By BECKY SHAY
Of The Gazette Staff
Cyclone Nargis made international headlines when it swept through Myanmar on May 3.
The devastation remained in the forefront as people around the world worried about how surviving residents would ever recover. The country is ruled by a military junta, which keeps it closed off from the outside world and rejected international assistance after the cyclone.
The plight in Myanmar, also known as Burma, eventually fell out of mainstream concern. The junta says that the victims are recovering, but people like Chylo Laszloffy and his dad, Jeff, of Laurel know that much more remains to be done.
United States trip
This weekend the Laszloffy family hosted Tha Nyan, who goes by Sonny and is honorary general secretary of the National YMCAs of Myanmar. He is making his 12th trip to the United States, visiting friends like the Laszloffy family before attending a conference in Louisville, Ky., beginning early this week.
The Laszloffys are affiliated with Vision Beyond Borders, a Sheridan, Wyo.,-based Christian organization. Chylo recently visited Myanmar and delivered medical and other supplies for the cyclone victims. The aid was distributed through a network Sonny has helped develop.
"The bottom line is there is still a huge need there," he said. "It's just not going to go away, despite what their government tells us, that everything is all right."
Valuable medical items
Chylo knew that the supplies he delivered, including valuable medical items donated by St. Vincent Healthcare, made it to those in need, but that is the exception, not the rule, he said. At the hotel where he stayed in Yangon, Chylo saw representatives of nongovernmental organizations sitting around working on laptops all day because the Myanmar junta would not let them into the cyclone-hit area.
"Guys like Sonny are much more effective," Chylo said.
Chylo also helped locate and purchase six parcels of land that will eventually be used to build orphanages for the children of the country. Each orphanage is designed to house 100 children. There were 60,000 to 80,000 children orphaned by the cyclone, according to Vision Beyond Borders.
The children are especially vulnerable, Jeff Laszloffy said, as the slave trade, mainly from Thailand, moves into Myanmar. Providing them a place to live is one of the biggest safety issues available. Buying the land and building an orphanage costs about $50,000, according to Vision Beyond Borders.
"Lots of people in Montana drive pickup trucks that cost more than what it costs to house 100 kids," Jeff Laszloffy said.
Grace Bible Church in Laurel has already committed to building an orphanage and agreed to pay for its operation, he said.
Americans are quite wealthy by international standards, Chylo said. "This is our opportunity to show some generosity, to stand up and give," he said. "We can make a big difference without much sacrifice on our part."
For example, he said, to build a small house in Myanmar costs about $300. A more deluxe model, with kitchen, is $450.
"There's still a lot that can be done," Chylo said.
Vision Beyond Borders is also working to make sure that the Myanmar people can become self-sufficient. Long-term aid projects include buying rice seedlings to replant about 3,500 acres of paddies.
In Myanmar it is monsoon season, which is welcomed because the storms should help leach out some of the salt that the cyclone dumped into agricultural land. The salt was brought in by the storm surge that drove water and sand from the ocean into the delta.
Sonny said there are more than 11 million acres of paddies in the country, about 6 million of which were affected by the cyclone. While 3,500 acres is a small portion of the land, when planted it will feed 63,600 people, according to Dyann Romeijn, regional coordinator for Vision Beyond Borders.
It cost $90,000 to purchase the seedlings, or about $1.42 for each person they will eventually feed. Vision Beyond Borders went out on a limb and made the purchase because of the narrow window of time in which planting could be done this year, Laszloffy said.
Sonny said that about 80,000 people have been confirmed dead from the cyclone while another 1.2 million are listed as missing. In all, more than 5 million people were affected by the cyclone, and more than 1 million continue to need assistance.
Outside relief - such as food, medical supplies, clothing and other basic needs - will be required for at least another year, Sonny said. Rehabilitation - such as building houses and agrarian efforts such as livestock production - will take at least three years and probably much longer. After those basic needs are met, other essentials, such as building schools, can be addressed.
The combination of material and familial losses makes the victims psychologically vulnerable, Sonny said. "It takes a lot of time" to recover emotionally, he said.
His country's people, both Christian and Buddhist, have hope for a better life, Sonny said. There is a place in the cyclone recovery for evangelism, he said, because Christians can bring hope to those who feel hopeless, by teaching that God will protect them and provide an afterlife.
"They can know salvation, they can know Jesus," he said quietly and then broken into a grin and exclaimed, "Thank you, Cyclone Nargis!"
Sonny does not talk much about the ruling military junta - any political talk is too likely to lead to retribution.
"I would have to stay in Montana," he said.
Contact Becky Shay at bshay@billingsgazette.com or 657-1231.
Sunday, 20 July 2008
Asian security talks to tackle NKorea, Myanmar
SINGAPORE (Channel New Asia) - North Korea and Myanmar will top the billing at Asia's main security forum this week, but the inflation crisis and disaster response have emerged as critical new concerns.
The 27-member ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which includes nations from Asia as well as the European Union and the United States, meets here Thursday after talks by ministers from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
With civil war in Sri Lanka, insurgencies in Pakistan, Thailand and the Philippines, and a dangerous new standoff at an ancient temple on the Thai-Cambodian border, Asia's list of security issues is long.
But the North Korean nuclear issue tops the agenda and the highlight of the conference will be a meeting of foreign ministers from the six nations negotiating a denuclearisation plan -- the first since 2003.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to meet her North Korean counterpart Pak Ui-chun for the first time at the informal talks tipped for Wednesday, which will also include South Korea, China, Japan and Russia.
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said the meeting was not aimed at generating "some specific negotiated outcome" but would "review where the six-party process is at the moment."
Myanmar, which has infuriated the international community by refusing to introduce democratic reforms or free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, is likely to face a fresh challenge.
Myanmar could face a demand from its neighbours to release all political prisoners, a proposal made by the bloc's senior officials which their foreign ministers must decide whether to endorse.
If approved at the ministerial talks that start late Sunday and continue the following day, the measure would signal a toughening of ASEAN's stance that would be welcomed by Western governments.
The move comes after the government earned widespread contempt by refusing to open its doors to foreign relief workers in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May, a disaster that left 138,000 people dead or missing.
ASEAN won plaudits for winning approval to co-ordinate the international effort to bring help to two million people who the bloc's secretary general, Surin Pitsuwan, has said remain in a "very precarious situation."
Working under an agreement with the United Nations and the Myanmar government, nearly 300 ASEAN volunteers operating in the hard-hit Irrawaddy Delta have prepared an assessment that is to be released on Monday.
Myanmar's cyclone disaster, a recent earthquake in China and a ferry sinking in the Philippines have made disaster preparedness a burning issue this week, two years after the ARF vowed to develop guidelines for joint disaster relief.
Since then, precious little has been done but the 27 members are now expected to discuss a joint civilian-military disaster relief exercise, among other measures.
Amid warnings that spiralling prices of food and fuel in the largely impoverished region could threaten political stability, the ASEAN ministers will attempt to hammer out some solutions.
The problem, if left unchecked, could pose a challenge to the region's long-term aim of evolving into a European Union-style community where goods and services are freely traded across the region by 2015, officials said.
Ministers will discuss "the growing challenge posed by rising oil and food prices, which pose a serious challenge to our people's welfare as well as our countries' continued economic development," according to a draft joint communique obtained by AFP. - AFP/vm
The 27-member ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which includes nations from Asia as well as the European Union and the United States, meets here Thursday after talks by ministers from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
With civil war in Sri Lanka, insurgencies in Pakistan, Thailand and the Philippines, and a dangerous new standoff at an ancient temple on the Thai-Cambodian border, Asia's list of security issues is long.
But the North Korean nuclear issue tops the agenda and the highlight of the conference will be a meeting of foreign ministers from the six nations negotiating a denuclearisation plan -- the first since 2003.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to meet her North Korean counterpart Pak Ui-chun for the first time at the informal talks tipped for Wednesday, which will also include South Korea, China, Japan and Russia.
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said the meeting was not aimed at generating "some specific negotiated outcome" but would "review where the six-party process is at the moment."
Myanmar, which has infuriated the international community by refusing to introduce democratic reforms or free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, is likely to face a fresh challenge.
Myanmar could face a demand from its neighbours to release all political prisoners, a proposal made by the bloc's senior officials which their foreign ministers must decide whether to endorse.
If approved at the ministerial talks that start late Sunday and continue the following day, the measure would signal a toughening of ASEAN's stance that would be welcomed by Western governments.
The move comes after the government earned widespread contempt by refusing to open its doors to foreign relief workers in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May, a disaster that left 138,000 people dead or missing.
ASEAN won plaudits for winning approval to co-ordinate the international effort to bring help to two million people who the bloc's secretary general, Surin Pitsuwan, has said remain in a "very precarious situation."
Working under an agreement with the United Nations and the Myanmar government, nearly 300 ASEAN volunteers operating in the hard-hit Irrawaddy Delta have prepared an assessment that is to be released on Monday.
Myanmar's cyclone disaster, a recent earthquake in China and a ferry sinking in the Philippines have made disaster preparedness a burning issue this week, two years after the ARF vowed to develop guidelines for joint disaster relief.
Since then, precious little has been done but the 27 members are now expected to discuss a joint civilian-military disaster relief exercise, among other measures.
Amid warnings that spiralling prices of food and fuel in the largely impoverished region could threaten political stability, the ASEAN ministers will attempt to hammer out some solutions.
The problem, if left unchecked, could pose a challenge to the region's long-term aim of evolving into a European Union-style community where goods and services are freely traded across the region by 2015, officials said.
Ministers will discuss "the growing challenge posed by rising oil and food prices, which pose a serious challenge to our people's welfare as well as our countries' continued economic development," according to a draft joint communique obtained by AFP. - AFP/vm
Quote on Burma's Freedom
"Mandalay, pile of ashes"
for a fire that the government was barely seen to help extinguish.
"Rangoon, pile of logs"
for city trees felled by the cyclone and still cluttering the streets.
"Naypyidaw"
the generals' new capital -- "pile of bones."
A New Generation of Activists Arises in Burma
Network Strengthened By Junta's Crackdown, Post-Cyclone Bungling
RANGOON (Washington Post) -- They operate in the shadows, slipping by moonlight from safe house to safe house, changing their cellphones to hide their tracks and meeting under cover of monasteries or clinics to plot changes that have eluded their country for 46 years.
If one gets arrested, another steps forward.
"I feel like the last man standing. All the responsibility is on my shoulders. . . . There is no turning back. If I turn back, I betray all my comrades," said a Burmese activist who heads a leading dissident group, the 88 Generation Students, named for a failed uprising in 1988. He took command after the arrest last August of its five most prominent leaders.
In a nearly deserted Rangoon coffee shop one recent morning, he spoke in an urgent whisper, often glancing over his shoulder to look for informers.
The security apparatus of Burma's military junta was thought to have largely shattered the opposition last August and September, in a crackdown that included soldiers firing on an alliance of monks and lay people who had taken to the streets by the thousands to protest a rise in fuel prices. More than 30 people died. At least 800 were detained and many more were forced into exile, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
But a new generation of democracy activists fights on, its ranks strengthened both by revulsion over last year's bloodletting and the government's inept response after a cyclone that killed an estimated 130,000 people two months ago. Largely clandestine, these activists make up a diffuse network of students, militant Buddhist monks, social service workers and leaders of the 1988 uprising.
Some activists express impatience with what they call the largely passive policies of the National League for Democracy, the country's main opposition party and one of the few anti-government groups that operates legally. In 1990, the league won a national election by a landslide, but the military prevented it from taking office. Its emblem, a fighting peacock, endures as a symbol of resistance to the military for millions of Burmese.
From its closely watched headquarters in downtown Rangoon, a clutter of dusty wooden desks and chairs, the league is led by three octogenarians whom many people here call the "uncles." The men oversee the party while its leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, languishes under house arrest.
"Their biggest goal in life is to return the party to the lady," the honorific that sympathizers here use for Suu Kyi, said the leader of the 88 Generation. "They won't do anything. They are just guardians. . . . Because of them, their party is divided."
One woman who is active in the new opposition said she thinks that "the NLD has lost the trust of the people. They have been issuing many announcements, that the government must do this. But the government has not, and anyone who gets involved with the NLD gets in trouble."
Because of what it sees as an absence of clear direction from the NLD's leaders, the 88 Generation has acted on its own, issuing statements with the All Burma Monks Alliance and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions. The most recent statements criticized the junta for holding a referendum on a new constitution while the bodies of cyclone victims still floated in the waterways of the Irrawaddy Delta.
Since its founding in late 2006 by newly freed political prisoners, including legendary student leader Min Ko Naing, the group has launched a series of creative civil disobedience campaigns. Last year, people were invited to dress in white as a symbol of openness; to head to monasteries, Hindu temples or mosques for prayer meetings; and to sign letters and petitions calling for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. That effort resonated with so many that the group had to extend its closing date.
The group was at the forefront of the protests in August and reached out to monks, the 88 leader said.
"The struggle is still on," said a young lawyer who was sentenced to seven years in jail for starting a student union at a university. Since his release, four years early, he said, he has resumed regular contact with several groups of politically active current and former students. "Students will fight if they think it's just," he said, continuing a tradition among young people here that dates to the era of British colonial rule.
One group of young people, whose members gathered as a book club, decided to organize votes against the proposed constitution, dismissing it as a sham that reinforces the military's control of the country. So they created hundreds of stickers and T-shirts bearing the word "no" and scattered them on buses, in university lecture halls and in the country's ubiquitous tea shops.
Another student said he and some of his peers acted as unofficial election monitors during the referendum, taking photos and interviewing voters who were given already marked ballots or coerced to vote yes.
The 88 leader said such efforts have given him a stock of evidence to show that the vote was neither free nor fair.
Despite the obstacles, the group has not ruled out trying to become a legal party to run for elections in 2010, he said. "People think that if you accept to run, that means you accept the constitution. No! I want to have a legal party to fight from within," he said.
Outside experts have compared the network to Poland's Solidarity movement in the early 1980s, a broad-based coalition of workers, intellectuals and students that emerged as a key political player during the country's transition to democracy.
Just as Solidarity organized picnics to keep people in touch, some new groups here meet as book clubs or medical volunteers but could easily turn at key moments to political activity, said Bertil Lintner, a journalist and author of several books on Burma.
Meanwhile, the devastation wrought by the cyclone has sometimes been a trigger for more overt political activities. A handful of members of an embattled activist group called Human Rights Defenders and Promoters headed to the delta after the storm to hand out relief supplies as well as copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, according to a lawyer. They were subsequently sentenced to four years in jail, he said.
Monks remain politically active, too, in spite of increased harassment from security forces since the protests.
Some have hidden pamphlets inside their alms bowls to distribute when they go out to collect food in the mornings, according to a Mandalay monk. They have smuggled glue and posters inside the bowls to stick on street walls.
Ten years ago, the monk said, he started a library that has since expanded to 14 branches across the country. Under cover of membership, patrons take classes in public speaking and pass around poems and pamphlets that are often scathing about their rulers, he said.
"I told people to read lots of books, so they can start to know, and then they can change the system," he said. "Because we want freedom. Because it is difficult to speak and write in this country."
The cyclone's aftermath has also spurred vast new stores of anger, sometimes among monks, who take vows of nonviolence.
"Now we want to get weapons," said a monk known to other dissidents by the nom de guerre the Militant Monk for his ability to organize and vanish without a trace. "The Buddhist way is lovingkindness. But we lost. So now we want to fight."
In the dormitory of a monastery one recent afternoon, he sat among piles of handwritten speeches and recent clandestine pamphlets stamped with names of groups such as Generation Wave and the All Burmese Monks Alliance. Two young monks listening from a tattered mattress nearby nodded excitedly, and a third pretended to wield a machine gun.
Because of his role as a chief galvanizer of the monks in the protests, the monk has been on the run since September, moving from one monastery to the next. But since the cyclone, he has managed nonetheless to make about 20 trips to the devastated areas, where he buried more than 200 bodies and coordinated with monks and lay people.
"In September, we lost because everywhere, every village did not follow, because of fear," he said. But in the post-cyclone period, "we can do more. Now I can grow and grow."
At a 1,500-strong ceremony commemorating the victims of the cyclone, 15 dissident monks and lay people pondered their options, he said. Should they organize a strike in September to mark the first anniversary of the protests? Hold one to coincide with the auspicious date of 8-8-08, twenty years since the 1988 uprising?
Asked about prospects for an armed struggle, the 88 leader demurred. "We are totally, from beginning to end, peaceful," he said. But the Militant Monk, he said, chuckling, was a force to be reckoned with.
From house to house, meanwhile, Burmese whisper a new slogan:
RANGOON (Washington Post) -- They operate in the shadows, slipping by moonlight from safe house to safe house, changing their cellphones to hide their tracks and meeting under cover of monasteries or clinics to plot changes that have eluded their country for 46 years.
If one gets arrested, another steps forward.
"I feel like the last man standing. All the responsibility is on my shoulders. . . . There is no turning back. If I turn back, I betray all my comrades," said a Burmese activist who heads a leading dissident group, the 88 Generation Students, named for a failed uprising in 1988. He took command after the arrest last August of its five most prominent leaders.
In a nearly deserted Rangoon coffee shop one recent morning, he spoke in an urgent whisper, often glancing over his shoulder to look for informers.
The security apparatus of Burma's military junta was thought to have largely shattered the opposition last August and September, in a crackdown that included soldiers firing on an alliance of monks and lay people who had taken to the streets by the thousands to protest a rise in fuel prices. More than 30 people died. At least 800 were detained and many more were forced into exile, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
But a new generation of democracy activists fights on, its ranks strengthened both by revulsion over last year's bloodletting and the government's inept response after a cyclone that killed an estimated 130,000 people two months ago. Largely clandestine, these activists make up a diffuse network of students, militant Buddhist monks, social service workers and leaders of the 1988 uprising.
Some activists express impatience with what they call the largely passive policies of the National League for Democracy, the country's main opposition party and one of the few anti-government groups that operates legally. In 1990, the league won a national election by a landslide, but the military prevented it from taking office. Its emblem, a fighting peacock, endures as a symbol of resistance to the military for millions of Burmese.
From its closely watched headquarters in downtown Rangoon, a clutter of dusty wooden desks and chairs, the league is led by three octogenarians whom many people here call the "uncles." The men oversee the party while its leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, languishes under house arrest.
"Their biggest goal in life is to return the party to the lady," the honorific that sympathizers here use for Suu Kyi, said the leader of the 88 Generation. "They won't do anything. They are just guardians. . . . Because of them, their party is divided."
One woman who is active in the new opposition said she thinks that "the NLD has lost the trust of the people. They have been issuing many announcements, that the government must do this. But the government has not, and anyone who gets involved with the NLD gets in trouble."
Because of what it sees as an absence of clear direction from the NLD's leaders, the 88 Generation has acted on its own, issuing statements with the All Burma Monks Alliance and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions. The most recent statements criticized the junta for holding a referendum on a new constitution while the bodies of cyclone victims still floated in the waterways of the Irrawaddy Delta.
Since its founding in late 2006 by newly freed political prisoners, including legendary student leader Min Ko Naing, the group has launched a series of creative civil disobedience campaigns. Last year, people were invited to dress in white as a symbol of openness; to head to monasteries, Hindu temples or mosques for prayer meetings; and to sign letters and petitions calling for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. That effort resonated with so many that the group had to extend its closing date.
The group was at the forefront of the protests in August and reached out to monks, the 88 leader said.
"The struggle is still on," said a young lawyer who was sentenced to seven years in jail for starting a student union at a university. Since his release, four years early, he said, he has resumed regular contact with several groups of politically active current and former students. "Students will fight if they think it's just," he said, continuing a tradition among young people here that dates to the era of British colonial rule.
One group of young people, whose members gathered as a book club, decided to organize votes against the proposed constitution, dismissing it as a sham that reinforces the military's control of the country. So they created hundreds of stickers and T-shirts bearing the word "no" and scattered them on buses, in university lecture halls and in the country's ubiquitous tea shops.
Another student said he and some of his peers acted as unofficial election monitors during the referendum, taking photos and interviewing voters who were given already marked ballots or coerced to vote yes.
The 88 leader said such efforts have given him a stock of evidence to show that the vote was neither free nor fair.
Despite the obstacles, the group has not ruled out trying to become a legal party to run for elections in 2010, he said. "People think that if you accept to run, that means you accept the constitution. No! I want to have a legal party to fight from within," he said.
Outside experts have compared the network to Poland's Solidarity movement in the early 1980s, a broad-based coalition of workers, intellectuals and students that emerged as a key political player during the country's transition to democracy.
Just as Solidarity organized picnics to keep people in touch, some new groups here meet as book clubs or medical volunteers but could easily turn at key moments to political activity, said Bertil Lintner, a journalist and author of several books on Burma.
Meanwhile, the devastation wrought by the cyclone has sometimes been a trigger for more overt political activities. A handful of members of an embattled activist group called Human Rights Defenders and Promoters headed to the delta after the storm to hand out relief supplies as well as copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, according to a lawyer. They were subsequently sentenced to four years in jail, he said.
Monks remain politically active, too, in spite of increased harassment from security forces since the protests.
Some have hidden pamphlets inside their alms bowls to distribute when they go out to collect food in the mornings, according to a Mandalay monk. They have smuggled glue and posters inside the bowls to stick on street walls.
Ten years ago, the monk said, he started a library that has since expanded to 14 branches across the country. Under cover of membership, patrons take classes in public speaking and pass around poems and pamphlets that are often scathing about their rulers, he said.
"I told people to read lots of books, so they can start to know, and then they can change the system," he said. "Because we want freedom. Because it is difficult to speak and write in this country."
The cyclone's aftermath has also spurred vast new stores of anger, sometimes among monks, who take vows of nonviolence.
"Now we want to get weapons," said a monk known to other dissidents by the nom de guerre the Militant Monk for his ability to organize and vanish without a trace. "The Buddhist way is lovingkindness. But we lost. So now we want to fight."
In the dormitory of a monastery one recent afternoon, he sat among piles of handwritten speeches and recent clandestine pamphlets stamped with names of groups such as Generation Wave and the All Burmese Monks Alliance. Two young monks listening from a tattered mattress nearby nodded excitedly, and a third pretended to wield a machine gun.
Because of his role as a chief galvanizer of the monks in the protests, the monk has been on the run since September, moving from one monastery to the next. But since the cyclone, he has managed nonetheless to make about 20 trips to the devastated areas, where he buried more than 200 bodies and coordinated with monks and lay people.
"In September, we lost because everywhere, every village did not follow, because of fear," he said. But in the post-cyclone period, "we can do more. Now I can grow and grow."
At a 1,500-strong ceremony commemorating the victims of the cyclone, 15 dissident monks and lay people pondered their options, he said. Should they organize a strike in September to mark the first anniversary of the protests? Hold one to coincide with the auspicious date of 8-8-08, twenty years since the 1988 uprising?
Asked about prospects for an armed struggle, the 88 leader demurred. "We are totally, from beginning to end, peaceful," he said. But the Militant Monk, he said, chuckling, was a force to be reckoned with.
From house to house, meanwhile, Burmese whisper a new slogan:
"Mandalay, pile of ashes"
for a fire that the government was barely seen to help extinguish.
"Rangoon, pile of logs"
for city trees felled by the cyclone and still cluttering the streets.
"Naypyidaw"
the generals' new capital -- "pile of bones."
Saturday, 19 July 2008
Security tight in Myanmar as death of Suu Kyi's father commemorated
YANGON (ST)- HUNDREDS of riot police and soldiers ringed a monument in downtown Yangon on Saturday as officials gathered to commemorate the shooting death 61 years ago of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's father.
Myanmar's independence hero General Aung San and other government leaders were assassinated by gunmen during a Cabinet meeting on July 19, 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were flown at half mast in the capital throughout the day on Saturday - a state holiday in Myanmar. Unlike past occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the tightly guarded wreath-laying ceremony at the Martyr's monument located near the famed Shwedagon pagoda.
Opposition activists have suggested that the ruling military junta is trying to downgrade the importance of Gen Aung San's legacy as a way of undercutting the popularity of his daughter, who is under house arrest.
But diplomats in Yangon said the Foreign Ministry had informed them that the government intended this year to hold a low-key ceremony because it comes just two-and-a-half months after Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the region south of Yangon, leaving 85,000 people dead and about 50,000 missing.
Police cordoned off the monument, putting up heavy metal barriers and coils of barbed wire across roads.
Dozens of drenched policemen carrying assault rifles and shotguns manned the barricades during a heavy downpour.
Security was also tight around the headquarters of Suu Kyi's political party, the National League for Democracy, which said it would hold a separate ceremony. -- AP
Myanmar's independence hero General Aung San and other government leaders were assassinated by gunmen during a Cabinet meeting on July 19, 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were flown at half mast in the capital throughout the day on Saturday - a state holiday in Myanmar. Unlike past occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the tightly guarded wreath-laying ceremony at the Martyr's monument located near the famed Shwedagon pagoda.
Opposition activists have suggested that the ruling military junta is trying to downgrade the importance of Gen Aung San's legacy as a way of undercutting the popularity of his daughter, who is under house arrest.
But diplomats in Yangon said the Foreign Ministry had informed them that the government intended this year to hold a low-key ceremony because it comes just two-and-a-half months after Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the region south of Yangon, leaving 85,000 people dead and about 50,000 missing.
Police cordoned off the monument, putting up heavy metal barriers and coils of barbed wire across roads.
Dozens of drenched policemen carrying assault rifles and shotguns manned the barricades during a heavy downpour.
Security was also tight around the headquarters of Suu Kyi's political party, the National League for Democracy, which said it would hold a separate ceremony. -- AP
UN to end Myanmar aid flights
(Aljazeera) The UN is to end aid flights to Myanmar at the beginning of August.
The UN said on Saturday that it was a routine step as the country shifts to rebuilding homes, buildings and schools destroyed by Cyclone Nargis.
The May cyclone devastated much of the region south of Yangon, killing 85,000 people and leaving 50,000 missing.
The announcement came as the country, formerly known as Burma, held a downgraded ceremony marking Martyrs' Day, commemorating the killing of General Aung San, the father of the detained head of the National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) said that they had been told by the government not to hold the usual ceremonies, such as giving meals to monks.
'Low-key ceremony'
Hundreds of riot police and soldiers were deployed in Yangon as people gathered for the official ceremony marking the assassination of General Aung San.
Unlike on previous occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the wreath-laying ceremony.
General Aung San, a hero during the country's battle for independence, was shot dead with other government leaders during a cabinet meeting in 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were at half mast in Naypyidaw, the capital, throughout the day, a state holiday.
Opposition activists have suggested that the military is trying to downgrade the importance of Aung San's legacy as a way of undermining the popularity of his daughter.
However, diplomats in Yangon said the foreign ministry had informed them that the government intended this year's ceremony to be low-key because of the cyclone.
Myanmar's military government had been severely criticised for its inadequate relief response and for holding a referendum on a new constitution just weeks after the cyclone.
Humanitarian groups have expressed concern over the cessation of aid next month, saying that nearly two and a half million survivors are still living without access to adequate food and water.
Security was also increased at the headquarters of the NLD, which said it would hold a separate ceremony.
Last week, the UN Office for Co-ordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) announced that it was raising its aid appeal to help victims of the cyclone from $201m to $481.8m.
John Holmes, head of the OCHA, is to travel to the Irrawaddy Delta, the area worst affected by the cyclone, next week to assess recovery efforts.
Ibrahim Gambari, a UN special envoy, meanwhile is planning a return visit to Myanmar in mid-August at the invitation of the military government.
Gambari last travelled to Myanmar in March to mediate reconciliation talks between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi, detained opposition leader, amid deadly street protests against rising prices.
The UN said on Saturday that it was a routine step as the country shifts to rebuilding homes, buildings and schools destroyed by Cyclone Nargis.
The May cyclone devastated much of the region south of Yangon, killing 85,000 people and leaving 50,000 missing.
The announcement came as the country, formerly known as Burma, held a downgraded ceremony marking Martyrs' Day, commemorating the killing of General Aung San, the father of the detained head of the National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) said that they had been told by the government not to hold the usual ceremonies, such as giving meals to monks.
'Low-key ceremony'
Hundreds of riot police and soldiers were deployed in Yangon as people gathered for the official ceremony marking the assassination of General Aung San.
Unlike on previous occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the wreath-laying ceremony.
General Aung San, a hero during the country's battle for independence, was shot dead with other government leaders during a cabinet meeting in 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were at half mast in Naypyidaw, the capital, throughout the day, a state holiday.
Opposition activists have suggested that the military is trying to downgrade the importance of Aung San's legacy as a way of undermining the popularity of his daughter.
However, diplomats in Yangon said the foreign ministry had informed them that the government intended this year's ceremony to be low-key because of the cyclone.
Myanmar's military government had been severely criticised for its inadequate relief response and for holding a referendum on a new constitution just weeks after the cyclone.
Humanitarian groups have expressed concern over the cessation of aid next month, saying that nearly two and a half million survivors are still living without access to adequate food and water.
Security was also increased at the headquarters of the NLD, which said it would hold a separate ceremony.
Last week, the UN Office for Co-ordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) announced that it was raising its aid appeal to help victims of the cyclone from $201m to $481.8m.
John Holmes, head of the OCHA, is to travel to the Irrawaddy Delta, the area worst affected by the cyclone, next week to assess recovery efforts.
Ibrahim Gambari, a UN special envoy, meanwhile is planning a return visit to Myanmar in mid-August at the invitation of the military government.
Gambari last travelled to Myanmar in March to mediate reconciliation talks between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi, detained opposition leader, amid deadly street protests against rising prices.
India Commerce Minister Says Visit of Burmese Counterpart to Boost Ties
Text of unattributed report headlined "India, Myanmar to expand trade ties" published by Indian newspaper The Hindu website on 18 July
New Delhi(istockanalyst): Having agreed upon an alternative access route to the North-East, India and Myanmar [Burma] are set to further enhance their engagement with the ongoing visit of Commerce Minister Brigadier General Tin Nain Thein, Minister of State for Commerce Jairam Ramesh said here.
"Basically we are taking forward our economic cooperation with Myanmar [Burma]. The frequent interactions are reflective of India's commitment to deepening economic and bilateral engagements," said he after interacting with Brig-Gen Thein.
Ties between the two countries are on an upswing with Myanmar [Burma] offering India partnership in developing hydel power projects. Besides, Myanmar [Burma] awarded three deep sea blocks to ONC Videsh [overseas arm of Oil and Natural Gas Commission of India] and two to the Essar group. In a unique partnership, two Indian public sector companies have taken a 20 per cent stake in a pipeline being built by China to take gas from blocs awarded by Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal. On its part, India was prompt in offering unconditional aid when Hurricane Nargis had hit Myanmar. It has also offered credit lines to strengthen Myanmar's power transmission system.
Originally published by The Hindu website, Chennai, in English 18 Jul 08.
New Delhi(istockanalyst): Having agreed upon an alternative access route to the North-East, India and Myanmar [Burma] are set to further enhance their engagement with the ongoing visit of Commerce Minister Brigadier General Tin Nain Thein, Minister of State for Commerce Jairam Ramesh said here.
"Basically we are taking forward our economic cooperation with Myanmar [Burma]. The frequent interactions are reflective of India's commitment to deepening economic and bilateral engagements," said he after interacting with Brig-Gen Thein.
Ties between the two countries are on an upswing with Myanmar [Burma] offering India partnership in developing hydel power projects. Besides, Myanmar [Burma] awarded three deep sea blocks to ONC Videsh [overseas arm of Oil and Natural Gas Commission of India] and two to the Essar group. In a unique partnership, two Indian public sector companies have taken a 20 per cent stake in a pipeline being built by China to take gas from blocs awarded by Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal. On its part, India was prompt in offering unconditional aid when Hurricane Nargis had hit Myanmar. It has also offered credit lines to strengthen Myanmar's power transmission system.
Originally published by The Hindu website, Chennai, in English 18 Jul 08.
from one godfather to the next rein's of Thailand in 2008-2009
Burma once again likely to steal ASEAN show
By Ruth Youngblood
The Nation-Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Ministers from the Association of of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are expected to tackle soaring fuel and food prices and a barrage of other problems at their meeting Monday, but Burma is once again likely to steal the show.
Senior officials from the 10-member grouping well remember how the signing in November of the landmark ASEAN Charter - meant to transform the 10-member grouping into a legal entity - was set to be a historic event.
It was abruptly overshadowed by the Burma regime's decision to call off a scheduled ASEAN leaders meeting with UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, an embarrassment for the organization and host Singapore.
With an assessment report of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis to be presented Monday at the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting, Burma will again take centre stage. The United Nations is hoping for an outpouring of 480 million dollars over the next year in emergency relief for the victims of Cyclone Nargis.
"It's been a long year, quite an eventful one year" under Singapore's chairmanship of ASEAN, said the city-state's Foreign Minister George Yeo.
The cyclone in early May led to a stand-off between a suspicious Burmese government and a global community eager to render aid but kept at bay as the ruling junta initially rejected outside assistance and foreign relief workers. ASEAN was the catalyst to get the aid moving, but it was nearly three weeks after the disaster.
In a positive move, Burma has become the latest to sign the ASEAN charter, leaving Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam as the only ones yet to do so.
The charter commits ASEAN members "to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance and the rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms."
The ministers will focus on two key components of the charter: creation of a human-rights council and a mechanism for dispute settlement.
On human rights, Yeo said that ASEAN wants to build an agreed foundation of common human rights that would serve the group's regional construction and the interests of its people.
"Whether or not the human right body we establish will have teeth, I don't know. But it will certainly have a tongue, and I hope it will have a sharp tone," he said.
Burma's dismal human rights record has prompted sanctions by both the United States and European Union.
Senior officials preparing for the ministerial session want a recommendation that Burma release all political detainees included in a joint statement to be issued after the ministers' meeting.
If accepted, it would indicate a further toughening of ASEAN's stance.
"ASEAN could have done much more in responding to Cyclone Nargis if the Burma government had been forthcoming earlier to the receipt of international assistance," said K Kesavapany, director of the Institute of South-East Asian Studies.
"Despite this, it was ASEAN's persistence which finally enabled the international community to gain entry into Burma and facilitate the flow of trade."
The rotating ASEAN chairmanship passes to Thailand on July 24.
ASEAN includes Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Burma.
By Ruth Youngblood
The Nation-Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Ministers from the Association of of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are expected to tackle soaring fuel and food prices and a barrage of other problems at their meeting Monday, but Burma is once again likely to steal the show.
Senior officials from the 10-member grouping well remember how the signing in November of the landmark ASEAN Charter - meant to transform the 10-member grouping into a legal entity - was set to be a historic event.
It was abruptly overshadowed by the Burma regime's decision to call off a scheduled ASEAN leaders meeting with UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, an embarrassment for the organization and host Singapore.
With an assessment report of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis to be presented Monday at the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting, Burma will again take centre stage. The United Nations is hoping for an outpouring of 480 million dollars over the next year in emergency relief for the victims of Cyclone Nargis.
"It's been a long year, quite an eventful one year" under Singapore's chairmanship of ASEAN, said the city-state's Foreign Minister George Yeo.
The cyclone in early May led to a stand-off between a suspicious Burmese government and a global community eager to render aid but kept at bay as the ruling junta initially rejected outside assistance and foreign relief workers. ASEAN was the catalyst to get the aid moving, but it was nearly three weeks after the disaster.
In a positive move, Burma has become the latest to sign the ASEAN charter, leaving Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam as the only ones yet to do so.
The charter commits ASEAN members "to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance and the rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms."
The ministers will focus on two key components of the charter: creation of a human-rights council and a mechanism for dispute settlement.
On human rights, Yeo said that ASEAN wants to build an agreed foundation of common human rights that would serve the group's regional construction and the interests of its people.
"Whether or not the human right body we establish will have teeth, I don't know. But it will certainly have a tongue, and I hope it will have a sharp tone," he said.
Burma's dismal human rights record has prompted sanctions by both the United States and European Union.
Senior officials preparing for the ministerial session want a recommendation that Burma release all political detainees included in a joint statement to be issued after the ministers' meeting.
If accepted, it would indicate a further toughening of ASEAN's stance.
"ASEAN could have done much more in responding to Cyclone Nargis if the Burma government had been forthcoming earlier to the receipt of international assistance," said K Kesavapany, director of the Institute of South-East Asian Studies.
"Despite this, it was ASEAN's persistence which finally enabled the international community to gain entry into Burma and facilitate the flow of trade."
The rotating ASEAN chairmanship passes to Thailand on July 24.
ASEAN includes Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Burma.
NLD warned not to celebrate Martyrs' Day
Jul 18, 2008 (DVB)–National League for Democracy members in Magwe and Mandalay divisions have been warned by authorities not to plan any events to commemorate Martyrs’ Day on 19 July.
Ko Tint Lwin of Yaynanchaung NLD in Magwe said the authorities had told them the government would not mark the day.
"We were warned by local authorities not to do any of the usual activities we usually do on Martyrs’ Day every year, such as providing meals to monks and merit making,” he said.
“They said the government has no plans to celebrate the day and we would not be allowed to either."
Daw Khin Saw Htay, the leader of Magwe Division NLD’s women’s wing, said the government’s warnings would not deter people from celebrating the day.
"Martyrs' Day is the day we remember our leaders who brought independence to us and barring people from celebrating such a day is very narrow-minded act,” she said.
“We don't care if they arrest us, we will do what we do every year."
Taung Twin Gyi NLD member Ko Bo See said he had his colleagues were told to sign an agreement promising not to plan any activities on the day.
"The authorities told us they could not allow us to celebrate national days without their permission and we were asked to sign an acknowledgment of that,” Ko Bo See said.
“We were also asked to sign an agreement not to donate meals to monks as a way of marking the day.”
“There are 58 monasteries in town and we will go to one of them and donate meals to the monks anyway. We are not saying whether we are marking Martyrs' Day or just donating meal to monks because we respect them."
An NLD member from Aung Lan said the local NLD chairman had also been asked to sign an agreement.
"Our township NLD chairman U Than Htay was told by local authorities to sign agreement not to mark Martyrs’ day,” he said.
“But he refused to sign it."
Daw Myint Myint Aye, the NLD secretary in Meikhtila, Mandalay, said politicians had a duty to commemorate the day.
"Every year, we mark Martyrs' Day at the [township] headquarters – we make it very apparent that it is a political activity,” Myint Myint Aye said.
“On Martyrs' day this year, we will provide meal to monks at 10am, hang a huge wreath at Kyaw Kyaw printing shop which is our headquarters and hang the national flag at half-mast. Then we will go lay the wreath at the Martyrs' monument in town,” she went on.
“We are only doing this because it is what we should do as a citizens or politicians.”
Myint Myint Aye said she had been summoned by the township administration to a meeting at 10am tomorrow morning.
NLD information officer U Nyan Win said the day was an important national event and should not be undermined by political differences.
"In our country, we don't see Martyrs' Day as representing a political party or an organisation,” Nyan Win said.
“This is a day we mark on a national scale, to remember and thank our leaders who did a lot for us,” he said.
“It is very inappropriate to ban a day like that since it is showing disrespect to the people who brought us independence."
Martyrs’ day commemorates the day in 1947 when nine people, including general Aung San and other independence leaders, were assassinated.
There is usually an annual ceremony to mark the day at the Martyrs’ Mausoleum in Bahan township, Rangoon.
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Ko Tint Lwin of Yaynanchaung NLD in Magwe said the authorities had told them the government would not mark the day.
"We were warned by local authorities not to do any of the usual activities we usually do on Martyrs’ Day every year, such as providing meals to monks and merit making,” he said.
“They said the government has no plans to celebrate the day and we would not be allowed to either."
Daw Khin Saw Htay, the leader of Magwe Division NLD’s women’s wing, said the government’s warnings would not deter people from celebrating the day.
"Martyrs' Day is the day we remember our leaders who brought independence to us and barring people from celebrating such a day is very narrow-minded act,” she said.
“We don't care if they arrest us, we will do what we do every year."
Taung Twin Gyi NLD member Ko Bo See said he had his colleagues were told to sign an agreement promising not to plan any activities on the day.
"The authorities told us they could not allow us to celebrate national days without their permission and we were asked to sign an acknowledgment of that,” Ko Bo See said.
“We were also asked to sign an agreement not to donate meals to monks as a way of marking the day.”
“There are 58 monasteries in town and we will go to one of them and donate meals to the monks anyway. We are not saying whether we are marking Martyrs' Day or just donating meal to monks because we respect them."
An NLD member from Aung Lan said the local NLD chairman had also been asked to sign an agreement.
"Our township NLD chairman U Than Htay was told by local authorities to sign agreement not to mark Martyrs’ day,” he said.
“But he refused to sign it."
Daw Myint Myint Aye, the NLD secretary in Meikhtila, Mandalay, said politicians had a duty to commemorate the day.
"Every year, we mark Martyrs' Day at the [township] headquarters – we make it very apparent that it is a political activity,” Myint Myint Aye said.
“On Martyrs' day this year, we will provide meal to monks at 10am, hang a huge wreath at Kyaw Kyaw printing shop which is our headquarters and hang the national flag at half-mast. Then we will go lay the wreath at the Martyrs' monument in town,” she went on.
“We are only doing this because it is what we should do as a citizens or politicians.”
Myint Myint Aye said she had been summoned by the township administration to a meeting at 10am tomorrow morning.
NLD information officer U Nyan Win said the day was an important national event and should not be undermined by political differences.
"In our country, we don't see Martyrs' Day as representing a political party or an organisation,” Nyan Win said.
“This is a day we mark on a national scale, to remember and thank our leaders who did a lot for us,” he said.
“It is very inappropriate to ban a day like that since it is showing disrespect to the people who brought us independence."
Martyrs’ day commemorates the day in 1947 when nine people, including general Aung San and other independence leaders, were assassinated.
There is usually an annual ceremony to mark the day at the Martyrs’ Mausoleum in Bahan township, Rangoon.
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Friday, 18 July 2008
Commentary: Is Burma ready for a new election?
By Htet Aung Kyaw
Jul 18, 2008 (DVB)–Although the National League for Democracy and main ethnic parties didn't recognise the results of the constitutional referendum in May, the ruling junta is now gearing up to drag the opposition into a new election.
So is there any chance of a compromise before the 2010 election?
Many activists, including leading members of the NLD, were upset when the state media urged them to prepare for the forthcoming elections instead of clinging to the 1990 election results.
In fact, this is not first time in the last 18 years that the junta's propaganda machine has told them to forget the 1990 result. But it is the first direct challenge to the NLD since the junta adopted its new constitution last month.
"This has been forced through at gunpoint" said Thein Nyunt, constitutional affairs spokesperson for the NLD. "We don't recognize their announcement and so we won’t prepare for a new election."
He claimed the NLD would pursue all avenues to challenge the SPDC on the fairness and legitimacy of the constitutional referendum.
However, the situation on the ground is not the same as it was in 1990. "We are preparing to form a political party for the 2010 election. This is an opportunity for us," says Za Khun Ting Ring, chairman of the New Democratic Army-Kachin, a ceasefire group based on the China-Burma border.
"If we oppose the seven-step road map, there is no way to move ahead. So we must follow it to bring about a civilian government," the 62-year-old former rebel leader told this correspondent in a telephone interview.
The NDA-K and dozens of former rebel armies who signed ceasefire agreements with the junta in the 1990s attended the government-backed National Convention in 2004 to draw up the guidelines for the constitution which the junta adopted last month.
Apart from the opposition and ethnic groups, the notorious pro-junta Union Solidarity Development Association is systematically preparing for the election. "Their latest move was to select two candidates to stand as MPs in each township who are well-educated, rich and respected in their communities," said Htay Aung, author of a book on the USDA called "Whiteshirts" which compares the organisation to Hitler's Nazi "Brownshirts".
Founded in 1993 and the darling of general Than Shwe, the USDA civilian wing is now 27 million strong in a country of 55 million people. The USDA has played key roles in attacking Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade in 2003, organising the mass rallies in support of the National Convention in 2006 and forcing people to vote “Yes" in the constitutional referendum in May.
Major Aung Lin Htut, a key member of former prime minister Gen Khin Nyunt's spy network, said that most of the USDA’s leading members were opportunists who were trying to win the favour of general Than Shwe. "But they not yet getting any support from army chief general Maung Aye and front line troops." the former spy says.
Another challenge for the USDA and Than Shwe will be to gain support from former rebel armies, he pointed out. "Many know well how general Than Shwe broke his promise on the 1990 election result but very few know how he ignored his promises to ceasefire groups," major Aung Lin Htut said.
This view is shared by the New Mon State Party, one of 17 former ethnic rebel groups. "We walked out of the National Convention when they rejected our proposals. That was broken promise which they agreed in 1995 ceasefire agreement" said Nai Aung Ma-nge, a spokesperson for the Thai-Burma border-based Mon rebel group.
"So we do not accept the referendum, constitution or election. The SPDC should seriously consider how to guarantee the futures of 100,000 strong troops from former rebel groups before the election," the outspoken rebel leader said.
In this scenario, can there be any opportunity left to reconsider the SPDC-led seven-step road map before the 2010 election?
Yes, if the UN-led international community works seriously for Burma this time.
United Nations chief Ban Ki-moon and other world leaders well knew how badly the SPDC had dealt with the aid operation to support millions of survivors after Cyclone Nargis struck on 2-3 May leaving 135,000 people dead and missing.
But Ban did not say a word about politics when he meet Than Shwe in Naypyidaw and focused only on humanitarian mission. However, Than Shwe didn't listen to the UN chief’s warnings but went ahead with all his political plans; the constitutional referendum in May, the adoption of the constitution in June and now the preparations for an election.
As Than Shwe's seven-step road map draws near completion, the UN special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, was invited to visit Naypyidaw in mid-August. Although there was no tangible outcome from his last visit in March, the door is still open for dialogue. Aung Kyi who was appointed minister for relations with Aung San Suu Kyi after last September's Saffron Revolution is still in post but has been left twiddling his thumbs at the moment.
Former UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail supports keeping the way clear for dialogue but warns that the Burmese themselves must do more. "The ability to talk to the regime must be maintained in all aspects, including the political," he told this correspondent in a telephone conversation.
"I don't think the people of Myanmar should lose hope in the UN. The UN is doing the best it can," he went on. "When I was working there, I was doing the best I could, but finally it is up to the government and the people of Myanmar to make all the necessary changes."
Htet Aung Kyaw is a journalist for the Oslo-Based Democratic Voice of Burma.
Jul 18, 2008 (DVB)–Although the National League for Democracy and main ethnic parties didn't recognise the results of the constitutional referendum in May, the ruling junta is now gearing up to drag the opposition into a new election.
So is there any chance of a compromise before the 2010 election?
Many activists, including leading members of the NLD, were upset when the state media urged them to prepare for the forthcoming elections instead of clinging to the 1990 election results.
In fact, this is not first time in the last 18 years that the junta's propaganda machine has told them to forget the 1990 result. But it is the first direct challenge to the NLD since the junta adopted its new constitution last month.
"This has been forced through at gunpoint" said Thein Nyunt, constitutional affairs spokesperson for the NLD. "We don't recognize their announcement and so we won’t prepare for a new election."
He claimed the NLD would pursue all avenues to challenge the SPDC on the fairness and legitimacy of the constitutional referendum.
However, the situation on the ground is not the same as it was in 1990. "We are preparing to form a political party for the 2010 election. This is an opportunity for us," says Za Khun Ting Ring, chairman of the New Democratic Army-Kachin, a ceasefire group based on the China-Burma border.
"If we oppose the seven-step road map, there is no way to move ahead. So we must follow it to bring about a civilian government," the 62-year-old former rebel leader told this correspondent in a telephone interview.
The NDA-K and dozens of former rebel armies who signed ceasefire agreements with the junta in the 1990s attended the government-backed National Convention in 2004 to draw up the guidelines for the constitution which the junta adopted last month.
Apart from the opposition and ethnic groups, the notorious pro-junta Union Solidarity Development Association is systematically preparing for the election. "Their latest move was to select two candidates to stand as MPs in each township who are well-educated, rich and respected in their communities," said Htay Aung, author of a book on the USDA called "Whiteshirts" which compares the organisation to Hitler's Nazi "Brownshirts".
Founded in 1993 and the darling of general Than Shwe, the USDA civilian wing is now 27 million strong in a country of 55 million people. The USDA has played key roles in attacking Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade in 2003, organising the mass rallies in support of the National Convention in 2006 and forcing people to vote “Yes" in the constitutional referendum in May.
Major Aung Lin Htut, a key member of former prime minister Gen Khin Nyunt's spy network, said that most of the USDA’s leading members were opportunists who were trying to win the favour of general Than Shwe. "But they not yet getting any support from army chief general Maung Aye and front line troops." the former spy says.
Another challenge for the USDA and Than Shwe will be to gain support from former rebel armies, he pointed out. "Many know well how general Than Shwe broke his promise on the 1990 election result but very few know how he ignored his promises to ceasefire groups," major Aung Lin Htut said.
This view is shared by the New Mon State Party, one of 17 former ethnic rebel groups. "We walked out of the National Convention when they rejected our proposals. That was broken promise which they agreed in 1995 ceasefire agreement" said Nai Aung Ma-nge, a spokesperson for the Thai-Burma border-based Mon rebel group.
"So we do not accept the referendum, constitution or election. The SPDC should seriously consider how to guarantee the futures of 100,000 strong troops from former rebel groups before the election," the outspoken rebel leader said.
In this scenario, can there be any opportunity left to reconsider the SPDC-led seven-step road map before the 2010 election?
Yes, if the UN-led international community works seriously for Burma this time.
United Nations chief Ban Ki-moon and other world leaders well knew how badly the SPDC had dealt with the aid operation to support millions of survivors after Cyclone Nargis struck on 2-3 May leaving 135,000 people dead and missing.
But Ban did not say a word about politics when he meet Than Shwe in Naypyidaw and focused only on humanitarian mission. However, Than Shwe didn't listen to the UN chief’s warnings but went ahead with all his political plans; the constitutional referendum in May, the adoption of the constitution in June and now the preparations for an election.
As Than Shwe's seven-step road map draws near completion, the UN special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, was invited to visit Naypyidaw in mid-August. Although there was no tangible outcome from his last visit in March, the door is still open for dialogue. Aung Kyi who was appointed minister for relations with Aung San Suu Kyi after last September's Saffron Revolution is still in post but has been left twiddling his thumbs at the moment.
Former UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail supports keeping the way clear for dialogue but warns that the Burmese themselves must do more. "The ability to talk to the regime must be maintained in all aspects, including the political," he told this correspondent in a telephone conversation.
"I don't think the people of Myanmar should lose hope in the UN. The UN is doing the best it can," he went on. "When I was working there, I was doing the best I could, but finally it is up to the government and the people of Myanmar to make all the necessary changes."
Htet Aung Kyaw is a journalist for the Oslo-Based Democratic Voice of Burma.
Delivering Aid While Countering Corruption
By Yeni
The Irrawaddy News
The United Nations’ top humanitarian relief official, John Holmes, will visit Burma soon to assess the progress of humanitarian relief work in cyclone-affected areas of the country.
Holmes will also attend a meeting in Singapore on Monday to take part in the release of the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) Report by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), the Burmese regime and the United Nations, with technical support from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.
It is widely believed the PONJA report will prompt an outpouring of donations for the UN's revised fundraising appeal for US $480 million over the next year for emergency relief and reconstruction following the Cyclone Nargis disaster.
Meanwhile, Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo, asked to evaluate Asean's achievement in supporting the relief effort, gave a C grade to the groupings’ role.
"We feared the worst initially, but it turned out not to be an F grading," The Straits Times quoted Yeo as saying. "Certainly not an A or B, but I would say on the whole, with Asean's assistance and Asean taking the lead in bringing humanitarian assistance into Burma, we could give ourselves a C grade."
Burma’s xenophobic government initially blocked the free-flow of international aid and aid workers to devastated areas. Later, the Burmese generals turned the natural disaster into a diplomatic playground, allowing representatives of the tri-partite core group limited access to the hardest-hit areas, even as Burma's infamous bureaucratic red tape slowed everything down.
One outcome has been that the growing gap between the value of the US dollar and Burmese foreign exchange certificates (FECs) has turned the relief effort into a major cash cow for the junta. Usually, US dollars are technically equal in value to a FEC. But business sources in Burma say the price of FECs started to fall in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, as the junta decided to allow major international aid donations and Burmese living overseas to transfer large amounts of cash into Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) accounts to support the relief effort.
Holmes, who is in contact with junta leaders, said: “My impression from what I heard is that there is not a significant problem. There may be moments when the difference between the dollar and FEC is significant, but by and large it is not.”
Many critics of the relief effort believe the UN and Asean should be more pro-active in addressing the risks of corruption. Corruption controls should not be seen as a factor that could slow down aid delivery or, in some cases, stop projects. Some people fear the UN and regional groups are strengthening the junta by taking an overly cautious, speak-softly approach.
Meanwhile, more than one million people, nearly half the cyclone survivors, have still not received any aid services, and the refugees at government-run temporary refugee camps will be forced to return to their flattened villages at the end of this month.
Many refugees are pawns in the hands of the junta. Too many refugees, including children, in the hard-hit townships of Laputta, Bogalay, Pyapon and Dedaye have endured inhumane conscription by Ward Peace and Development Councils and military troops to provide forced labor.
Burma's ruling generals must be smiling, pleased at how they have successfully handled the international community. It’s no surprise that the junta has invited Ibrahim Gambari, the special UN envoy on Burma, to visit the country in mid-August. The generals remain on top of their game, firmly entrenched as they move toward a national election in 2010 that’s designed to give them political control.
Meanwhile, the country’s leading pro-democracy figure, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest and opposition groups suffer intimidation and the threat of arrests.
The Irrawaddy News
The United Nations’ top humanitarian relief official, John Holmes, will visit Burma soon to assess the progress of humanitarian relief work in cyclone-affected areas of the country.
Holmes will also attend a meeting in Singapore on Monday to take part in the release of the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) Report by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), the Burmese regime and the United Nations, with technical support from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.
It is widely believed the PONJA report will prompt an outpouring of donations for the UN's revised fundraising appeal for US $480 million over the next year for emergency relief and reconstruction following the Cyclone Nargis disaster.
Meanwhile, Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo, asked to evaluate Asean's achievement in supporting the relief effort, gave a C grade to the groupings’ role.
"We feared the worst initially, but it turned out not to be an F grading," The Straits Times quoted Yeo as saying. "Certainly not an A or B, but I would say on the whole, with Asean's assistance and Asean taking the lead in bringing humanitarian assistance into Burma, we could give ourselves a C grade."
Burma’s xenophobic government initially blocked the free-flow of international aid and aid workers to devastated areas. Later, the Burmese generals turned the natural disaster into a diplomatic playground, allowing representatives of the tri-partite core group limited access to the hardest-hit areas, even as Burma's infamous bureaucratic red tape slowed everything down.
One outcome has been that the growing gap between the value of the US dollar and Burmese foreign exchange certificates (FECs) has turned the relief effort into a major cash cow for the junta. Usually, US dollars are technically equal in value to a FEC. But business sources in Burma say the price of FECs started to fall in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, as the junta decided to allow major international aid donations and Burmese living overseas to transfer large amounts of cash into Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) accounts to support the relief effort.
Holmes, who is in contact with junta leaders, said: “My impression from what I heard is that there is not a significant problem. There may be moments when the difference between the dollar and FEC is significant, but by and large it is not.”
Many critics of the relief effort believe the UN and Asean should be more pro-active in addressing the risks of corruption. Corruption controls should not be seen as a factor that could slow down aid delivery or, in some cases, stop projects. Some people fear the UN and regional groups are strengthening the junta by taking an overly cautious, speak-softly approach.
Meanwhile, more than one million people, nearly half the cyclone survivors, have still not received any aid services, and the refugees at government-run temporary refugee camps will be forced to return to their flattened villages at the end of this month.
Many refugees are pawns in the hands of the junta. Too many refugees, including children, in the hard-hit townships of Laputta, Bogalay, Pyapon and Dedaye have endured inhumane conscription by Ward Peace and Development Councils and military troops to provide forced labor.
Burma's ruling generals must be smiling, pleased at how they have successfully handled the international community. It’s no surprise that the junta has invited Ibrahim Gambari, the special UN envoy on Burma, to visit the country in mid-August. The generals remain on top of their game, firmly entrenched as they move toward a national election in 2010 that’s designed to give them political control.
Meanwhile, the country’s leading pro-democracy figure, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest and opposition groups suffer intimidation and the threat of arrests.
Japan Monitoring Aid Distribution to Burma
By LALIT K JHA / UNITED NATIONS
The Irrawaddy News
Japanese aid to Burma for the reconstruction phase in the cyclone affected areas of the Irrawaddy Delta will be determined based on an assessment of how effectively emergency aid has been delivered, a top Japanese official at the United Nations said on Thursday.
Japanese officials are waiting for next week's relief assessment report to be delivered in Singapore by the tri-partite group made up of the UN, Asean and Burma before deciding on its next aid installment.
When asked if Japan would continue financial aid to Burma during the reconstruction phase, Ambassador Takahiro Shinyo, the deputy permanent representative of Japan to the United Nations, told journalists, "It depends."
The UN has issued a revised fundraising appeal for an additional $300 million, to be used on emergency relief and the reconstruction phase which could last for a year or more. Cyclone Nargis swept through Burma on May 2-3.
"After the humanitarian phase is over, somebody must declare that we are entering into the reconstruction phase,” he said. “Then the relevance of the aid would be discussed—whether or not to help in reconstruction," Takahiro said.
Asked for clarification, Takahiro told The Irrawaddy that it does not mean imposing any conditions on Burma in lieu of any financial aid it would provide.
"This [imposing conditions for aid] is not our culture," he said, but he indicated that financial assistance to Burma beyond the post-humanitarian phase would depend on conditions in the Irrawaddy delta, how the money would be implement and also the progress made towards the political reform process.
The Japanese ambassador said there must be an aid monitoring process even during humanitarian relief work phase.
"We are very much keen to see if the aid is distributed rightly or not, and that it has been distributed to the people,” he said. “So the checking mechanism is very necessary."
Japan is also dispatching its own missions to Burma to see that its aid is properly distributed and reaches those for whom it is intended.
"When we extend financial assistance to international organizations, we are always asking for monitoring and assessment because we would like to assure our Parliament [that the money is being used properly]," he said.
"There have been some cases when the implementation of Japanese aid has been questioned in the Parliament so we are very keen on this," he said.
Takahiro said relief work cannot continue indefinitely. Based on previous international experience, he said it normally last from six months to one year.
"If it is longer than one year, it is no longer an emergency phase. So we can confine the time element and of course the project," he said.
Japan, previously one of the Burma’s largest donors, has not made any new funding commitments in the last few years, Takahiro said.
He said Japan has dispatched a mission to Burma to investigate how to salvage sunken ships as a result of the cyclone. There are a large number of sunken ships in the Bay of Burma, whose removal, he said, is essential to the reconstruction phase.
The Irrawaddy News
Japanese aid to Burma for the reconstruction phase in the cyclone affected areas of the Irrawaddy Delta will be determined based on an assessment of how effectively emergency aid has been delivered, a top Japanese official at the United Nations said on Thursday.
Japanese officials are waiting for next week's relief assessment report to be delivered in Singapore by the tri-partite group made up of the UN, Asean and Burma before deciding on its next aid installment.
When asked if Japan would continue financial aid to Burma during the reconstruction phase, Ambassador Takahiro Shinyo, the deputy permanent representative of Japan to the United Nations, told journalists, "It depends."
The UN has issued a revised fundraising appeal for an additional $300 million, to be used on emergency relief and the reconstruction phase which could last for a year or more. Cyclone Nargis swept through Burma on May 2-3.
"After the humanitarian phase is over, somebody must declare that we are entering into the reconstruction phase,” he said. “Then the relevance of the aid would be discussed—whether or not to help in reconstruction," Takahiro said.
Asked for clarification, Takahiro told The Irrawaddy that it does not mean imposing any conditions on Burma in lieu of any financial aid it would provide.
"This [imposing conditions for aid] is not our culture," he said, but he indicated that financial assistance to Burma beyond the post-humanitarian phase would depend on conditions in the Irrawaddy delta, how the money would be implement and also the progress made towards the political reform process.
The Japanese ambassador said there must be an aid monitoring process even during humanitarian relief work phase.
"We are very much keen to see if the aid is distributed rightly or not, and that it has been distributed to the people,” he said. “So the checking mechanism is very necessary."
Japan is also dispatching its own missions to Burma to see that its aid is properly distributed and reaches those for whom it is intended.
"When we extend financial assistance to international organizations, we are always asking for monitoring and assessment because we would like to assure our Parliament [that the money is being used properly]," he said.
"There have been some cases when the implementation of Japanese aid has been questioned in the Parliament so we are very keen on this," he said.
Takahiro said relief work cannot continue indefinitely. Based on previous international experience, he said it normally last from six months to one year.
"If it is longer than one year, it is no longer an emergency phase. So we can confine the time element and of course the project," he said.
Japan, previously one of the Burma’s largest donors, has not made any new funding commitments in the last few years, Takahiro said.
He said Japan has dispatched a mission to Burma to investigate how to salvage sunken ships as a result of the cyclone. There are a large number of sunken ships in the Bay of Burma, whose removal, he said, is essential to the reconstruction phase.
Three Laputta Refugee Camps to Close
By AUNG THET WINE
The Irrawaddy News
LAPUTTA, Burma — Burmese authorities will close three remaining refugee camps in Laputta, one of the areas hardest-hit by Cyclone Nargis, on August 5, forcing about 6,000 remaining refugees to return to their villages, according to sources in the township.
Refugees who oppose relocation will face forced eviction, refugee sources said. The three refugee camps held as many as 50,000 refugees in recent months.
Sources said authorities have pressured refugees at the three remaining camps in Laputta Township since June 20 to go back to their villages...
"We are summoned every evening by a camp official and told to go back to our villages. He said our tents will be dragged down after August 5 and all our belongings will be set on fire. He advised we should leave as early as we can and should not blame them if it happens," said a female villager from Mi-Kyaung Ai living in Yadanar Dipa camp.
The refugees said they told the camp officer, Win Thant, that they were scared to return to their cyclone devastated villages and asked to stay at the camps for a few more months, but were turned down.
Laputta Township administration chairman Myint Oo told refugees sheltering at Three-Mile and Five-Mile camps to leave.
"After August 5, we will not receive our ration rice and the refugees may not receive other food items. They said they will continue to take care of us, if we agree to go back to our villages," said a 40-year-old man from Sa-Lu Seik village who is living at Five-Mile camp.
Before leaving the camp, refugees must sign a consent paper showing they voluntarily returned to their villages.
"If we return to our village, we are provided about 3 pyi of rice (pyi is a Burmese measurement close to 0.25 Liters), chili, onion, a sheet of tarpaulin, six packs of instant noodles and a zinc pot. Then the authorities send us to our villages by boat," said a female refugee at Three-Mile camp.
Many refugees are in desperate fear of returning to their former homes.
“I don't want to go back to that place, and I dare not live there anymore,” said a 35-year-old refugee from Kaing Thaung village, who lost his wife, two children and relatives during the cyclone.
“I would see my dead wife and kids in my mind every day, if I go back there,” he said. “I am not going back.”
According to sources, some refugees who have refused to return home are conscripted for forced labor, occasionally beaten over random, petty accusations or expelled from the camps.
"If we don't do forced labor, we could be driven out from the camp,” said a villager from Mi-Kyaung Ai who lives at Yatanar Dipa camp. “If a couple quarrel or speak loudly, the husband might be called in and beaten and then forced to leave the camp."
"When other refugees were relocated from the township to camps outside of Laputta, soldiers blocked all the exits and pushed people into trucks,” said a housewife living at Five-Mile camp.
“They were forced out in chaos. I am afraid of what will happen on August 5.”
Many refugees said they planned to build make-shift huts near the Laputta-Myaung Mya road and continue to live in the area, sources said.
"I will build a hut by the highway. I am not sure whether we will be allowed or not. If not, I must find a place close to the town," said a villager from Po Laung who lives at Five-Mile camp.
According to refugees, UN agencies and international NGO workers are aware of the plan to close the camps.
The Irrawaddy News
LAPUTTA, Burma — Burmese authorities will close three remaining refugee camps in Laputta, one of the areas hardest-hit by Cyclone Nargis, on August 5, forcing about 6,000 remaining refugees to return to their villages, according to sources in the township.
Refugees who oppose relocation will face forced eviction, refugee sources said. The three refugee camps held as many as 50,000 refugees in recent months.
Sources said authorities have pressured refugees at the three remaining camps in Laputta Township since June 20 to go back to their villages...
"We are summoned every evening by a camp official and told to go back to our villages. He said our tents will be dragged down after August 5 and all our belongings will be set on fire. He advised we should leave as early as we can and should not blame them if it happens," said a female villager from Mi-Kyaung Ai living in Yadanar Dipa camp.
The refugees said they told the camp officer, Win Thant, that they were scared to return to their cyclone devastated villages and asked to stay at the camps for a few more months, but were turned down.
Laputta Township administration chairman Myint Oo told refugees sheltering at Three-Mile and Five-Mile camps to leave.
"After August 5, we will not receive our ration rice and the refugees may not receive other food items. They said they will continue to take care of us, if we agree to go back to our villages," said a 40-year-old man from Sa-Lu Seik village who is living at Five-Mile camp.
Before leaving the camp, refugees must sign a consent paper showing they voluntarily returned to their villages.
"If we return to our village, we are provided about 3 pyi of rice (pyi is a Burmese measurement close to 0.25 Liters), chili, onion, a sheet of tarpaulin, six packs of instant noodles and a zinc pot. Then the authorities send us to our villages by boat," said a female refugee at Three-Mile camp.
Many refugees are in desperate fear of returning to their former homes.
“I don't want to go back to that place, and I dare not live there anymore,” said a 35-year-old refugee from Kaing Thaung village, who lost his wife, two children and relatives during the cyclone.
“I would see my dead wife and kids in my mind every day, if I go back there,” he said. “I am not going back.”
According to sources, some refugees who have refused to return home are conscripted for forced labor, occasionally beaten over random, petty accusations or expelled from the camps.
"If we don't do forced labor, we could be driven out from the camp,” said a villager from Mi-Kyaung Ai who lives at Yatanar Dipa camp. “If a couple quarrel or speak loudly, the husband might be called in and beaten and then forced to leave the camp."
"When other refugees were relocated from the township to camps outside of Laputta, soldiers blocked all the exits and pushed people into trucks,” said a housewife living at Five-Mile camp.
“They were forced out in chaos. I am afraid of what will happen on August 5.”
Many refugees said they planned to build make-shift huts near the Laputta-Myaung Mya road and continue to live in the area, sources said.
"I will build a hut by the highway. I am not sure whether we will be allowed or not. If not, I must find a place close to the town," said a villager from Po Laung who lives at Five-Mile camp.
According to refugees, UN agencies and international NGO workers are aware of the plan to close the camps.
ASEAN officials say Myanmar should release political detainees
SINGAPORE (Channelasia): Myanmar should release all political detainees, senior Southeast Asian officials say in a recommendation to their foreign ministers.
"The SOM (senior officials' meeting)... called on the release of all political detainees," a senior Southeast Asian official said.
If endorsed, the recommendation will be included in a joint statement to be issued after a two-day meeting of the ministers that starts Sunday, the official said.
The proposed paragraphs on Myanmar also call on the military government "to take bolder steps in what they're doing to move along the roadmap to democracy," the official said.
However, it could still be amended by the ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The 10-member ASEAN has been widely criticised for its policy of "constructive engagement" regarding Myanmar, which is under EU and US sanctions over its human rights record.
Myanmar's detainees include democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been held under house arrest for most of the past 18 years. - AFP/ms
"The SOM (senior officials' meeting)... called on the release of all political detainees," a senior Southeast Asian official said.
If endorsed, the recommendation will be included in a joint statement to be issued after a two-day meeting of the ministers that starts Sunday, the official said.
The proposed paragraphs on Myanmar also call on the military government "to take bolder steps in what they're doing to move along the roadmap to democracy," the official said.
However, it could still be amended by the ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The 10-member ASEAN has been widely criticised for its policy of "constructive engagement" regarding Myanmar, which is under EU and US sanctions over its human rights record.
Myanmar's detainees include democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been held under house arrest for most of the past 18 years. - AFP/ms
Junta officials, two teak traders killed over unequal division of loot
Is anybody keeping the tally? :)))
Shan Herald Agency for News
Two junta officials and two Chinese teak traders from Taunggyi were killed by each other in Kholam, Namzang township, after quarreling over the division of the proceeds from teak trading, according to SHAN sources.
The shooting took place on13 July, at 18:00, between Deputy Commander, Major Aung Thiha and Capt Aye San Win from Infantry Battalion#66, based in Kholam and two Chinese teak traders U Soe, 54, and Zaw Htoo, 50, at U Soe’s house. They died instantly, said a source.
U Soe and Zaw Htoo were from Taunggyi and bought a house in Kholam during the trading of teak, according to a source.
“Before U Soe and Zaw Htoo were to have their dinner, the officials went to ask for their shares and quarreled with them,” a villager told to SHAN. “One of U Soe’s followers started to shoot at the officials and the officials shot back.”
There was no one providing security for the officers and the officers themselves were wearing plain clothes, according to another source.
There had been no other casualty.
Before the event took place, local authorities in Kholam had banned teak trading from the Keng Tawng forest, Mongnai township, Langkhur district, according to sources.
Breaking news of the shooting was reported by SHAN on 14 July. However, SHAN then had reported that the 4 men had been killed by others.
For more details contact, 0801260064
Two Shrimp Factories Close Down in Arakan
Narinjara News
7/17/2008 - Two shrimp product factories owned by relatives of the Burmese military government in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, closed down recently after the US government imposed further sanctions on Burma, said one worker who had been employed there.
He said, "The factories are Shwe Tharawan and Shwe Yamon, both shrimp product factories, located beside the Satro Kya Creek in Sittwe. Local Arakanese people called the factories Ah Ai Khan."
"Ah Ai Kan" translated literally into English means, "frozen-keeping room".
The two factories were owned by relatives of the Burmese military government, and the Shwe Tharawan factory was reportedly owned by the son of General Shwe Mann, the third most powerful man in Burma.
The factories were closed down after a Singapore company stopped buying shrimp from the factory for importing.
The worker said, "I heard that the Singapore Company faced a problem transferring money from Singapore to Burma after the US-government imposed sanctions on Burma. The company reportedly stopped the business due to a problem with the banking system."
A source from Sittwe said, the Shwe Tharawan factory has been transferred by General Shwe Mann's son to a government fishery department in Sittwe since the factory was closed down.
The worker said that 200 employees for the two factories were left jobless after the closures, but the owners of the factories had already paid three months' advance salary to the workers. #
7/17/2008 - Two shrimp product factories owned by relatives of the Burmese military government in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, closed down recently after the US government imposed further sanctions on Burma, said one worker who had been employed there.
He said, "The factories are Shwe Tharawan and Shwe Yamon, both shrimp product factories, located beside the Satro Kya Creek in Sittwe. Local Arakanese people called the factories Ah Ai Khan."
"Ah Ai Kan" translated literally into English means, "frozen-keeping room".
The two factories were owned by relatives of the Burmese military government, and the Shwe Tharawan factory was reportedly owned by the son of General Shwe Mann, the third most powerful man in Burma.
The factories were closed down after a Singapore company stopped buying shrimp from the factory for importing.
The worker said, "I heard that the Singapore Company faced a problem transferring money from Singapore to Burma after the US-government imposed sanctions on Burma. The company reportedly stopped the business due to a problem with the banking system."
A source from Sittwe said, the Shwe Tharawan factory has been transferred by General Shwe Mann's son to a government fishery department in Sittwe since the factory was closed down.
The worker said that 200 employees for the two factories were left jobless after the closures, but the owners of the factories had already paid three months' advance salary to the workers. #
Low expectations for Gambari visit
Jul 17, 2008 (DVB)–Opposition figures and a political analyst have expressed doubts over whether the planned visit of United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari to Burma in mid-August will bring about any positive outcomes.
U Nyan Win, spokesperson for the National League for Democracy, said the party did not have high expectations for the envoy’s visit.
"The only thing this shows is that Mr Gambari's role, as a negotiator for national reconciliation in Burma on behalf of the UN Security Council and General Assembly, still exists," Nyan Win said.
"Whether or not this will be a successful mission doesn't depend on the UN's efforts alone,” he said.
“But we can still hope for the success if everyone starts participating – Mr Gambari, the UN and everyone who has a concern.”
U Chan Htun, a veteran politican and former Burmese ambassador to China, said the government had approved the trip in order to push its own agenda on issues such as the constitution and 2010 elections, and to press Gambari to encourage opposition groups to participate in the elections. (Jeg:s to participate under their conditions staying background whilst the junta remains front of the house forever.. :) )
"They invited Mr Gambari because they have confidence that they can get something they want,” he said.
“Our government doesn’t do anything without being sure of the outcome; they know only what they want and they do not care about anyone else."
Burma analyst Aung Naing Oo said he had little hope for the efforts by Gambari and the UN.
"[Gambari] would just keep going to Burma until the end of his term or until the Burmese government stops allowing him into the country," Aung Naing Oo said.
“If he doesn’t want to go, a new person will be appointed to continue this work. So he'll just have to go there regardless what outcome is going to result.”
Aung Naing Oo said no noticeable successes had come out of the special envoy’s previous trips.
"A very common question from both inside and outside Burma is what he is going to do seeing as the government's road map for democracy is going forward," he said.
"In Mr Razali Ismail's era, people used to have some hope from his trips to Burma because there was always something to hope for,” he went on.
“But with Mr Gambari, a lot of people are starting to think he is only being used by the Burmese regime for their own ends."
Razali Ismail, the former UN special envoy to Burma, said that it was important to keep channels of communication with the junta open.
“The ability to talk to the regime must be maintained in all aspects, including the political,” he said.
“I don’t think the people of Myanmar should lose hope in the UN. The UN is doing the best it can,” he went on.
“When I was working there, I was doing the best I could, but finally it is up to the government and the people of Myanmar to make all the necessary changes.”
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
U Nyan Win, spokesperson for the National League for Democracy, said the party did not have high expectations for the envoy’s visit.
"The only thing this shows is that Mr Gambari's role, as a negotiator for national reconciliation in Burma on behalf of the UN Security Council and General Assembly, still exists," Nyan Win said.
"Whether or not this will be a successful mission doesn't depend on the UN's efforts alone,” he said.
“But we can still hope for the success if everyone starts participating – Mr Gambari, the UN and everyone who has a concern.”
U Chan Htun, a veteran politican and former Burmese ambassador to China, said the government had approved the trip in order to push its own agenda on issues such as the constitution and 2010 elections, and to press Gambari to encourage opposition groups to participate in the elections. (Jeg:s to participate under their conditions staying background whilst the junta remains front of the house forever.. :) )
"They invited Mr Gambari because they have confidence that they can get something they want,” he said.
“Our government doesn’t do anything without being sure of the outcome; they know only what they want and they do not care about anyone else."
Burma analyst Aung Naing Oo said he had little hope for the efforts by Gambari and the UN.
"[Gambari] would just keep going to Burma until the end of his term or until the Burmese government stops allowing him into the country," Aung Naing Oo said.
“If he doesn’t want to go, a new person will be appointed to continue this work. So he'll just have to go there regardless what outcome is going to result.”
Aung Naing Oo said no noticeable successes had come out of the special envoy’s previous trips.
"A very common question from both inside and outside Burma is what he is going to do seeing as the government's road map for democracy is going forward," he said.
"In Mr Razali Ismail's era, people used to have some hope from his trips to Burma because there was always something to hope for,” he went on.
“But with Mr Gambari, a lot of people are starting to think he is only being used by the Burmese regime for their own ends."
Razali Ismail, the former UN special envoy to Burma, said that it was important to keep channels of communication with the junta open.
“The ability to talk to the regime must be maintained in all aspects, including the political,” he said.
“I don’t think the people of Myanmar should lose hope in the UN. The UN is doing the best it can,” he went on.
“When I was working there, I was doing the best I could, but finally it is up to the government and the people of Myanmar to make all the necessary changes.”
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Asean engagement of Myanmar not successful: US
WASHINGTON (ST)- A US official says the 10-member Association of South-east Asian Nations recognises that a strategy of engagement to encourage more democracy in military-led Myanmar has not been successful.
US Ambassador to Asean Scot Marciel added on Thursday that he was not being critical; other efforts to force change in Myanmar also have foundered. He says the United States welcomes Asean members who have been working to encourage Myanmar to open up.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice travels to Singapore next week for the Asean Regional Forum. Myanmar is likely to be a topic of discussion.
Mr Marciel is praising Asean for its forceful, 'unprecedented' statement of criticism of Myanmar's violent crackdown on peaceful protesters last year. -- AP
US Ambassador to Asean Scot Marciel added on Thursday that he was not being critical; other efforts to force change in Myanmar also have foundered. He says the United States welcomes Asean members who have been working to encourage Myanmar to open up.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice travels to Singapore next week for the Asean Regional Forum. Myanmar is likely to be a topic of discussion.
Mr Marciel is praising Asean for its forceful, 'unprecedented' statement of criticism of Myanmar's violent crackdown on peaceful protesters last year. -- AP
Burmese opposition ready to escalate pro-democracy fight
'If we have guns we will shoot back'
Clancy Chassay reports from inside Burma on plans for a new uprising against the military regime, and hears some monks calling for more western intervention and an an armed insurrection - Watch
video here
Members of Burma's battered and disparate opposition are growing disillusioned with the old methods of the pro-democracy movement and are seeking ways to escalate their armed struggle with the help of covert western support.
"There is a very real debate among us about how to begin a more sustained armed struggle," an organiser of last September's failed uprising told the Guardian. "We are ready for that kind of action, if we can get the supplies and training that we need."
Speaking from exile in Thailand, Soe Aung, the chief spokesman for the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), an umbrella group representing nearly all facets of Burma's disparate opposition, said he was witnessing a significant shift in the public attitude across Burma.
"After the September uprising and then the terrible cyclone response, the anger is surging. Some are considering violent means … the Burmese people are not that kind of people, there has been a real change."
Soe Aung spoke openly of how covert Western support, primarily from the US state department-funded National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and its subsidiary the International Republican Institute (IRI), had been fundamental to the success of the uprising.
"The US is certainly doing the most for the opposition. There has been real success in training and forming an underground movement through religious organisations and monastic organisations. These provide the best cover inside Burma. The monks can spread their training very effectively."
The NED describes itself as a private organisation but was created by, and remains accountable to, the US Congress. Set up under the Reagan administration in 1983, it has since played a leading role in influencing civil society and electoral processes in countries around the world unfriendly to US interests.
According to Brian Joseph, the man in charge of the group's Burma project, the NED gave $3m (£1.5m) to Burma in 2007. "We would send more, but there is a limit to what you can do in Burma," said Joseph.
Opposition activists both inside and outside Burma largely describe the improvements in political awareness and spread of information as a result of NED-funded projects, but also attribute them to the introduction of the internet to Burma in 2003.
"We could see in September how the advances were utilised. It wasn't just the monks but a massive increase of awareness among Burmese of all types. This was thanks largely due to media organs, the Democratic Voice of Burma, satellite TV, and, of course, the internet," said Soe Aung.
· Read Clancy Chassay's full report from Burma tomorrow
Myanmar: Burmese junta profiting from aid funds?
New Delhi (Relief Web)- Even as cyclone victims reel under the devastating impact of Nargis, the military rulers are lining their pockets from the aid funds donated by the international community including the UN. The money is being made by way of a twisted currency exchange mechanism – dollar to local Burmese kyat, a source in the Burmese military establishment said.
Following the killer Cyclone Nargis lashing Burma on May 2 and 3, several international non-governmental organizations as well as UN aid agencies rushed in to help cyclone victims.
The source, who declined to be named for fear of reprisal, said the ruling junta is making a huge killing from these donations by keeping a margin in the conversion rates – from foreign currency to Burmese Foreign Exchange Certificates (FEC).
According to the source, the government-owned Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank is the principle bank that is used by aid agencies for transferring funds. And when aid agencies withdraw their money from the MFTB, it is given in the form of Foreign Exchange Certificates (FEC), which is treated as equivalent to the US dollar.
While the information cannot be independently verified, the source said the difference in exchange rates between the dollar and FEC is the margin that the government makes.
A businessman in Rangoon, who is into exchanging foreign currency in the black market said, currently a US $ is worth 1,175 Kyat while the FEC is valued at 850 Kyat. While the rates continue to fluctuate depending on the market, the US Dollar and FEC have never been treated equally in the market.
"The rate between the FEC and Dollar is only equal in the government exchange rates but here in Burma things are done only in the black market," the businessman told Mizzima.
The source, who is also close to the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank, said, while the bank retains the in coming foreign exchange, it also profits from the marginal difference in the conversion.
The UN World Food Programme, one of the largest UN agencies currently involved in helping cyclone victims in Burma, however, declined to comment on it.
But Paul Risley, the WFP spokesperson in Bangkok admitted that it uses the MFBT to transfer funds to Burma.
UN Humanitarian Chief, John Holmes, who is scheduled to visit Burma next week, on Wednesday, told reporters at a news conference in New York that he would look into the issue of aid money going into the coffers of the ruling junta through a twisted currency exchange mechanism.
But reports quoted him as saying, "My impression from what I heard is that there is not a significant problem. There may be moments when the difference between the dollar and FEC is significant, but by and large it is not."
The source, however, said the Burmese military generals have made millions of Kyat from the exchange margin.
"For every dollar, if the junta is profiting about two to three hundred Kyats, you can imagine how much they will have pocketed since aid agencies made their way into Burma," the source said.
Burma's military junta has asked for US $ 11 billion in aid for emergency relief as well as for reconstruction work to be done in cyclone hit areas of Irrawaddy and Rangoon division.
The regime, in an article carried in its mouthpiece newspaper early this month, even challenged the international community particularly the US, UK, French, and Japan for failing to come up with more donations to help cyclone victims in Burma while spending huge amounts of money on wars.
The UN, last week, launched a fresh appeal urging governments to donate US$ 300 million more to keep humanitarian efforts in Burma going.
Following the killer Cyclone Nargis lashing Burma on May 2 and 3, several international non-governmental organizations as well as UN aid agencies rushed in to help cyclone victims.
The source, who declined to be named for fear of reprisal, said the ruling junta is making a huge killing from these donations by keeping a margin in the conversion rates – from foreign currency to Burmese Foreign Exchange Certificates (FEC).
According to the source, the government-owned Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank is the principle bank that is used by aid agencies for transferring funds. And when aid agencies withdraw their money from the MFTB, it is given in the form of Foreign Exchange Certificates (FEC), which is treated as equivalent to the US dollar.
While the information cannot be independently verified, the source said the difference in exchange rates between the dollar and FEC is the margin that the government makes.
A businessman in Rangoon, who is into exchanging foreign currency in the black market said, currently a US $ is worth 1,175 Kyat while the FEC is valued at 850 Kyat. While the rates continue to fluctuate depending on the market, the US Dollar and FEC have never been treated equally in the market.
"The rate between the FEC and Dollar is only equal in the government exchange rates but here in Burma things are done only in the black market," the businessman told Mizzima.
The source, who is also close to the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank, said, while the bank retains the in coming foreign exchange, it also profits from the marginal difference in the conversion.
The UN World Food Programme, one of the largest UN agencies currently involved in helping cyclone victims in Burma, however, declined to comment on it.
But Paul Risley, the WFP spokesperson in Bangkok admitted that it uses the MFBT to transfer funds to Burma.
UN Humanitarian Chief, John Holmes, who is scheduled to visit Burma next week, on Wednesday, told reporters at a news conference in New York that he would look into the issue of aid money going into the coffers of the ruling junta through a twisted currency exchange mechanism.
But reports quoted him as saying, "My impression from what I heard is that there is not a significant problem. There may be moments when the difference between the dollar and FEC is significant, but by and large it is not."
The source, however, said the Burmese military generals have made millions of Kyat from the exchange margin.
"For every dollar, if the junta is profiting about two to three hundred Kyats, you can imagine how much they will have pocketed since aid agencies made their way into Burma," the source said.
Burma's military junta has asked for US $ 11 billion in aid for emergency relief as well as for reconstruction work to be done in cyclone hit areas of Irrawaddy and Rangoon division.
The regime, in an article carried in its mouthpiece newspaper early this month, even challenged the international community particularly the US, UK, French, and Japan for failing to come up with more donations to help cyclone victims in Burma while spending huge amounts of money on wars.
The UN, last week, launched a fresh appeal urging governments to donate US$ 300 million more to keep humanitarian efforts in Burma going.
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