moral justification for an armed uprising by the people of Burma, Noam Chomsky, the well-known political critic at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, said in an interview with Thailand’s Bangkok Post newspaper: “There certainly is, in my view, with one qualification: An armed uprising would have to evaluate with care the likely consequences for the people who are suffering.”
He said, “I think it’s appropriate for people to rise up, but it’s not for me to tell people to risk mass murder. As for assassinating leaders, the question is very much like asking whether it is appropriate to kill murderers. They should be apprehended by non-violent means, if possible. If they pull a gun and start shooting, it’s legitimate to kill them in self-defense, if there is no lesser option.”
Burma has had various forms of armed struggles going on for the past six decades, following the country’s independence from Britain. After 1988, ethnic armed groups along the border were reinforced by groups of student activists who fled the country after their movement was crushed by government troops.
In 1989, the once powerful Community Party of Burma split into smaller groups after it faced a mutiny within the party. In the 1990s, about 17 armed ethnic groups gained ceasefire agreements with the military regime. They abandoned their fight, focusing on business concessions offered by the government.
The All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), founded by students in 1988, gradually began to lose its momentum after 1991 following a split in the leadership. ABSDF was very popular among the public. It appears that its armed struggle is all but finished.
Today, a few armed groups, including the oldest rebel group, the Karen National Union, haven’t reached ceasefire agreements, but their military strength is only a tiny fraction of the regime’s 400,000 troops. It has been a long time since armed groups staged large battles against government troops. Brief skirmishes are now the norm.
Armed struggles have had an impact on Burmese politics in the past—positively and negatively.
If an armed uprising could be sustained—one which focused on the freedom of people—it could put pressure on the junta to some extent. It might even move the country’s political scenario into a more positive, productive path. If there is a moral justification for an armed uprising of suffering people as Chomsky said, the question is now: Is it time for a new armed uprising?
The Irrawaddy News
“Nothing can defeat Burma’s military regime—at least to date.” I wrote those words in a commentary after the monk-led uprising was crushed by the junta last year. “All attempts at peaceful or violent means, including armed struggle, people’s uprisings, international sanctions and political engagement, have failed.”
But I missed one thing: a natural disaster.
The destruction caused by Cyclone Nargis has tested the military regime. It clearly exposed again how restrictive, unreasonable and brutal the generals are, but it couldn’t change the generals’ mindset—even to fully collaborate with the international community to help their own people.
People expected that the monks uprising in September 2007 would have led to something positive for the country. Again in May this year, many people had hopes that an unreasonable response by the junta to the cyclone disaster might create a positive scenario for humanitarian intervention. But hopes were dashed when the generals largely shunned the international community’s effort to provide quick, effective relief aid.
The generals have proved they can handle mass uprising and natural disasters on their own terms, regardless of what others think and feel.
A people’s uprising is unlikely to happen again in the near future. Any uprising, if it happened, would be brutally crushed.
Likewise, economic sanctions imposed by Western countries, led by United States, have caused some disruption and inconvenience among the junta’s senior leaders and business cronies, but they lack real power to bring about democratic change.
After 20 years, diplomacy has proven to be a failure. Burmese people now realize more than ever that they can’t count on the United Nations or the international community to make meaningful change within the country. The generals will continue to do whatever they wish.
The UN is actually useful to the generals—when they want to use it as a political card—but useless for the people.
Perhaps, there is one option left: armed struggle. More Burmese people have been talking about armed struggle in recent months. In fact, armed struggles are nothing new in Burma.
When asked if there is a moral justification for an armed uprising by the people of Burma, Noam Chomsky, the well-known political critic at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, said in an interview with Thailand’s Bangkok Post newspaper: “There certainly is, in my view, with one qualification: An armed uprising would have to evaluate with care the likely consequences for the people who are suffering.”
He said, “I think it’s appropriate for people to rise up, but it’s not for me to tell people to risk mass murder. As for assassinating leaders, the question is very much like asking whether it is appropriate to kill murderers. They should be apprehended by non-violent means, if possible. If they pull a gun and start shooting, it’s legitimate to kill them in self-defense, if there is no lesser option.”
Burma has had various forms of armed struggles going on for the past six decades, following the country’s independence from Britain. After 1988, ethnic armed groups along the border were reinforced by groups of student activists who fled the country after their movement was crushed by government troops.
In 1989, the once powerful Community Party of Burma split into smaller groups after it faced a mutiny within the party. In the 1990s, about 17 armed ethnic groups gained ceasefire agreements with the military regime. They abandoned their fight, focusing on business concessions offered by the government.
The All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), founded by students in 1988, gradually began to lose its momentum after 1991 following a split in the leadership. ABSDF was very popular among the public. It appears that its armed struggle is all but finished.
Today, a few armed groups, including the oldest rebel group, the Karen National Union, haven’t reached ceasefire agreements, but their military strength is only a tiny fraction of the regime’s 400,000 troops. It has been a long time since armed groups staged large battles against government troops. Brief skirmishes are now the norm.
Armed struggles have had an impact on Burmese politics in the past—positively and negatively.
If an armed uprising could be sustained—one which focused on the freedom of people—it could put pressure on the junta to some extent. It might even move the country’s political scenario into a more positive, productive path. If there is a moral justification for an armed uprising of suffering people as Chomsky said, the question is now: Is it time for a new armed uprising?
Armed Burmese Uprising Morally Justified: Chomsky
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
Noam Chomsky, one of the most well-known political and social critics in the world, said an armed uprising against Burma’s military regime is morally justified for the hardships inflicted upon the Burmese people.
However, he cautioned that it is not his role to tell the people of Burma what to do.
Chomsky, in an interview with the Bangkok Post published on Monday, said, “An armed uprising would have to evaluate with care the likely consequences for the people who are suffering.”
The ruling generals have “a good thing going for themselves,” he said. They have nothing to gain by yielding power, and they appear capable of holding on to their power.
“So that’s what they’ll probably do,” he said.
“On the other hand, the military leaders are aging,” he said, “and there may be popular forces developing that can erode their power from within.”
“Mass non-violent protests are predicated on the humanity of the oppressor. Quite often it doesn’t work. Sometimes it does, in unexpected ways,” he said.
The choice of a violent or non-violent mass uprising depends on an intimate knowledge of a society and its various constituents, Chomsky said.
He said, “I suspect that now it [a popular uprising] would be a slaughter.”
A professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Chomsky said it’s appropriate for people to rise up against a brutal government, “but it’s not for me to tell people to risk mass murder. “
As for assassinating leaders, the question is very much like asking whether it is appropriate to kill murderers, said Chomsky, who will turn 80 in December.
“They should be apprehended by non-violent means, if possible,” he said. “If they pull a gun and start shooting, it’s legitimate to kill them in self-defense, if there is no lesser option.”
Chomsky said, “China would likely tolerate, maybe even welcome, the overthrowing of the junta.”
Looking back over US involvement in Burma, he recalled that as part of US cold war policy, the Eisenhower administration supported thousands of Chinese nationalists [Kuomintang] troops when they invaded northern Burma.
As a result, the Chinese armed and supported insurgent groups in the region which led to a 1962 coup and the shift of power to the military, he said.
He said the US, Britain and Israel later sold weapons and invested in oil production in Burma to strengthen the military government.
“These matters are unreported and unknown in the US, apart from specialists and activists,” he said, “because they interfere too dramatically with the doctrine that ‘we are good’ and ‘they are evil,’ the foundation of virtually every state propaganda system.”
The Irrawaddy News
Noam Chomsky, one of the most well-known political and social critics in the world, said an armed uprising against Burma’s military regime is morally justified for the hardships inflicted upon the Burmese people.
However, he cautioned that it is not his role to tell the people of Burma what to do.
Chomsky, in an interview with the Bangkok Post published on Monday, said, “An armed uprising would have to evaluate with care the likely consequences for the people who are suffering.”
The ruling generals have “a good thing going for themselves,” he said. They have nothing to gain by yielding power, and they appear capable of holding on to their power.
“So that’s what they’ll probably do,” he said.
“On the other hand, the military leaders are aging,” he said, “and there may be popular forces developing that can erode their power from within.”
“Mass non-violent protests are predicated on the humanity of the oppressor. Quite often it doesn’t work. Sometimes it does, in unexpected ways,” he said.
The choice of a violent or non-violent mass uprising depends on an intimate knowledge of a society and its various constituents, Chomsky said.
He said, “I suspect that now it [a popular uprising] would be a slaughter.”
A professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Chomsky said it’s appropriate for people to rise up against a brutal government, “but it’s not for me to tell people to risk mass murder. “
As for assassinating leaders, the question is very much like asking whether it is appropriate to kill murderers, said Chomsky, who will turn 80 in December.
“They should be apprehended by non-violent means, if possible,” he said. “If they pull a gun and start shooting, it’s legitimate to kill them in self-defense, if there is no lesser option.”
Chomsky said, “China would likely tolerate, maybe even welcome, the overthrowing of the junta.”
Looking back over US involvement in Burma, he recalled that as part of US cold war policy, the Eisenhower administration supported thousands of Chinese nationalists [Kuomintang] troops when they invaded northern Burma.
As a result, the Chinese armed and supported insurgent groups in the region which led to a 1962 coup and the shift of power to the military, he said.
He said the US, Britain and Israel later sold weapons and invested in oil production in Burma to strengthen the military government.
“These matters are unreported and unknown in the US, apart from specialists and activists,” he said, “because they interfere too dramatically with the doctrine that ‘we are good’ and ‘they are evil,’ the foundation of virtually every state propaganda system.”
House Votes To Squeeze Myanmar Junta
(AP-CBS) The House of Representatives voted Tuesday to punish Myanmar's brutal ruling regime "where it hurts - in the wallet," by freezing assets of political and military leaders there and banning the importation of rubies from that country into the U.S.
The unanimous vote sent the bill back to the Senate, which voted last year to also bar timber from Myanmar, also known as Burma.
House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman said the legislation would put financial pressure on a corrupt regime that failed to adequately help its citizens recover from a cyclone and famously put down democracy demonstrations by Buddhist monks last year.
"The legislation before the House today hits the regime where it hurts - in the wallet," Berman, a Democrat, told the House. "By blocking the import of Burmese gems into the United States and expanding financial sanctions, the legislation will take hundreds of millions of dollars out of the pockets of the regime each year."
He said the 11,000-store Jewelers of America supports a ban on Burmese gem imports. Retailers like Tiffany's and Bulgari have also voluntarily made the ban their policy, Berman said.
The bill also gives Chevron incentives to divest its natural gas program in Myanmar.
It aims to bring more pressure against the junta to restore democratic civilian government in Myanmar. U.S. officials say Myanmar has been evading earlier gem-targeting sanctions by laundering the stones in other countries before they are shipped to the United States.
President Bush is eager to sign the bill, which will extend and harden sanctions Congress first passed in 2003. President Bush's wife, Laura, has emerged in recent months as a strong proponent of democratization in the Southeast Asian country.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962. The current junta took power in 1988 after crushing pro-democracy demonstrations at a cost of an estimated 3,000 lives. Its soldiers similarly cracked down on Buddhist monks during the so-called Saffron Revolution in September. Human rights observers put the death toll among demonstrators in the hundreds.
The unanimous vote sent the bill back to the Senate, which voted last year to also bar timber from Myanmar, also known as Burma.
House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman said the legislation would put financial pressure on a corrupt regime that failed to adequately help its citizens recover from a cyclone and famously put down democracy demonstrations by Buddhist monks last year.
"The legislation before the House today hits the regime where it hurts - in the wallet," Berman, a Democrat, told the House. "By blocking the import of Burmese gems into the United States and expanding financial sanctions, the legislation will take hundreds of millions of dollars out of the pockets of the regime each year."
He said the 11,000-store Jewelers of America supports a ban on Burmese gem imports. Retailers like Tiffany's and Bulgari have also voluntarily made the ban their policy, Berman said.
The bill also gives Chevron incentives to divest its natural gas program in Myanmar.
It aims to bring more pressure against the junta to restore democratic civilian government in Myanmar. U.S. officials say Myanmar has been evading earlier gem-targeting sanctions by laundering the stones in other countries before they are shipped to the United States.
President Bush is eager to sign the bill, which will extend and harden sanctions Congress first passed in 2003. President Bush's wife, Laura, has emerged in recent months as a strong proponent of democratization in the Southeast Asian country.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962. The current junta took power in 1988 after crushing pro-democracy demonstrations at a cost of an estimated 3,000 lives. Its soldiers similarly cracked down on Buddhist monks during the so-called Saffron Revolution in September. Human rights observers put the death toll among demonstrators in the hundreds.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)