SINGAPORE (AFX-Thomson Financial) - Military-ruled Myanmar on Monday formally ratified the ASEAN Charter but observers doubted the junta will live up to the document's ideals on democracy and human rights.
Foreign Minister Nyan Win presented his country's ratification during an annual meeting of foreign ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
In the charter, ASEAN members commit "to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance and the rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms."
ASEAN has been widely criticised for its policy of "constructive engagement" regarding member Myanmar, which is under European Union and United States sanctions over its human rights record.
Myanmar was also severely criticised internationally for its delay in allowing foreign aid into the country after a May 2-3 cyclone that left 138,000 people dead or missing.
It subsequently belatedly allowed aid workers to enter under an arrangement with ASEAN and the United Nations.
"Myanmar's ratification of the charter today demonstrates our strong commitment to embrace the common values and aspirations of the people of ASEAN to build the ASEAN community, one that's together in partnership in a caring and sharing community," said the junta's foreign minister Nyan Win.
But Egoy Bans, a Filipino activist pushing for democratisation in Myanmar, said he "does not believe that there is sincerity" by the junta to go through democratic change.
He said ASEAN must work toward "concrete reforms" inside Myanmar, as implied by the charter.
"I know it's sort of a challenge for ASEAN to really stand by its charter," said Bans, of the Free Burma Coalition group of independent democracy advocates.
Just seven days after the cyclone, Myanmar insisted on holding a referendum on a military-backed constitution. It said that despite the devastation, 98 percent of voters turned out for the ballot and more than 92 percent endorsed their constitution.
The opposition party of detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, held under house arrest for most of the past 18 years, dismissed the referendum outcome as a "sham."
Trevor Wilson, a former Australian ambassador to Myanmar, noted there are differing definitions of democracy, good governance and human rights.
He said Myanmar knows that other ASEAN countries also have similar difficulties conforming to outside standards.
"They're not going to take the view that they have to change their approach to 'disciplined democracy'," he said of Myanmar.
Wilson, now a visiting fellow at the Australian National University, said that despite its pledge to strengthen democracy and the rule of law, the charter "doesn't have the same force or meaning... that in Western countries we would expect it to have."
The charter aims to give ASEAN a legal framework and sets out principles and rules for members.
It also transforms ASEAN, established in 1967, into a legal entity, a move that will give the group greater clout in international negotiations.
The charter resulted from a long and controversial drafting process that saw some of the strong recommendations from ASEAN elder statesmen watered down or dropped, including provisions on sanctions and expulsion.
ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan said the document will come into force on the 30th day after the 10th member ratifies.
Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines are the remaining members of the 10-nation ASEAN which must still ratify the document, although Manila has said it will not do so until Myanmar improves its human rights record.
But Surin said he was "very optimistic" all members would ratify the charter in time for the ASEAN summit in Bangkok later this year.
Monday, 21 July 2008
Myanmar regime ratifies Asean charter including human rights body
MYANMAR (ST)has ratified a proposed international charter that includes controversial human rights provisions, officials said on Monday, a day after regional powers slammed the nation's ruling junta for extending opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's detention.
Myanmar's ratification of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) charter is to be formalised at a ceremony later Monday.
But question marks remain about whether Myanmar's junta, which has jailed hundreds of political dissidents, including Nobel peace laureate Suu Kyi, is willing to adhere to the principles of human rights and respect for rule of law enshrined in the charter.
It was also unclear whether the proposed Asean human rights body, the details of which have yet to be hammered out, will have any substantive enforcement or monitoring power.
The charter, expected to come into force by next year, aims to strengthen the 10-member group of Asian nations, giving it power to sue and be sued, and establishing enforceable financial, trade and environmental rules.
The most controversial part of the charter is a proposed human rights body.
'It's high time that we concretize the human rights of the people of Asean', said Ms Rosario Manalo, the Philippine representative to the panel.
Still, it is clear that the body will not have the power to sanction countries that violate the rights of its citizens.
The Philippines and possibly Thailand will push for the body to have the power to at least monitor human rights violations, said one South-east Asian diplomat who spoke on condition of anonymity because she was not authorised to speak to the media.
Myanmar is the seventh member of Asean to ratify the charter. The Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia have balked at endorsing it, demanding that Myanmar first give firmer commitments to democracy.
The human rights panel, which will hold its first meeting Monday to determine the scope of the human rights body, is expected to submit a draft of its recommendations to the Asean leaders' summit in December.
Ignoring international criticism, Myanmar's junta on May 27 extended Suu Kyi's detention by another year, drawing an extraordinary rebuke Sunday from Asean members who usually shy from criticising each other.
Myanmar officials have issued no public response to that criticism, although its representative at the meeting, Foreign Minister Nyan Win, suggested Sunday that Suu Kyi could be freed from house arrest in about six months.
Suu Kyi has now been detained for more than 12 of the last 18 years at her home in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma. -- AP
Myanmar's ratification of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) charter is to be formalised at a ceremony later Monday.
But question marks remain about whether Myanmar's junta, which has jailed hundreds of political dissidents, including Nobel peace laureate Suu Kyi, is willing to adhere to the principles of human rights and respect for rule of law enshrined in the charter.
It was also unclear whether the proposed Asean human rights body, the details of which have yet to be hammered out, will have any substantive enforcement or monitoring power.
The charter, expected to come into force by next year, aims to strengthen the 10-member group of Asian nations, giving it power to sue and be sued, and establishing enforceable financial, trade and environmental rules.
The most controversial part of the charter is a proposed human rights body.
'It's high time that we concretize the human rights of the people of Asean', said Ms Rosario Manalo, the Philippine representative to the panel.
Still, it is clear that the body will not have the power to sanction countries that violate the rights of its citizens.
The Philippines and possibly Thailand will push for the body to have the power to at least monitor human rights violations, said one South-east Asian diplomat who spoke on condition of anonymity because she was not authorised to speak to the media.
Myanmar is the seventh member of Asean to ratify the charter. The Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia have balked at endorsing it, demanding that Myanmar first give firmer commitments to democracy.
The human rights panel, which will hold its first meeting Monday to determine the scope of the human rights body, is expected to submit a draft of its recommendations to the Asean leaders' summit in December.
Ignoring international criticism, Myanmar's junta on May 27 extended Suu Kyi's detention by another year, drawing an extraordinary rebuke Sunday from Asean members who usually shy from criticising each other.
Myanmar officials have issued no public response to that criticism, although its representative at the meeting, Foreign Minister Nyan Win, suggested Sunday that Suu Kyi could be freed from house arrest in about six months.
Suu Kyi has now been detained for more than 12 of the last 18 years at her home in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma. -- AP
Thailand Refugee Policy Gets Mixed Reviews
By IRIN
The Irrawaddy News
BANGKOK — Thailand’s treatment of refugees has come under scrutiny for confining some refugees in camps for years and allegedly forcing others back home where they risk persecution.
A report issued by the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI) in June ranked Thailand as one of the 10 worst places for refugees.
The report criticized Thailand’s refusal to recognize most Burmese refugees in its territories and for confining 140,000 refugees to camps along the Thai-Burmese border and refusing them the right to work.
The report also cited Thailand’s treatment of Lao Hmong asylum-seekers, some 8,000 of whom have been living in the Huai Nam Khao camp in Petchabun Province since 2004, and the forced return of such refugees who fear persecution once home.
The Hmong claim they fled harassment and persecution in their homeland because of ties to the CIA-backed force that fought the communists in the 1960s and 1970s.
In the first week of July, the Thai military returned more than 800 Hmong from the Huai Nam Khao camp to Laos.
The returns followed a protest of 5,000 Hmong, who broke down a camp fence on June 20 and began marching to Bangkok to raise awareness about their plight and voice concern over a bilateral agreement reached by the Thai and Lao governments to send them back to Laos.
Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement about the incident on its Web site on June 30, refuting allegations that the Hmong had been forcibly repatriated.
“These persons expressed the wish to return to Laos of their own accord after negotiations with the Thai officials proved that their demands could not be met,” the statement read. “The Thai side thereafter facilitated their return in a dignified and humane manner.”
The statement claimed authorities had established a screening process for the Hmong, ostensibly to identify all individuals and family members.
But on June 23, the UN’s refugee agency, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), wrote to the Thai government to express its concern over the return of the Lao Hmong.
The UNHCR has never been given access by the Thai government to the Lao refugees at the Huai Nam Khao camp.
“We would like to help the Thai authorities in the screening process to determine if any of the Hmong refugees are eligible for refugee status, and able to stay in Thailand,” UNHCR senior regional public information officer, Kitty McKinsey, told IRIN in Bangkok. “If an outside agency were allowed access, it could add transparency to the whole process.”
Since 2005, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has been the only group allowed to work with the Hmong inside the Huai Nam Khao camp.
“The level of anxiety is extremely high [among the Hmong],” Gilles Isard, MSF head of mission in Thailand, said, adding that many of the refugees feared they would be punished by the Thai army for having demonstrated.
“If the international community does not react firmly against this return, then this process of repatriation will continue without any external control or humanitarian assistance for the returnees,” he added.
Thailand has not ratified the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, a key legal document in defining a refugee, their rights and the legal obligations of states.
“In spite of having not signed the convention, they have been very hospitable to refugees,” McKinsey said. “Thailand has hosted 1.2 million refugees over the past 30 years, so that shouldn’t be forgotten.”
The UNHCR has a mandate to work with 140,000 refugees from Burma in nine camps along the Thai border.
According to McKinsey, the UNHCR would like to see more freedom of movement for refugees so they can move out of the camps to work and study.
Since early 2005, the UNHCR has been involved in the resettlement of more than 30,000 Burmese refugees from camps on the Thai-Burmese border to third countries.
“Although Thailand is not a signatory to the UN refugee convention and protocol, its humanitarian record in providing asylum to refugees is better than that of many countries that have acceded,” Sally Thompson, executive director of the Thailand-Burma Border Consortium, told IRIN.
She added that the overriding policy of providing temporary shelter in enclosed camps was driven by national security concerns and the fear of an upsurge in refugee populations.
Despite difficult conditions, NGOs have a good working relationship with the Thai government and have maintained access to the camps to provide essential services, according to Thompson.
The Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) is a news service that forms part of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). But this report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.
The Irrawaddy News
BANGKOK — Thailand’s treatment of refugees has come under scrutiny for confining some refugees in camps for years and allegedly forcing others back home where they risk persecution.
A report issued by the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI) in June ranked Thailand as one of the 10 worst places for refugees.
The report criticized Thailand’s refusal to recognize most Burmese refugees in its territories and for confining 140,000 refugees to camps along the Thai-Burmese border and refusing them the right to work.
The report also cited Thailand’s treatment of Lao Hmong asylum-seekers, some 8,000 of whom have been living in the Huai Nam Khao camp in Petchabun Province since 2004, and the forced return of such refugees who fear persecution once home.
The Hmong claim they fled harassment and persecution in their homeland because of ties to the CIA-backed force that fought the communists in the 1960s and 1970s.
In the first week of July, the Thai military returned more than 800 Hmong from the Huai Nam Khao camp to Laos.
The returns followed a protest of 5,000 Hmong, who broke down a camp fence on June 20 and began marching to Bangkok to raise awareness about their plight and voice concern over a bilateral agreement reached by the Thai and Lao governments to send them back to Laos.
Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement about the incident on its Web site on June 30, refuting allegations that the Hmong had been forcibly repatriated.
“These persons expressed the wish to return to Laos of their own accord after negotiations with the Thai officials proved that their demands could not be met,” the statement read. “The Thai side thereafter facilitated their return in a dignified and humane manner.”
The statement claimed authorities had established a screening process for the Hmong, ostensibly to identify all individuals and family members.
But on June 23, the UN’s refugee agency, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), wrote to the Thai government to express its concern over the return of the Lao Hmong.
The UNHCR has never been given access by the Thai government to the Lao refugees at the Huai Nam Khao camp.
“We would like to help the Thai authorities in the screening process to determine if any of the Hmong refugees are eligible for refugee status, and able to stay in Thailand,” UNHCR senior regional public information officer, Kitty McKinsey, told IRIN in Bangkok. “If an outside agency were allowed access, it could add transparency to the whole process.”
Since 2005, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has been the only group allowed to work with the Hmong inside the Huai Nam Khao camp.
“The level of anxiety is extremely high [among the Hmong],” Gilles Isard, MSF head of mission in Thailand, said, adding that many of the refugees feared they would be punished by the Thai army for having demonstrated.
“If the international community does not react firmly against this return, then this process of repatriation will continue without any external control or humanitarian assistance for the returnees,” he added.
Thailand has not ratified the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, a key legal document in defining a refugee, their rights and the legal obligations of states.
“In spite of having not signed the convention, they have been very hospitable to refugees,” McKinsey said. “Thailand has hosted 1.2 million refugees over the past 30 years, so that shouldn’t be forgotten.”
The UNHCR has a mandate to work with 140,000 refugees from Burma in nine camps along the Thai border.
According to McKinsey, the UNHCR would like to see more freedom of movement for refugees so they can move out of the camps to work and study.
Since early 2005, the UNHCR has been involved in the resettlement of more than 30,000 Burmese refugees from camps on the Thai-Burmese border to third countries.
“Although Thailand is not a signatory to the UN refugee convention and protocol, its humanitarian record in providing asylum to refugees is better than that of many countries that have acceded,” Sally Thompson, executive director of the Thailand-Burma Border Consortium, told IRIN.
She added that the overriding policy of providing temporary shelter in enclosed camps was driven by national security concerns and the fear of an upsurge in refugee populations.
Despite difficult conditions, NGOs have a good working relationship with the Thai government and have maintained access to the camps to provide essential services, according to Thompson.
The Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) is a news service that forms part of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). But this report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.
Burma a Challenge for Asean: Top US official
By LALIT K JHA
The Irrawaddy News
NEW YORK — The regional Asean grouping, which has taken the lead along with the UN in organizing humanitarian relief work in the Irrawaddy delta after Cyclone Nargis, faces a tough challenge in dealing with military-ruled Burma, says a top US official in charge of the region.
"It's a tough challenge for the world, for the region, for Asean," Deputy Secretary of State Scot Marciel, the US's Asean envoy, said in Washington last week. A transcript of a press briefing held at the Foreign Press Center was released by the State Department on Friday.
In his first briefing to foreign media following Cyclone Nargis, Marciel said Asean has in the past tried its best to engage Burma and make things move in a positive direction.
"I think they have seen it hasn't been that successful. I don't say that critically. I mean, a lot of other approaches haven't been successful either," he said.
Marciel, however, said Asean made a strong statement following the regime's crackdown on peaceful protesters last year.
"Asean came out quite forcefully, I think, with an unprecedented statement expressing revulsion at the crackdown and urging the regime to begin to engage with the opposition, release political prisoners and move toward a political transition," he said.
He said Asean’s policy of consensus on all the body’s decisions and statements limits the possibility of any tougher actions towards Burma, which is one of its 10 members
"For Asean as an institution, to make decisions or issue statements requires a consensus, including by Burma. So that, to some extent, limits what Asean as an institution can do. But I think different Asean members have been working, I think fairly actively, trying to encourage the Burmese regime to open up," he said.
He said he appreciated the efforts of Asean Secretary-General, Surin Pitsuwan in encouraging the regime to open up to international assistance following the devastating cyclone. "I think they've achieved some success, and we welcome their efforts. I think it's been important," he said.
"We certainly hope that they will continue to encourage the Burmese to open up and to begin to grapple with their broader political issues, because it's the broader political issues that are keeping the country down."
Conceding that Asean and the US do not agree on every tactic, he said: "That's okay. Overall, I think we want them to remain active."
As Ambassador for Asean affairs, Marciel said: "We're trying to broaden our engagement with the region by building on the bilateral relations and by our existing good relationship with Asean, focusing more on engaging with Asean as an entity."
Referring to the upcoming Asean Regional Forum meeting, which will be attended by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, he said two issues involving Burma will be discussed.
"One is the response to Cyclone Nargis…how relief efforts are going and what more the Burmese authorities might do to facilitate international assistance."
"I would expect there would also be some discussion about the broader political issues that underlie the fundamental problems of Burma. Again, I don't want to try to predict how the conversation will go because it is unpredictable," he said.
The Irrawaddy News
NEW YORK — The regional Asean grouping, which has taken the lead along with the UN in organizing humanitarian relief work in the Irrawaddy delta after Cyclone Nargis, faces a tough challenge in dealing with military-ruled Burma, says a top US official in charge of the region.
"It's a tough challenge for the world, for the region, for Asean," Deputy Secretary of State Scot Marciel, the US's Asean envoy, said in Washington last week. A transcript of a press briefing held at the Foreign Press Center was released by the State Department on Friday.
In his first briefing to foreign media following Cyclone Nargis, Marciel said Asean has in the past tried its best to engage Burma and make things move in a positive direction.
"I think they have seen it hasn't been that successful. I don't say that critically. I mean, a lot of other approaches haven't been successful either," he said.
Marciel, however, said Asean made a strong statement following the regime's crackdown on peaceful protesters last year.
"Asean came out quite forcefully, I think, with an unprecedented statement expressing revulsion at the crackdown and urging the regime to begin to engage with the opposition, release political prisoners and move toward a political transition," he said.
He said Asean’s policy of consensus on all the body’s decisions and statements limits the possibility of any tougher actions towards Burma, which is one of its 10 members
"For Asean as an institution, to make decisions or issue statements requires a consensus, including by Burma. So that, to some extent, limits what Asean as an institution can do. But I think different Asean members have been working, I think fairly actively, trying to encourage the Burmese regime to open up," he said.
He said he appreciated the efforts of Asean Secretary-General, Surin Pitsuwan in encouraging the regime to open up to international assistance following the devastating cyclone. "I think they've achieved some success, and we welcome their efforts. I think it's been important," he said.
"We certainly hope that they will continue to encourage the Burmese to open up and to begin to grapple with their broader political issues, because it's the broader political issues that are keeping the country down."
Conceding that Asean and the US do not agree on every tactic, he said: "That's okay. Overall, I think we want them to remain active."
As Ambassador for Asean affairs, Marciel said: "We're trying to broaden our engagement with the region by building on the bilateral relations and by our existing good relationship with Asean, focusing more on engaging with Asean as an entity."
Referring to the upcoming Asean Regional Forum meeting, which will be attended by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, he said two issues involving Burma will be discussed.
"One is the response to Cyclone Nargis…how relief efforts are going and what more the Burmese authorities might do to facilitate international assistance."
"I would expect there would also be some discussion about the broader political issues that underlie the fundamental problems of Burma. Again, I don't want to try to predict how the conversation will go because it is unpredictable," he said.
The Mekong dilemma
By HANIM ADNAN
The Star Online
DUBBED the last frontier markets in Asia – Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – hold positive long-term prospects in attracting more foreign direct investments (FDIs), but they will need to address the challenge of managing their economies well, especially during the current global economic slowdown.
Most economists contacted by StarBiz are projecting that the Mekong countries' gross domestic product (GDP) would decline this year. There will be slower FDIs and several mega investment projects would have to be put on hold as part of the respective governments' monetary policy battle to contain rising inflation lead by higher fuel and food prices.
Singapore-based Fortis Bank senior economist Joseph Tan said there would be increasing investment risks in the Mekong countries this year after having posted sound economic growth and strong FDI inflows over the past five years.
“Like the rest of the world, higher inflation in the recent months will challenge these governments' monetary policy although part of the inflation was imported through the depreciating US dollar,” he said.
The shortcoming of the Mekong countries was in their inexperience in macro economic management, he said.
While the countries' prospects remain positive due to abundant natural resources, competitive labour cost and young population, Tan said the main question would be how well these countries could undertake integration with the world's economy.
Vietnam and Cambodia have ascended to join the World Trade Organisation, but Myanmar and Laos are perceived as continuing to have difficult internal policies and international relationship problems.
“Many are also questioning the lack of transparency in terms of economic-related data collected in these countries,” Tan said.
Vietnam
Asian Development Bank (ADB) said in its latest report that Vietnam's inflation was expected to hit 18% in 2008 from 12% in 2007, while its GDP would drop to 7% from 8.4% last year.
Singapore-based Asian Forecasting Group action economics director David Cohen said these figures would create uncertainties to investors.
“However, I believe Vietnam in the mid-to-long term will continue to attract FDIs given its liberalisation in the manufacturing and services sectors, as well as its close proximity to China.”
In 2007, Vietnam's FDIs hit a record US$23.1bil. Despite the rosy FDI figures, Standard & Poor's, however, lowered its 2008 outlook for the country early last month citing “widespread and economic distress.”
In efforts to stem inflation, which started in 2007, the Government raised the benchmark interest rates and reserve requirements early this year.
ADB said while inflation would pose problems in terms of infrastructure and skills constraint, private industrial manufacturing was growing fast. The service sector such as trade, finance and tourism were also expanding.
Malaysia is one of the top 10 investors in Vietnam over the past five years with interest mainly in real estate and property as well as manufacturing.
Deloitte Vietnam senior tax manager Kevin Lam recently said there were 323 projects by Malaysian companies valued at US$1.86bil, excluding the US$10bil and US$2bil investments committed by Berjaya Group and Gamuda Bhd respectively.
He said Vietnam's accession into WTO had stimulated the property boom where prime land can cost up to US$15,000 per sq metre. To-date, Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City, Hue, Da Nang and Hai Phong were among the focus of international real estate investors.
Of late, the government is also trying to attract foreign investment into onshore mining and extraction with China as its end consumer.
Cambodia
Cambodia has become the destination of FDIs after its first-ever general election in 1993.
Based on approved foreign-invested projects, the majority of FDIs came from Asia, particularly Malaysia, Taiwan and China, which accounted for about 60%.
The garment, tourism, infrastructure, construction and agriculture sectors are drivers of investments into Cambodia currently.
The Government is also looking at building more hydro power plants to handle its energy needs.
The Cambodian electricity prices – the highest in the region – remain a major obstacle in attracting FDIs.
It is four times more expensive than Thailand and Vietnam and the demand for electricity, which is growing 15% per year is also putting pressure on the country's fragmented power system.
An economist with a bank-backed brokerage said Cambodia's GDP was expected to ease to 7% in 2008 and 2009 mainly due to a fall in garment exports given intense competition from Vietnam and China.
While Cambodia's potential exploitable oil and gas (O&G) deposits remain uncertain, he also expects the exports and tourism sectors to be vulnerable to global economic sentiment.
“As Cambodia is slated as one of the fastest growing economy in South East Asia this year, I expect FDIs to grow but the question is whether it will come primarily from the east or western nations,” he added.
On the back of rising inflation, potentially weaker garment exports and slower construction and tourism sectors this year, the economist said the challenge for Cambodia would be to diversify its sources of growth.
The domestic risks would be bad weather, which could lower agriculture production.
Also, any sudden reversal in rapidly rising land prices and real estate speculation could prompt a generalised slowdown in bank lending, temper construction activity and impede other investments.
Currently, Malaysia is one of the largest foreign investors in Cambodia with investment worth over US$20bil.
There over 200 Malaysian companies operating in Cambodia, out of which about 90 companies are Malaysian-owned and the remaining joint ventures.
Malaysian investment in Cambodia are in the area of banking, logging and wood processing, hotel, textiles and garment, transportation and forwarding, plantation, construction, education, power, petroleum and services.
Major Malaysian companies operating in Cambodia include Malayan Banking Bhd, Public Bank Bhd, Petroliam Nasional Bhd, Muhibbah Engineering Bhd, YTL Corp Bhd and the Sunway Group.
Myanmar
It is interesting to note that over 90% or US$474.3mil of FDIs in Myanmar in 2007 was funnelled into the O&G sectors, according to its Ministry of National Planning Development report.
However, there were no new investment in mining, real estate, hotel and tourism, transport, power and the industrial sectors in 2007.
At the same time, Western countries either ban or discourage investment in Myanmar as a way of pressuring its ruling junta to improve poor human rights record and hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Asean countries as well as China, India and South Korea have invested heavily in Myanmar with interests in power at over 43%, O&G 21% and manufacturing 11%.
Malaysia is the fourth largest investor in Myanmar with about US$660.7mil invested mainly in real estate and property, O&G and manufacturing. It is also the largest real estate and property investor in Myanmar.
Last year, sources close to the Myanmar Ministry of Energy were quoted as saying that Malaysia's Rimbunan Retrogas Ltd would be granted the rights to undertake the A-5 deep-water block off the western Rakhine coast.
Laos
Laos, one of the few remaining one-party Communist states, began decentralising control and encouraging private enterprise in 1986. The results were striking with growth averaging 6% per year in 1988 to 2007, except during the short-lived drop caused by the Asian financial crisis in 1997.
Economists said the economy would continue to benefit from aid from international donors and foreign investment in hydropower and mining.
ADB in its report said Laos' GDP would improve to 8% in 2008 from 7.5% in 2007. The Laotian economy has grown by more than 7% for the past two years, driven by foreign investment in the development of the hydroelectric power industry, fast expanding gold and copper mining activities, and a rapidly growing tourism industry.
The latest local company to venture into Laos is Rohas Euco Industries Bhd, which will jointly invest in a US$100mil Nam Sane 3 hydropower project in Xieng Khuang province.
From 1992 to 2007, about 60 projects/businesses with Malaysian investments have been approved in Laos. The total value is estimated at US$600mil with investments in agriculture, garment manufacturing, wood industry, trading, hotel, restaurant and education.
The Star Online
DUBBED the last frontier markets in Asia – Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – hold positive long-term prospects in attracting more foreign direct investments (FDIs), but they will need to address the challenge of managing their economies well, especially during the current global economic slowdown.
Most economists contacted by StarBiz are projecting that the Mekong countries' gross domestic product (GDP) would decline this year. There will be slower FDIs and several mega investment projects would have to be put on hold as part of the respective governments' monetary policy battle to contain rising inflation lead by higher fuel and food prices.
Singapore-based Fortis Bank senior economist Joseph Tan said there would be increasing investment risks in the Mekong countries this year after having posted sound economic growth and strong FDI inflows over the past five years.
“Like the rest of the world, higher inflation in the recent months will challenge these governments' monetary policy although part of the inflation was imported through the depreciating US dollar,” he said.
The shortcoming of the Mekong countries was in their inexperience in macro economic management, he said.
While the countries' prospects remain positive due to abundant natural resources, competitive labour cost and young population, Tan said the main question would be how well these countries could undertake integration with the world's economy.
Vietnam and Cambodia have ascended to join the World Trade Organisation, but Myanmar and Laos are perceived as continuing to have difficult internal policies and international relationship problems.
“Many are also questioning the lack of transparency in terms of economic-related data collected in these countries,” Tan said.
Vietnam
Asian Development Bank (ADB) said in its latest report that Vietnam's inflation was expected to hit 18% in 2008 from 12% in 2007, while its GDP would drop to 7% from 8.4% last year.
Singapore-based Asian Forecasting Group action economics director David Cohen said these figures would create uncertainties to investors.
“However, I believe Vietnam in the mid-to-long term will continue to attract FDIs given its liberalisation in the manufacturing and services sectors, as well as its close proximity to China.”
In 2007, Vietnam's FDIs hit a record US$23.1bil. Despite the rosy FDI figures, Standard & Poor's, however, lowered its 2008 outlook for the country early last month citing “widespread and economic distress.”
In efforts to stem inflation, which started in 2007, the Government raised the benchmark interest rates and reserve requirements early this year.
ADB said while inflation would pose problems in terms of infrastructure and skills constraint, private industrial manufacturing was growing fast. The service sector such as trade, finance and tourism were also expanding.
Malaysia is one of the top 10 investors in Vietnam over the past five years with interest mainly in real estate and property as well as manufacturing.
Deloitte Vietnam senior tax manager Kevin Lam recently said there were 323 projects by Malaysian companies valued at US$1.86bil, excluding the US$10bil and US$2bil investments committed by Berjaya Group and Gamuda Bhd respectively.
He said Vietnam's accession into WTO had stimulated the property boom where prime land can cost up to US$15,000 per sq metre. To-date, Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City, Hue, Da Nang and Hai Phong were among the focus of international real estate investors.
Of late, the government is also trying to attract foreign investment into onshore mining and extraction with China as its end consumer.
Cambodia
Cambodia has become the destination of FDIs after its first-ever general election in 1993.
Based on approved foreign-invested projects, the majority of FDIs came from Asia, particularly Malaysia, Taiwan and China, which accounted for about 60%.
The garment, tourism, infrastructure, construction and agriculture sectors are drivers of investments into Cambodia currently.
The Government is also looking at building more hydro power plants to handle its energy needs.
The Cambodian electricity prices – the highest in the region – remain a major obstacle in attracting FDIs.
It is four times more expensive than Thailand and Vietnam and the demand for electricity, which is growing 15% per year is also putting pressure on the country's fragmented power system.
An economist with a bank-backed brokerage said Cambodia's GDP was expected to ease to 7% in 2008 and 2009 mainly due to a fall in garment exports given intense competition from Vietnam and China.
While Cambodia's potential exploitable oil and gas (O&G) deposits remain uncertain, he also expects the exports and tourism sectors to be vulnerable to global economic sentiment.
“As Cambodia is slated as one of the fastest growing economy in South East Asia this year, I expect FDIs to grow but the question is whether it will come primarily from the east or western nations,” he added.
On the back of rising inflation, potentially weaker garment exports and slower construction and tourism sectors this year, the economist said the challenge for Cambodia would be to diversify its sources of growth.
The domestic risks would be bad weather, which could lower agriculture production.
Also, any sudden reversal in rapidly rising land prices and real estate speculation could prompt a generalised slowdown in bank lending, temper construction activity and impede other investments.
Currently, Malaysia is one of the largest foreign investors in Cambodia with investment worth over US$20bil.
There over 200 Malaysian companies operating in Cambodia, out of which about 90 companies are Malaysian-owned and the remaining joint ventures.
Malaysian investment in Cambodia are in the area of banking, logging and wood processing, hotel, textiles and garment, transportation and forwarding, plantation, construction, education, power, petroleum and services.
Major Malaysian companies operating in Cambodia include Malayan Banking Bhd, Public Bank Bhd, Petroliam Nasional Bhd, Muhibbah Engineering Bhd, YTL Corp Bhd and the Sunway Group.
Myanmar
It is interesting to note that over 90% or US$474.3mil of FDIs in Myanmar in 2007 was funnelled into the O&G sectors, according to its Ministry of National Planning Development report.
However, there were no new investment in mining, real estate, hotel and tourism, transport, power and the industrial sectors in 2007.
At the same time, Western countries either ban or discourage investment in Myanmar as a way of pressuring its ruling junta to improve poor human rights record and hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Asean countries as well as China, India and South Korea have invested heavily in Myanmar with interests in power at over 43%, O&G 21% and manufacturing 11%.
Malaysia is the fourth largest investor in Myanmar with about US$660.7mil invested mainly in real estate and property, O&G and manufacturing. It is also the largest real estate and property investor in Myanmar.
Last year, sources close to the Myanmar Ministry of Energy were quoted as saying that Malaysia's Rimbunan Retrogas Ltd would be granted the rights to undertake the A-5 deep-water block off the western Rakhine coast.
Laos
Laos, one of the few remaining one-party Communist states, began decentralising control and encouraging private enterprise in 1986. The results were striking with growth averaging 6% per year in 1988 to 2007, except during the short-lived drop caused by the Asian financial crisis in 1997.
Economists said the economy would continue to benefit from aid from international donors and foreign investment in hydropower and mining.
ADB in its report said Laos' GDP would improve to 8% in 2008 from 7.5% in 2007. The Laotian economy has grown by more than 7% for the past two years, driven by foreign investment in the development of the hydroelectric power industry, fast expanding gold and copper mining activities, and a rapidly growing tourism industry.
The latest local company to venture into Laos is Rohas Euco Industries Bhd, which will jointly invest in a US$100mil Nam Sane 3 hydropower project in Xieng Khuang province.
From 1992 to 2007, about 60 projects/businesses with Malaysian investments have been approved in Laos. The total value is estimated at US$600mil with investments in agriculture, garment manufacturing, wood industry, trading, hotel, restaurant and education.
ASEAN tackles border spat, rights and Myanmar
By Manny Mogato
SINGAPORE (Reuters) - Southeast Asian ministers urged Cambodia and Thailand on Monday to show restraint over a military standoff on their border and took steps to create a regional human rights body.
The 10 members of the Association of South East Asian Nations were also tackling spiraling food and fuel prices at their annual meeting on Monday, as worsening inflation adds to political turbulence in the region.
The group, seeking to create a European Union-style community encompassing a half-billion people with a combined GDP of $1.2 trillion, was set to again express profound disappointment with junta-ruled Myanmar, its most problematic member, according to a draft communique.
With Thailand and Cambodia holding high-level talks on Monday aimed at resolving the dispute over a 900-year-old temple on their border, ASEAN ministers offered to help mediate.
"The situation has escalated dangerously, with troops from both sides faced off on disputed territory near the Preah Vihear temple," Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said in a speech opening the ASEAN meeting. "ASEAN could not stand idly by without damaging its credibility."
ASEAN's diplomacy on the issue "reflects a growing sense that ASEAN is no longer just a 'talk-shop', but a maturing community of nations prepared to act to advance its collective interests", the prime minister said.
After a week of diplomatic sparring and a build-up of troops, expectations for a breakthrough were low, but both sides said they wanted to ease tensions.
Analysts say domestic politics in Thailand, where the temple is known as Khao Pra Viharn, have played a key role in fuelling the border dispute.
HUMAN RIGHTS BODY
The foreign ministers, representing countries that include a kingdom, a junta, communist states and democracies, are expected to agree a framework for a landmark human rights body.
"It's going to be tough negotiations," said an official nominated to the high-level panel that will negotiate on the functions and powers of the proposed human rights body.
"The member states remained deeply divided on the actual form and substance of the body."
The foreign ministers are discussing "the growing challenge posed by rising oil and food prices ... to our people's welfare as well as our countries' continued economic development," the draft joint communique says.
The high-growth economies of Southeast Asia are worried global financial turmoil could lead to the kind of chain reactions that destabilized them in the "Asian contagion" financial crisis of 1997-98, one Philippines official said.
spiraling prices contributed to unprecedented opposition gains in Malaysia's general election last March and are stoking political turmoil elsewhere in the region, including food riots and protests in some countries and export restrictions in others.
ASEAN aims to sign a landmark charter at its annual summit in December that would create an EU-style community among its members, although three countries -- Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines -- have yet to ratify the document.
"ASEAN has decided to press on with the charter's implementation without waiting for all 10 member states to ratify," Lee said in his speech.
"ASEAN cannot take its continued relevance for granted. If our efforts to achieve faster and deeper integration falter, ASEAN may well be sidelined," he said.
ASEAN's inability to get Myanmar's junta to reform has been a major stumbling block in its ambition to exert economic and diplomatic muscle.
But on Sunday, Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo offered a rare ray of optimism about ASEAN's problem child, saying the generals could release detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in about half a year.
Suu Kyi has been confined for nearly 13 of the past 19 years. The draft declaration expressed "deep disappointment" Suu Kyi's detention under house arrest had been extended in May and called for her release and that of all political detainees.
(Writing by Bill Tarrant; Editing by Alex Richardson)
SINGAPORE (Reuters) - Southeast Asian ministers urged Cambodia and Thailand on Monday to show restraint over a military standoff on their border and took steps to create a regional human rights body.
The 10 members of the Association of South East Asian Nations were also tackling spiraling food and fuel prices at their annual meeting on Monday, as worsening inflation adds to political turbulence in the region.
The group, seeking to create a European Union-style community encompassing a half-billion people with a combined GDP of $1.2 trillion, was set to again express profound disappointment with junta-ruled Myanmar, its most problematic member, according to a draft communique.
With Thailand and Cambodia holding high-level talks on Monday aimed at resolving the dispute over a 900-year-old temple on their border, ASEAN ministers offered to help mediate.
"The situation has escalated dangerously, with troops from both sides faced off on disputed territory near the Preah Vihear temple," Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said in a speech opening the ASEAN meeting. "ASEAN could not stand idly by without damaging its credibility."
ASEAN's diplomacy on the issue "reflects a growing sense that ASEAN is no longer just a 'talk-shop', but a maturing community of nations prepared to act to advance its collective interests", the prime minister said.
After a week of diplomatic sparring and a build-up of troops, expectations for a breakthrough were low, but both sides said they wanted to ease tensions.
Analysts say domestic politics in Thailand, where the temple is known as Khao Pra Viharn, have played a key role in fuelling the border dispute.
HUMAN RIGHTS BODY
The foreign ministers, representing countries that include a kingdom, a junta, communist states and democracies, are expected to agree a framework for a landmark human rights body.
"It's going to be tough negotiations," said an official nominated to the high-level panel that will negotiate on the functions and powers of the proposed human rights body.
"The member states remained deeply divided on the actual form and substance of the body."
The foreign ministers are discussing "the growing challenge posed by rising oil and food prices ... to our people's welfare as well as our countries' continued economic development," the draft joint communique says.
The high-growth economies of Southeast Asia are worried global financial turmoil could lead to the kind of chain reactions that destabilized them in the "Asian contagion" financial crisis of 1997-98, one Philippines official said.
spiraling prices contributed to unprecedented opposition gains in Malaysia's general election last March and are stoking political turmoil elsewhere in the region, including food riots and protests in some countries and export restrictions in others.
ASEAN aims to sign a landmark charter at its annual summit in December that would create an EU-style community among its members, although three countries -- Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines -- have yet to ratify the document.
"ASEAN has decided to press on with the charter's implementation without waiting for all 10 member states to ratify," Lee said in his speech.
"ASEAN cannot take its continued relevance for granted. If our efforts to achieve faster and deeper integration falter, ASEAN may well be sidelined," he said.
ASEAN's inability to get Myanmar's junta to reform has been a major stumbling block in its ambition to exert economic and diplomatic muscle.
But on Sunday, Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo offered a rare ray of optimism about ASEAN's problem child, saying the generals could release detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in about half a year.
Suu Kyi has been confined for nearly 13 of the past 19 years. The draft declaration expressed "deep disappointment" Suu Kyi's detention under house arrest had been extended in May and called for her release and that of all political detainees.
(Writing by Bill Tarrant; Editing by Alex Richardson)
Statement by ASEAN Chair on the political situation in Myanmar
AAP Sprinter
TRANSCRIPT OF DOOSTOP-INTERVIEW BY MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS GEORGE YEO ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN MYANMAR AFTER THE ASEAN MINISTERIAL MEETING INFORMAL WORKING DINNER, 20 JULY 2008
Minister: Dear Friends, I’m back again but this time by myself. I would like to brief you on our discussion on Myanmar this evening.
Statement by ASEAN Chair.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers had a full and frank discussion on the political situation in Myanmar. They were briefed by Myanmar Foreign Minister Nyan Win on recent political developments, including the constitutional referendum in May 2008 and preparations for general elections to be held in 2010.
The Foreign Ministers expressed their deep disappointment that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's detention under house arrest had been extended by the Myanmar Government. They repeated the call by ASEAN Leaders for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political detainees, as part of Myanmar's national reconciliation process. The Foreign Ministers reiterated their view that the Myanmar Government should engage in a meaningful dialogue with all political groups, and work towards a peaceful transition to democracy in the near future.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers also encouraged Myanmar to continue working closely with the Good Offices of the UN Secretary-General and his Special Advisor Ibrahim Gambari in ensuring an inclusive process towards national reconciliation. They stressed the importance of Professor Gambari's work in helping Myanmar move forward. They welcomed the Myanmar Government’s invitation last week to Professor Gambari to visit Myanmar in August 2008 and reiterated their call for Myanmar to extend its fullest cooperation to Professor Gambari. They urged the Myanmar government to give him access to senior leaders and to facilitate meetings with the widest possible range of contacts, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
On Myanmar, we discussed both the political situation which I have just issued a statement on, and also on the post-Nargis situation in the Delta. For the post-Nargis situation, the PONJA report, which is the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment Report, will be formally released tomorrow at 6pm. And since there will be a separate press conference on this, with my Myanmar counterpart, the UN Secretary-General, the incoming Thai Chair and Sir John Holmes from UN OCHA, I’m holding back that part of the discussion till tomorrow and I ask for your patience. Thank you very much. Now if I could have questions on the political situation, then I will be happy to answer them here.
Q: What was the Myanmar Foreign Minister’s reply to the call by his ASEAN colleagues for Aung San Suu Kyi’s release?
Minister: Well he explained that under their law, the maximum period of detention for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is one year as approved by the Home Minister and five more years as approved by the Prime Minister as a cabinet decision, meaning a maximum of 6 years, and he told us that the 6-year limit will come up in about half a year’s time.
Q: You said that the Myanmar Minister was telling you that the detention would end in about half a year’s time, does that mean that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released after the end of the six years?
Minister: I’m just repeating what he told me, but I think that is not an inaccurate inference.
Q: But were the ASEAN ministers satisfied with that explanation?
Minister: On Myanmar, we have long taken a position which we knew did not have the full agreement of the Myanmar Foreign Minister. We understand the position he is in, and we agreed that in my statement to you, I should mention by name, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Thank you very much and good night.
TRANSCRIPT OF DOOSTOP-INTERVIEW BY MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS GEORGE YEO ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN MYANMAR AFTER THE ASEAN MINISTERIAL MEETING INFORMAL WORKING DINNER, 20 JULY 2008
Minister: Dear Friends, I’m back again but this time by myself. I would like to brief you on our discussion on Myanmar this evening.
Statement by ASEAN Chair.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers had a full and frank discussion on the political situation in Myanmar. They were briefed by Myanmar Foreign Minister Nyan Win on recent political developments, including the constitutional referendum in May 2008 and preparations for general elections to be held in 2010.
The Foreign Ministers expressed their deep disappointment that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's detention under house arrest had been extended by the Myanmar Government. They repeated the call by ASEAN Leaders for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political detainees, as part of Myanmar's national reconciliation process. The Foreign Ministers reiterated their view that the Myanmar Government should engage in a meaningful dialogue with all political groups, and work towards a peaceful transition to democracy in the near future.
The ASEAN Foreign Ministers also encouraged Myanmar to continue working closely with the Good Offices of the UN Secretary-General and his Special Advisor Ibrahim Gambari in ensuring an inclusive process towards national reconciliation. They stressed the importance of Professor Gambari's work in helping Myanmar move forward. They welcomed the Myanmar Government’s invitation last week to Professor Gambari to visit Myanmar in August 2008 and reiterated their call for Myanmar to extend its fullest cooperation to Professor Gambari. They urged the Myanmar government to give him access to senior leaders and to facilitate meetings with the widest possible range of contacts, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
On Myanmar, we discussed both the political situation which I have just issued a statement on, and also on the post-Nargis situation in the Delta. For the post-Nargis situation, the PONJA report, which is the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment Report, will be formally released tomorrow at 6pm. And since there will be a separate press conference on this, with my Myanmar counterpart, the UN Secretary-General, the incoming Thai Chair and Sir John Holmes from UN OCHA, I’m holding back that part of the discussion till tomorrow and I ask for your patience. Thank you very much. Now if I could have questions on the political situation, then I will be happy to answer them here.
Q: What was the Myanmar Foreign Minister’s reply to the call by his ASEAN colleagues for Aung San Suu Kyi’s release?
Minister: Well he explained that under their law, the maximum period of detention for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is one year as approved by the Home Minister and five more years as approved by the Prime Minister as a cabinet decision, meaning a maximum of 6 years, and he told us that the 6-year limit will come up in about half a year’s time.
Q: You said that the Myanmar Minister was telling you that the detention would end in about half a year’s time, does that mean that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released after the end of the six years?
Minister: I’m just repeating what he told me, but I think that is not an inaccurate inference.
Q: But were the ASEAN ministers satisfied with that explanation?
Minister: On Myanmar, we have long taken a position which we knew did not have the full agreement of the Myanmar Foreign Minister. We understand the position he is in, and we agreed that in my statement to you, I should mention by name, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Thank you very much and good night.
Myanmar says Suu Kyi may be freed soon
Why isn't she released NOW...
besides there is not such a law of 6yrs as a maximum... where did Nyan read his law?
By JIM GOMEZ
SINGAPORE (AP) -- Myanmar's military junta has indicated to its Southeast Asian neighbors that opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi could be freed from house arrest in about six months, Singapore's foreign minister said Sunday.
The hint came as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations expressed "deep disappointment" at the decision by the junta in May to extend Suu Kyi's detention by another year. It was an unusually frank criticism of Myanmar by the region's main bloc, whose members usually stick to a policy of not interfering in each other's affairs.
The comment by Myanmar's Foreign Minister Nyan Win to ASEAN is the most optimistic assessment of Suu Kyi's future by the junta, and the closest to a definite timetable for her release, which has been demanded by the international community.
Nyan Win made the hint during a dinner hosted by Singapore's Foreign Minister George Yeo for the foreign ministers of the ten member countries of ASEAN.
Yeo said Nyan Win explained that under Myanmar law a political detainee can be held for a maximum of six years. "And he told us that the six-year limit will come up in about half a year's time," Yeo said.
Asked if this meant Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace laureate, could be released in six months, Yeo said: "That is not an inaccurate inference."
The military regime extended Suu Kyi's house arrest May 27 for the sixth straight year. She has now been detained for more than 12 of the last 18 years at her home in Myanmar, also known as Burma.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party has denounced the extension as illegal, saying its interpretation of the law is that she could be held only up to five years and not six.
After the dinner meeting, the ASEAN members issued a statement critical of Myanmar.
"The foreign ministers expressed their deep disappointment that ... Suu Kyi's detention has been extended by the Myanmar government," it said, adding that the ministers repeated a call by their governments for her to be released.
The ministers urged the junta to engage in a "meaningful dialogue with all political groups and work toward a peaceful transition to democracy in the near future."
ASEAN also urged the junta to give U.N. envoy Ibrahim Gambari access to senior leaders and to allow meetings with "the widest possible range of contacts including Suu Kyi."
ASEAN has never made so many demands on Myanmar, and its willingness to do so now is a reflection of its frustration.
Sunday, 20 July 2008
Myanmar visitor tells of relief efforts
By BECKY SHAY
Of The Gazette Staff
Cyclone Nargis made international headlines when it swept through Myanmar on May 3.
The devastation remained in the forefront as people around the world worried about how surviving residents would ever recover. The country is ruled by a military junta, which keeps it closed off from the outside world and rejected international assistance after the cyclone.
The plight in Myanmar, also known as Burma, eventually fell out of mainstream concern. The junta says that the victims are recovering, but people like Chylo Laszloffy and his dad, Jeff, of Laurel know that much more remains to be done.
United States trip
This weekend the Laszloffy family hosted Tha Nyan, who goes by Sonny and is honorary general secretary of the National YMCAs of Myanmar. He is making his 12th trip to the United States, visiting friends like the Laszloffy family before attending a conference in Louisville, Ky., beginning early this week.
The Laszloffys are affiliated with Vision Beyond Borders, a Sheridan, Wyo.,-based Christian organization. Chylo recently visited Myanmar and delivered medical and other supplies for the cyclone victims. The aid was distributed through a network Sonny has helped develop.
"The bottom line is there is still a huge need there," he said. "It's just not going to go away, despite what their government tells us, that everything is all right."
Valuable medical items
Chylo knew that the supplies he delivered, including valuable medical items donated by St. Vincent Healthcare, made it to those in need, but that is the exception, not the rule, he said. At the hotel where he stayed in Yangon, Chylo saw representatives of nongovernmental organizations sitting around working on laptops all day because the Myanmar junta would not let them into the cyclone-hit area.
"Guys like Sonny are much more effective," Chylo said.
Chylo also helped locate and purchase six parcels of land that will eventually be used to build orphanages for the children of the country. Each orphanage is designed to house 100 children. There were 60,000 to 80,000 children orphaned by the cyclone, according to Vision Beyond Borders.
The children are especially vulnerable, Jeff Laszloffy said, as the slave trade, mainly from Thailand, moves into Myanmar. Providing them a place to live is one of the biggest safety issues available. Buying the land and building an orphanage costs about $50,000, according to Vision Beyond Borders.
"Lots of people in Montana drive pickup trucks that cost more than what it costs to house 100 kids," Jeff Laszloffy said.
Grace Bible Church in Laurel has already committed to building an orphanage and agreed to pay for its operation, he said.
Americans are quite wealthy by international standards, Chylo said. "This is our opportunity to show some generosity, to stand up and give," he said. "We can make a big difference without much sacrifice on our part."
For example, he said, to build a small house in Myanmar costs about $300. A more deluxe model, with kitchen, is $450.
"There's still a lot that can be done," Chylo said.
Vision Beyond Borders is also working to make sure that the Myanmar people can become self-sufficient. Long-term aid projects include buying rice seedlings to replant about 3,500 acres of paddies.
In Myanmar it is monsoon season, which is welcomed because the storms should help leach out some of the salt that the cyclone dumped into agricultural land. The salt was brought in by the storm surge that drove water and sand from the ocean into the delta.
Sonny said there are more than 11 million acres of paddies in the country, about 6 million of which were affected by the cyclone. While 3,500 acres is a small portion of the land, when planted it will feed 63,600 people, according to Dyann Romeijn, regional coordinator for Vision Beyond Borders.
It cost $90,000 to purchase the seedlings, or about $1.42 for each person they will eventually feed. Vision Beyond Borders went out on a limb and made the purchase because of the narrow window of time in which planting could be done this year, Laszloffy said.
Sonny said that about 80,000 people have been confirmed dead from the cyclone while another 1.2 million are listed as missing. In all, more than 5 million people were affected by the cyclone, and more than 1 million continue to need assistance.
Outside relief - such as food, medical supplies, clothing and other basic needs - will be required for at least another year, Sonny said. Rehabilitation - such as building houses and agrarian efforts such as livestock production - will take at least three years and probably much longer. After those basic needs are met, other essentials, such as building schools, can be addressed.
The combination of material and familial losses makes the victims psychologically vulnerable, Sonny said. "It takes a lot of time" to recover emotionally, he said.
His country's people, both Christian and Buddhist, have hope for a better life, Sonny said. There is a place in the cyclone recovery for evangelism, he said, because Christians can bring hope to those who feel hopeless, by teaching that God will protect them and provide an afterlife.
"They can know salvation, they can know Jesus," he said quietly and then broken into a grin and exclaimed, "Thank you, Cyclone Nargis!"
Sonny does not talk much about the ruling military junta - any political talk is too likely to lead to retribution.
"I would have to stay in Montana," he said.
Contact Becky Shay at bshay@billingsgazette.com or 657-1231.
Of The Gazette Staff
Cyclone Nargis made international headlines when it swept through Myanmar on May 3.
The devastation remained in the forefront as people around the world worried about how surviving residents would ever recover. The country is ruled by a military junta, which keeps it closed off from the outside world and rejected international assistance after the cyclone.
The plight in Myanmar, also known as Burma, eventually fell out of mainstream concern. The junta says that the victims are recovering, but people like Chylo Laszloffy and his dad, Jeff, of Laurel know that much more remains to be done.
United States trip
This weekend the Laszloffy family hosted Tha Nyan, who goes by Sonny and is honorary general secretary of the National YMCAs of Myanmar. He is making his 12th trip to the United States, visiting friends like the Laszloffy family before attending a conference in Louisville, Ky., beginning early this week.
The Laszloffys are affiliated with Vision Beyond Borders, a Sheridan, Wyo.,-based Christian organization. Chylo recently visited Myanmar and delivered medical and other supplies for the cyclone victims. The aid was distributed through a network Sonny has helped develop.
"The bottom line is there is still a huge need there," he said. "It's just not going to go away, despite what their government tells us, that everything is all right."
Valuable medical items
Chylo knew that the supplies he delivered, including valuable medical items donated by St. Vincent Healthcare, made it to those in need, but that is the exception, not the rule, he said. At the hotel where he stayed in Yangon, Chylo saw representatives of nongovernmental organizations sitting around working on laptops all day because the Myanmar junta would not let them into the cyclone-hit area.
"Guys like Sonny are much more effective," Chylo said.
Chylo also helped locate and purchase six parcels of land that will eventually be used to build orphanages for the children of the country. Each orphanage is designed to house 100 children. There were 60,000 to 80,000 children orphaned by the cyclone, according to Vision Beyond Borders.
The children are especially vulnerable, Jeff Laszloffy said, as the slave trade, mainly from Thailand, moves into Myanmar. Providing them a place to live is one of the biggest safety issues available. Buying the land and building an orphanage costs about $50,000, according to Vision Beyond Borders.
"Lots of people in Montana drive pickup trucks that cost more than what it costs to house 100 kids," Jeff Laszloffy said.
Grace Bible Church in Laurel has already committed to building an orphanage and agreed to pay for its operation, he said.
Americans are quite wealthy by international standards, Chylo said. "This is our opportunity to show some generosity, to stand up and give," he said. "We can make a big difference without much sacrifice on our part."
For example, he said, to build a small house in Myanmar costs about $300. A more deluxe model, with kitchen, is $450.
"There's still a lot that can be done," Chylo said.
Vision Beyond Borders is also working to make sure that the Myanmar people can become self-sufficient. Long-term aid projects include buying rice seedlings to replant about 3,500 acres of paddies.
In Myanmar it is monsoon season, which is welcomed because the storms should help leach out some of the salt that the cyclone dumped into agricultural land. The salt was brought in by the storm surge that drove water and sand from the ocean into the delta.
Sonny said there are more than 11 million acres of paddies in the country, about 6 million of which were affected by the cyclone. While 3,500 acres is a small portion of the land, when planted it will feed 63,600 people, according to Dyann Romeijn, regional coordinator for Vision Beyond Borders.
It cost $90,000 to purchase the seedlings, or about $1.42 for each person they will eventually feed. Vision Beyond Borders went out on a limb and made the purchase because of the narrow window of time in which planting could be done this year, Laszloffy said.
Sonny said that about 80,000 people have been confirmed dead from the cyclone while another 1.2 million are listed as missing. In all, more than 5 million people were affected by the cyclone, and more than 1 million continue to need assistance.
Outside relief - such as food, medical supplies, clothing and other basic needs - will be required for at least another year, Sonny said. Rehabilitation - such as building houses and agrarian efforts such as livestock production - will take at least three years and probably much longer. After those basic needs are met, other essentials, such as building schools, can be addressed.
The combination of material and familial losses makes the victims psychologically vulnerable, Sonny said. "It takes a lot of time" to recover emotionally, he said.
His country's people, both Christian and Buddhist, have hope for a better life, Sonny said. There is a place in the cyclone recovery for evangelism, he said, because Christians can bring hope to those who feel hopeless, by teaching that God will protect them and provide an afterlife.
"They can know salvation, they can know Jesus," he said quietly and then broken into a grin and exclaimed, "Thank you, Cyclone Nargis!"
Sonny does not talk much about the ruling military junta - any political talk is too likely to lead to retribution.
"I would have to stay in Montana," he said.
Contact Becky Shay at bshay@billingsgazette.com or 657-1231.
Asian security talks to tackle NKorea, Myanmar
SINGAPORE (Channel New Asia) - North Korea and Myanmar will top the billing at Asia's main security forum this week, but the inflation crisis and disaster response have emerged as critical new concerns.
The 27-member ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which includes nations from Asia as well as the European Union and the United States, meets here Thursday after talks by ministers from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
With civil war in Sri Lanka, insurgencies in Pakistan, Thailand and the Philippines, and a dangerous new standoff at an ancient temple on the Thai-Cambodian border, Asia's list of security issues is long.
But the North Korean nuclear issue tops the agenda and the highlight of the conference will be a meeting of foreign ministers from the six nations negotiating a denuclearisation plan -- the first since 2003.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to meet her North Korean counterpart Pak Ui-chun for the first time at the informal talks tipped for Wednesday, which will also include South Korea, China, Japan and Russia.
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said the meeting was not aimed at generating "some specific negotiated outcome" but would "review where the six-party process is at the moment."
Myanmar, which has infuriated the international community by refusing to introduce democratic reforms or free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, is likely to face a fresh challenge.
Myanmar could face a demand from its neighbours to release all political prisoners, a proposal made by the bloc's senior officials which their foreign ministers must decide whether to endorse.
If approved at the ministerial talks that start late Sunday and continue the following day, the measure would signal a toughening of ASEAN's stance that would be welcomed by Western governments.
The move comes after the government earned widespread contempt by refusing to open its doors to foreign relief workers in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May, a disaster that left 138,000 people dead or missing.
ASEAN won plaudits for winning approval to co-ordinate the international effort to bring help to two million people who the bloc's secretary general, Surin Pitsuwan, has said remain in a "very precarious situation."
Working under an agreement with the United Nations and the Myanmar government, nearly 300 ASEAN volunteers operating in the hard-hit Irrawaddy Delta have prepared an assessment that is to be released on Monday.
Myanmar's cyclone disaster, a recent earthquake in China and a ferry sinking in the Philippines have made disaster preparedness a burning issue this week, two years after the ARF vowed to develop guidelines for joint disaster relief.
Since then, precious little has been done but the 27 members are now expected to discuss a joint civilian-military disaster relief exercise, among other measures.
Amid warnings that spiralling prices of food and fuel in the largely impoverished region could threaten political stability, the ASEAN ministers will attempt to hammer out some solutions.
The problem, if left unchecked, could pose a challenge to the region's long-term aim of evolving into a European Union-style community where goods and services are freely traded across the region by 2015, officials said.
Ministers will discuss "the growing challenge posed by rising oil and food prices, which pose a serious challenge to our people's welfare as well as our countries' continued economic development," according to a draft joint communique obtained by AFP. - AFP/vm
The 27-member ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which includes nations from Asia as well as the European Union and the United States, meets here Thursday after talks by ministers from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
With civil war in Sri Lanka, insurgencies in Pakistan, Thailand and the Philippines, and a dangerous new standoff at an ancient temple on the Thai-Cambodian border, Asia's list of security issues is long.
But the North Korean nuclear issue tops the agenda and the highlight of the conference will be a meeting of foreign ministers from the six nations negotiating a denuclearisation plan -- the first since 2003.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to meet her North Korean counterpart Pak Ui-chun for the first time at the informal talks tipped for Wednesday, which will also include South Korea, China, Japan and Russia.
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said the meeting was not aimed at generating "some specific negotiated outcome" but would "review where the six-party process is at the moment."
Myanmar, which has infuriated the international community by refusing to introduce democratic reforms or free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, is likely to face a fresh challenge.
Myanmar could face a demand from its neighbours to release all political prisoners, a proposal made by the bloc's senior officials which their foreign ministers must decide whether to endorse.
If approved at the ministerial talks that start late Sunday and continue the following day, the measure would signal a toughening of ASEAN's stance that would be welcomed by Western governments.
The move comes after the government earned widespread contempt by refusing to open its doors to foreign relief workers in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May, a disaster that left 138,000 people dead or missing.
ASEAN won plaudits for winning approval to co-ordinate the international effort to bring help to two million people who the bloc's secretary general, Surin Pitsuwan, has said remain in a "very precarious situation."
Working under an agreement with the United Nations and the Myanmar government, nearly 300 ASEAN volunteers operating in the hard-hit Irrawaddy Delta have prepared an assessment that is to be released on Monday.
Myanmar's cyclone disaster, a recent earthquake in China and a ferry sinking in the Philippines have made disaster preparedness a burning issue this week, two years after the ARF vowed to develop guidelines for joint disaster relief.
Since then, precious little has been done but the 27 members are now expected to discuss a joint civilian-military disaster relief exercise, among other measures.
Amid warnings that spiralling prices of food and fuel in the largely impoverished region could threaten political stability, the ASEAN ministers will attempt to hammer out some solutions.
The problem, if left unchecked, could pose a challenge to the region's long-term aim of evolving into a European Union-style community where goods and services are freely traded across the region by 2015, officials said.
Ministers will discuss "the growing challenge posed by rising oil and food prices, which pose a serious challenge to our people's welfare as well as our countries' continued economic development," according to a draft joint communique obtained by AFP. - AFP/vm
Quote on Burma's Freedom
"Mandalay, pile of ashes"
for a fire that the government was barely seen to help extinguish.
"Rangoon, pile of logs"
for city trees felled by the cyclone and still cluttering the streets.
"Naypyidaw"
the generals' new capital -- "pile of bones."
A New Generation of Activists Arises in Burma
Network Strengthened By Junta's Crackdown, Post-Cyclone Bungling
RANGOON (Washington Post) -- They operate in the shadows, slipping by moonlight from safe house to safe house, changing their cellphones to hide their tracks and meeting under cover of monasteries or clinics to plot changes that have eluded their country for 46 years.
If one gets arrested, another steps forward.
"I feel like the last man standing. All the responsibility is on my shoulders. . . . There is no turning back. If I turn back, I betray all my comrades," said a Burmese activist who heads a leading dissident group, the 88 Generation Students, named for a failed uprising in 1988. He took command after the arrest last August of its five most prominent leaders.
In a nearly deserted Rangoon coffee shop one recent morning, he spoke in an urgent whisper, often glancing over his shoulder to look for informers.
The security apparatus of Burma's military junta was thought to have largely shattered the opposition last August and September, in a crackdown that included soldiers firing on an alliance of monks and lay people who had taken to the streets by the thousands to protest a rise in fuel prices. More than 30 people died. At least 800 were detained and many more were forced into exile, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
But a new generation of democracy activists fights on, its ranks strengthened both by revulsion over last year's bloodletting and the government's inept response after a cyclone that killed an estimated 130,000 people two months ago. Largely clandestine, these activists make up a diffuse network of students, militant Buddhist monks, social service workers and leaders of the 1988 uprising.
Some activists express impatience with what they call the largely passive policies of the National League for Democracy, the country's main opposition party and one of the few anti-government groups that operates legally. In 1990, the league won a national election by a landslide, but the military prevented it from taking office. Its emblem, a fighting peacock, endures as a symbol of resistance to the military for millions of Burmese.
From its closely watched headquarters in downtown Rangoon, a clutter of dusty wooden desks and chairs, the league is led by three octogenarians whom many people here call the "uncles." The men oversee the party while its leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, languishes under house arrest.
"Their biggest goal in life is to return the party to the lady," the honorific that sympathizers here use for Suu Kyi, said the leader of the 88 Generation. "They won't do anything. They are just guardians. . . . Because of them, their party is divided."
One woman who is active in the new opposition said she thinks that "the NLD has lost the trust of the people. They have been issuing many announcements, that the government must do this. But the government has not, and anyone who gets involved with the NLD gets in trouble."
Because of what it sees as an absence of clear direction from the NLD's leaders, the 88 Generation has acted on its own, issuing statements with the All Burma Monks Alliance and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions. The most recent statements criticized the junta for holding a referendum on a new constitution while the bodies of cyclone victims still floated in the waterways of the Irrawaddy Delta.
Since its founding in late 2006 by newly freed political prisoners, including legendary student leader Min Ko Naing, the group has launched a series of creative civil disobedience campaigns. Last year, people were invited to dress in white as a symbol of openness; to head to monasteries, Hindu temples or mosques for prayer meetings; and to sign letters and petitions calling for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. That effort resonated with so many that the group had to extend its closing date.
The group was at the forefront of the protests in August and reached out to monks, the 88 leader said.
"The struggle is still on," said a young lawyer who was sentenced to seven years in jail for starting a student union at a university. Since his release, four years early, he said, he has resumed regular contact with several groups of politically active current and former students. "Students will fight if they think it's just," he said, continuing a tradition among young people here that dates to the era of British colonial rule.
One group of young people, whose members gathered as a book club, decided to organize votes against the proposed constitution, dismissing it as a sham that reinforces the military's control of the country. So they created hundreds of stickers and T-shirts bearing the word "no" and scattered them on buses, in university lecture halls and in the country's ubiquitous tea shops.
Another student said he and some of his peers acted as unofficial election monitors during the referendum, taking photos and interviewing voters who were given already marked ballots or coerced to vote yes.
The 88 leader said such efforts have given him a stock of evidence to show that the vote was neither free nor fair.
Despite the obstacles, the group has not ruled out trying to become a legal party to run for elections in 2010, he said. "People think that if you accept to run, that means you accept the constitution. No! I want to have a legal party to fight from within," he said.
Outside experts have compared the network to Poland's Solidarity movement in the early 1980s, a broad-based coalition of workers, intellectuals and students that emerged as a key political player during the country's transition to democracy.
Just as Solidarity organized picnics to keep people in touch, some new groups here meet as book clubs or medical volunteers but could easily turn at key moments to political activity, said Bertil Lintner, a journalist and author of several books on Burma.
Meanwhile, the devastation wrought by the cyclone has sometimes been a trigger for more overt political activities. A handful of members of an embattled activist group called Human Rights Defenders and Promoters headed to the delta after the storm to hand out relief supplies as well as copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, according to a lawyer. They were subsequently sentenced to four years in jail, he said.
Monks remain politically active, too, in spite of increased harassment from security forces since the protests.
Some have hidden pamphlets inside their alms bowls to distribute when they go out to collect food in the mornings, according to a Mandalay monk. They have smuggled glue and posters inside the bowls to stick on street walls.
Ten years ago, the monk said, he started a library that has since expanded to 14 branches across the country. Under cover of membership, patrons take classes in public speaking and pass around poems and pamphlets that are often scathing about their rulers, he said.
"I told people to read lots of books, so they can start to know, and then they can change the system," he said. "Because we want freedom. Because it is difficult to speak and write in this country."
The cyclone's aftermath has also spurred vast new stores of anger, sometimes among monks, who take vows of nonviolence.
"Now we want to get weapons," said a monk known to other dissidents by the nom de guerre the Militant Monk for his ability to organize and vanish without a trace. "The Buddhist way is lovingkindness. But we lost. So now we want to fight."
In the dormitory of a monastery one recent afternoon, he sat among piles of handwritten speeches and recent clandestine pamphlets stamped with names of groups such as Generation Wave and the All Burmese Monks Alliance. Two young monks listening from a tattered mattress nearby nodded excitedly, and a third pretended to wield a machine gun.
Because of his role as a chief galvanizer of the monks in the protests, the monk has been on the run since September, moving from one monastery to the next. But since the cyclone, he has managed nonetheless to make about 20 trips to the devastated areas, where he buried more than 200 bodies and coordinated with monks and lay people.
"In September, we lost because everywhere, every village did not follow, because of fear," he said. But in the post-cyclone period, "we can do more. Now I can grow and grow."
At a 1,500-strong ceremony commemorating the victims of the cyclone, 15 dissident monks and lay people pondered their options, he said. Should they organize a strike in September to mark the first anniversary of the protests? Hold one to coincide with the auspicious date of 8-8-08, twenty years since the 1988 uprising?
Asked about prospects for an armed struggle, the 88 leader demurred. "We are totally, from beginning to end, peaceful," he said. But the Militant Monk, he said, chuckling, was a force to be reckoned with.
From house to house, meanwhile, Burmese whisper a new slogan:
RANGOON (Washington Post) -- They operate in the shadows, slipping by moonlight from safe house to safe house, changing their cellphones to hide their tracks and meeting under cover of monasteries or clinics to plot changes that have eluded their country for 46 years.
If one gets arrested, another steps forward.
"I feel like the last man standing. All the responsibility is on my shoulders. . . . There is no turning back. If I turn back, I betray all my comrades," said a Burmese activist who heads a leading dissident group, the 88 Generation Students, named for a failed uprising in 1988. He took command after the arrest last August of its five most prominent leaders.
In a nearly deserted Rangoon coffee shop one recent morning, he spoke in an urgent whisper, often glancing over his shoulder to look for informers.
The security apparatus of Burma's military junta was thought to have largely shattered the opposition last August and September, in a crackdown that included soldiers firing on an alliance of monks and lay people who had taken to the streets by the thousands to protest a rise in fuel prices. More than 30 people died. At least 800 were detained and many more were forced into exile, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
But a new generation of democracy activists fights on, its ranks strengthened both by revulsion over last year's bloodletting and the government's inept response after a cyclone that killed an estimated 130,000 people two months ago. Largely clandestine, these activists make up a diffuse network of students, militant Buddhist monks, social service workers and leaders of the 1988 uprising.
Some activists express impatience with what they call the largely passive policies of the National League for Democracy, the country's main opposition party and one of the few anti-government groups that operates legally. In 1990, the league won a national election by a landslide, but the military prevented it from taking office. Its emblem, a fighting peacock, endures as a symbol of resistance to the military for millions of Burmese.
From its closely watched headquarters in downtown Rangoon, a clutter of dusty wooden desks and chairs, the league is led by three octogenarians whom many people here call the "uncles." The men oversee the party while its leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, languishes under house arrest.
"Their biggest goal in life is to return the party to the lady," the honorific that sympathizers here use for Suu Kyi, said the leader of the 88 Generation. "They won't do anything. They are just guardians. . . . Because of them, their party is divided."
One woman who is active in the new opposition said she thinks that "the NLD has lost the trust of the people. They have been issuing many announcements, that the government must do this. But the government has not, and anyone who gets involved with the NLD gets in trouble."
Because of what it sees as an absence of clear direction from the NLD's leaders, the 88 Generation has acted on its own, issuing statements with the All Burma Monks Alliance and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions. The most recent statements criticized the junta for holding a referendum on a new constitution while the bodies of cyclone victims still floated in the waterways of the Irrawaddy Delta.
Since its founding in late 2006 by newly freed political prisoners, including legendary student leader Min Ko Naing, the group has launched a series of creative civil disobedience campaigns. Last year, people were invited to dress in white as a symbol of openness; to head to monasteries, Hindu temples or mosques for prayer meetings; and to sign letters and petitions calling for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. That effort resonated with so many that the group had to extend its closing date.
The group was at the forefront of the protests in August and reached out to monks, the 88 leader said.
"The struggle is still on," said a young lawyer who was sentenced to seven years in jail for starting a student union at a university. Since his release, four years early, he said, he has resumed regular contact with several groups of politically active current and former students. "Students will fight if they think it's just," he said, continuing a tradition among young people here that dates to the era of British colonial rule.
One group of young people, whose members gathered as a book club, decided to organize votes against the proposed constitution, dismissing it as a sham that reinforces the military's control of the country. So they created hundreds of stickers and T-shirts bearing the word "no" and scattered them on buses, in university lecture halls and in the country's ubiquitous tea shops.
Another student said he and some of his peers acted as unofficial election monitors during the referendum, taking photos and interviewing voters who were given already marked ballots or coerced to vote yes.
The 88 leader said such efforts have given him a stock of evidence to show that the vote was neither free nor fair.
Despite the obstacles, the group has not ruled out trying to become a legal party to run for elections in 2010, he said. "People think that if you accept to run, that means you accept the constitution. No! I want to have a legal party to fight from within," he said.
Outside experts have compared the network to Poland's Solidarity movement in the early 1980s, a broad-based coalition of workers, intellectuals and students that emerged as a key political player during the country's transition to democracy.
Just as Solidarity organized picnics to keep people in touch, some new groups here meet as book clubs or medical volunteers but could easily turn at key moments to political activity, said Bertil Lintner, a journalist and author of several books on Burma.
Meanwhile, the devastation wrought by the cyclone has sometimes been a trigger for more overt political activities. A handful of members of an embattled activist group called Human Rights Defenders and Promoters headed to the delta after the storm to hand out relief supplies as well as copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, according to a lawyer. They were subsequently sentenced to four years in jail, he said.
Monks remain politically active, too, in spite of increased harassment from security forces since the protests.
Some have hidden pamphlets inside their alms bowls to distribute when they go out to collect food in the mornings, according to a Mandalay monk. They have smuggled glue and posters inside the bowls to stick on street walls.
Ten years ago, the monk said, he started a library that has since expanded to 14 branches across the country. Under cover of membership, patrons take classes in public speaking and pass around poems and pamphlets that are often scathing about their rulers, he said.
"I told people to read lots of books, so they can start to know, and then they can change the system," he said. "Because we want freedom. Because it is difficult to speak and write in this country."
The cyclone's aftermath has also spurred vast new stores of anger, sometimes among monks, who take vows of nonviolence.
"Now we want to get weapons," said a monk known to other dissidents by the nom de guerre the Militant Monk for his ability to organize and vanish without a trace. "The Buddhist way is lovingkindness. But we lost. So now we want to fight."
In the dormitory of a monastery one recent afternoon, he sat among piles of handwritten speeches and recent clandestine pamphlets stamped with names of groups such as Generation Wave and the All Burmese Monks Alliance. Two young monks listening from a tattered mattress nearby nodded excitedly, and a third pretended to wield a machine gun.
Because of his role as a chief galvanizer of the monks in the protests, the monk has been on the run since September, moving from one monastery to the next. But since the cyclone, he has managed nonetheless to make about 20 trips to the devastated areas, where he buried more than 200 bodies and coordinated with monks and lay people.
"In September, we lost because everywhere, every village did not follow, because of fear," he said. But in the post-cyclone period, "we can do more. Now I can grow and grow."
At a 1,500-strong ceremony commemorating the victims of the cyclone, 15 dissident monks and lay people pondered their options, he said. Should they organize a strike in September to mark the first anniversary of the protests? Hold one to coincide with the auspicious date of 8-8-08, twenty years since the 1988 uprising?
Asked about prospects for an armed struggle, the 88 leader demurred. "We are totally, from beginning to end, peaceful," he said. But the Militant Monk, he said, chuckling, was a force to be reckoned with.
From house to house, meanwhile, Burmese whisper a new slogan:
"Mandalay, pile of ashes"
for a fire that the government was barely seen to help extinguish.
"Rangoon, pile of logs"
for city trees felled by the cyclone and still cluttering the streets.
"Naypyidaw"
the generals' new capital -- "pile of bones."
Saturday, 19 July 2008
Security tight in Myanmar as death of Suu Kyi's father commemorated
YANGON (ST)- HUNDREDS of riot police and soldiers ringed a monument in downtown Yangon on Saturday as officials gathered to commemorate the shooting death 61 years ago of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's father.
Myanmar's independence hero General Aung San and other government leaders were assassinated by gunmen during a Cabinet meeting on July 19, 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were flown at half mast in the capital throughout the day on Saturday - a state holiday in Myanmar. Unlike past occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the tightly guarded wreath-laying ceremony at the Martyr's monument located near the famed Shwedagon pagoda.
Opposition activists have suggested that the ruling military junta is trying to downgrade the importance of Gen Aung San's legacy as a way of undercutting the popularity of his daughter, who is under house arrest.
But diplomats in Yangon said the Foreign Ministry had informed them that the government intended this year to hold a low-key ceremony because it comes just two-and-a-half months after Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the region south of Yangon, leaving 85,000 people dead and about 50,000 missing.
Police cordoned off the monument, putting up heavy metal barriers and coils of barbed wire across roads.
Dozens of drenched policemen carrying assault rifles and shotguns manned the barricades during a heavy downpour.
Security was also tight around the headquarters of Suu Kyi's political party, the National League for Democracy, which said it would hold a separate ceremony. -- AP
Myanmar's independence hero General Aung San and other government leaders were assassinated by gunmen during a Cabinet meeting on July 19, 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were flown at half mast in the capital throughout the day on Saturday - a state holiday in Myanmar. Unlike past occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the tightly guarded wreath-laying ceremony at the Martyr's monument located near the famed Shwedagon pagoda.
Opposition activists have suggested that the ruling military junta is trying to downgrade the importance of Gen Aung San's legacy as a way of undercutting the popularity of his daughter, who is under house arrest.
But diplomats in Yangon said the Foreign Ministry had informed them that the government intended this year to hold a low-key ceremony because it comes just two-and-a-half months after Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the region south of Yangon, leaving 85,000 people dead and about 50,000 missing.
Police cordoned off the monument, putting up heavy metal barriers and coils of barbed wire across roads.
Dozens of drenched policemen carrying assault rifles and shotguns manned the barricades during a heavy downpour.
Security was also tight around the headquarters of Suu Kyi's political party, the National League for Democracy, which said it would hold a separate ceremony. -- AP
UN to end Myanmar aid flights
(Aljazeera) The UN is to end aid flights to Myanmar at the beginning of August.
The UN said on Saturday that it was a routine step as the country shifts to rebuilding homes, buildings and schools destroyed by Cyclone Nargis.
The May cyclone devastated much of the region south of Yangon, killing 85,000 people and leaving 50,000 missing.
The announcement came as the country, formerly known as Burma, held a downgraded ceremony marking Martyrs' Day, commemorating the killing of General Aung San, the father of the detained head of the National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) said that they had been told by the government not to hold the usual ceremonies, such as giving meals to monks.
'Low-key ceremony'
Hundreds of riot police and soldiers were deployed in Yangon as people gathered for the official ceremony marking the assassination of General Aung San.
Unlike on previous occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the wreath-laying ceremony.
General Aung San, a hero during the country's battle for independence, was shot dead with other government leaders during a cabinet meeting in 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were at half mast in Naypyidaw, the capital, throughout the day, a state holiday.
Opposition activists have suggested that the military is trying to downgrade the importance of Aung San's legacy as a way of undermining the popularity of his daughter.
However, diplomats in Yangon said the foreign ministry had informed them that the government intended this year's ceremony to be low-key because of the cyclone.
Myanmar's military government had been severely criticised for its inadequate relief response and for holding a referendum on a new constitution just weeks after the cyclone.
Humanitarian groups have expressed concern over the cessation of aid next month, saying that nearly two and a half million survivors are still living without access to adequate food and water.
Security was also increased at the headquarters of the NLD, which said it would hold a separate ceremony.
Last week, the UN Office for Co-ordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) announced that it was raising its aid appeal to help victims of the cyclone from $201m to $481.8m.
John Holmes, head of the OCHA, is to travel to the Irrawaddy Delta, the area worst affected by the cyclone, next week to assess recovery efforts.
Ibrahim Gambari, a UN special envoy, meanwhile is planning a return visit to Myanmar in mid-August at the invitation of the military government.
Gambari last travelled to Myanmar in March to mediate reconciliation talks between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi, detained opposition leader, amid deadly street protests against rising prices.
The UN said on Saturday that it was a routine step as the country shifts to rebuilding homes, buildings and schools destroyed by Cyclone Nargis.
The May cyclone devastated much of the region south of Yangon, killing 85,000 people and leaving 50,000 missing.
The announcement came as the country, formerly known as Burma, held a downgraded ceremony marking Martyrs' Day, commemorating the killing of General Aung San, the father of the detained head of the National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) said that they had been told by the government not to hold the usual ceremonies, such as giving meals to monks.
'Low-key ceremony'
Hundreds of riot police and soldiers were deployed in Yangon as people gathered for the official ceremony marking the assassination of General Aung San.
Unlike on previous occasions, foreign diplomats were not invited to the wreath-laying ceremony.
General Aung San, a hero during the country's battle for independence, was shot dead with other government leaders during a cabinet meeting in 1947, shortly after Britain granted independence to the Southeast Asian colony.
Flags were at half mast in Naypyidaw, the capital, throughout the day, a state holiday.
Opposition activists have suggested that the military is trying to downgrade the importance of Aung San's legacy as a way of undermining the popularity of his daughter.
However, diplomats in Yangon said the foreign ministry had informed them that the government intended this year's ceremony to be low-key because of the cyclone.
Myanmar's military government had been severely criticised for its inadequate relief response and for holding a referendum on a new constitution just weeks after the cyclone.
Humanitarian groups have expressed concern over the cessation of aid next month, saying that nearly two and a half million survivors are still living without access to adequate food and water.
Security was also increased at the headquarters of the NLD, which said it would hold a separate ceremony.
Last week, the UN Office for Co-ordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) announced that it was raising its aid appeal to help victims of the cyclone from $201m to $481.8m.
John Holmes, head of the OCHA, is to travel to the Irrawaddy Delta, the area worst affected by the cyclone, next week to assess recovery efforts.
Ibrahim Gambari, a UN special envoy, meanwhile is planning a return visit to Myanmar in mid-August at the invitation of the military government.
Gambari last travelled to Myanmar in March to mediate reconciliation talks between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi, detained opposition leader, amid deadly street protests against rising prices.
India Commerce Minister Says Visit of Burmese Counterpart to Boost Ties
Text of unattributed report headlined "India, Myanmar to expand trade ties" published by Indian newspaper The Hindu website on 18 July
New Delhi(istockanalyst): Having agreed upon an alternative access route to the North-East, India and Myanmar [Burma] are set to further enhance their engagement with the ongoing visit of Commerce Minister Brigadier General Tin Nain Thein, Minister of State for Commerce Jairam Ramesh said here.
"Basically we are taking forward our economic cooperation with Myanmar [Burma]. The frequent interactions are reflective of India's commitment to deepening economic and bilateral engagements," said he after interacting with Brig-Gen Thein.
Ties between the two countries are on an upswing with Myanmar [Burma] offering India partnership in developing hydel power projects. Besides, Myanmar [Burma] awarded three deep sea blocks to ONC Videsh [overseas arm of Oil and Natural Gas Commission of India] and two to the Essar group. In a unique partnership, two Indian public sector companies have taken a 20 per cent stake in a pipeline being built by China to take gas from blocs awarded by Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal. On its part, India was prompt in offering unconditional aid when Hurricane Nargis had hit Myanmar. It has also offered credit lines to strengthen Myanmar's power transmission system.
Originally published by The Hindu website, Chennai, in English 18 Jul 08.
New Delhi(istockanalyst): Having agreed upon an alternative access route to the North-East, India and Myanmar [Burma] are set to further enhance their engagement with the ongoing visit of Commerce Minister Brigadier General Tin Nain Thein, Minister of State for Commerce Jairam Ramesh said here.
"Basically we are taking forward our economic cooperation with Myanmar [Burma]. The frequent interactions are reflective of India's commitment to deepening economic and bilateral engagements," said he after interacting with Brig-Gen Thein.
Ties between the two countries are on an upswing with Myanmar [Burma] offering India partnership in developing hydel power projects. Besides, Myanmar [Burma] awarded three deep sea blocks to ONC Videsh [overseas arm of Oil and Natural Gas Commission of India] and two to the Essar group. In a unique partnership, two Indian public sector companies have taken a 20 per cent stake in a pipeline being built by China to take gas from blocs awarded by Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal. On its part, India was prompt in offering unconditional aid when Hurricane Nargis had hit Myanmar. It has also offered credit lines to strengthen Myanmar's power transmission system.
Originally published by The Hindu website, Chennai, in English 18 Jul 08.
from one godfather to the next rein's of Thailand in 2008-2009
Burma once again likely to steal ASEAN show
By Ruth Youngblood
The Nation-Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Ministers from the Association of of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are expected to tackle soaring fuel and food prices and a barrage of other problems at their meeting Monday, but Burma is once again likely to steal the show.
Senior officials from the 10-member grouping well remember how the signing in November of the landmark ASEAN Charter - meant to transform the 10-member grouping into a legal entity - was set to be a historic event.
It was abruptly overshadowed by the Burma regime's decision to call off a scheduled ASEAN leaders meeting with UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, an embarrassment for the organization and host Singapore.
With an assessment report of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis to be presented Monday at the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting, Burma will again take centre stage. The United Nations is hoping for an outpouring of 480 million dollars over the next year in emergency relief for the victims of Cyclone Nargis.
"It's been a long year, quite an eventful one year" under Singapore's chairmanship of ASEAN, said the city-state's Foreign Minister George Yeo.
The cyclone in early May led to a stand-off between a suspicious Burmese government and a global community eager to render aid but kept at bay as the ruling junta initially rejected outside assistance and foreign relief workers. ASEAN was the catalyst to get the aid moving, but it was nearly three weeks after the disaster.
In a positive move, Burma has become the latest to sign the ASEAN charter, leaving Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam as the only ones yet to do so.
The charter commits ASEAN members "to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance and the rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms."
The ministers will focus on two key components of the charter: creation of a human-rights council and a mechanism for dispute settlement.
On human rights, Yeo said that ASEAN wants to build an agreed foundation of common human rights that would serve the group's regional construction and the interests of its people.
"Whether or not the human right body we establish will have teeth, I don't know. But it will certainly have a tongue, and I hope it will have a sharp tone," he said.
Burma's dismal human rights record has prompted sanctions by both the United States and European Union.
Senior officials preparing for the ministerial session want a recommendation that Burma release all political detainees included in a joint statement to be issued after the ministers' meeting.
If accepted, it would indicate a further toughening of ASEAN's stance.
"ASEAN could have done much more in responding to Cyclone Nargis if the Burma government had been forthcoming earlier to the receipt of international assistance," said K Kesavapany, director of the Institute of South-East Asian Studies.
"Despite this, it was ASEAN's persistence which finally enabled the international community to gain entry into Burma and facilitate the flow of trade."
The rotating ASEAN chairmanship passes to Thailand on July 24.
ASEAN includes Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Burma.
By Ruth Youngblood
The Nation-Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Ministers from the Association of of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are expected to tackle soaring fuel and food prices and a barrage of other problems at their meeting Monday, but Burma is once again likely to steal the show.
Senior officials from the 10-member grouping well remember how the signing in November of the landmark ASEAN Charter - meant to transform the 10-member grouping into a legal entity - was set to be a historic event.
It was abruptly overshadowed by the Burma regime's decision to call off a scheduled ASEAN leaders meeting with UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, an embarrassment for the organization and host Singapore.
With an assessment report of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis to be presented Monday at the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting, Burma will again take centre stage. The United Nations is hoping for an outpouring of 480 million dollars over the next year in emergency relief for the victims of Cyclone Nargis.
"It's been a long year, quite an eventful one year" under Singapore's chairmanship of ASEAN, said the city-state's Foreign Minister George Yeo.
The cyclone in early May led to a stand-off between a suspicious Burmese government and a global community eager to render aid but kept at bay as the ruling junta initially rejected outside assistance and foreign relief workers. ASEAN was the catalyst to get the aid moving, but it was nearly three weeks after the disaster.
In a positive move, Burma has become the latest to sign the ASEAN charter, leaving Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam as the only ones yet to do so.
The charter commits ASEAN members "to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance and the rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms."
The ministers will focus on two key components of the charter: creation of a human-rights council and a mechanism for dispute settlement.
On human rights, Yeo said that ASEAN wants to build an agreed foundation of common human rights that would serve the group's regional construction and the interests of its people.
"Whether or not the human right body we establish will have teeth, I don't know. But it will certainly have a tongue, and I hope it will have a sharp tone," he said.
Burma's dismal human rights record has prompted sanctions by both the United States and European Union.
Senior officials preparing for the ministerial session want a recommendation that Burma release all political detainees included in a joint statement to be issued after the ministers' meeting.
If accepted, it would indicate a further toughening of ASEAN's stance.
"ASEAN could have done much more in responding to Cyclone Nargis if the Burma government had been forthcoming earlier to the receipt of international assistance," said K Kesavapany, director of the Institute of South-East Asian Studies.
"Despite this, it was ASEAN's persistence which finally enabled the international community to gain entry into Burma and facilitate the flow of trade."
The rotating ASEAN chairmanship passes to Thailand on July 24.
ASEAN includes Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Burma.
NLD warned not to celebrate Martyrs' Day
Jul 18, 2008 (DVB)–National League for Democracy members in Magwe and Mandalay divisions have been warned by authorities not to plan any events to commemorate Martyrs’ Day on 19 July.
Ko Tint Lwin of Yaynanchaung NLD in Magwe said the authorities had told them the government would not mark the day.
"We were warned by local authorities not to do any of the usual activities we usually do on Martyrs’ Day every year, such as providing meals to monks and merit making,” he said.
“They said the government has no plans to celebrate the day and we would not be allowed to either."
Daw Khin Saw Htay, the leader of Magwe Division NLD’s women’s wing, said the government’s warnings would not deter people from celebrating the day.
"Martyrs' Day is the day we remember our leaders who brought independence to us and barring people from celebrating such a day is very narrow-minded act,” she said.
“We don't care if they arrest us, we will do what we do every year."
Taung Twin Gyi NLD member Ko Bo See said he had his colleagues were told to sign an agreement promising not to plan any activities on the day.
"The authorities told us they could not allow us to celebrate national days without their permission and we were asked to sign an acknowledgment of that,” Ko Bo See said.
“We were also asked to sign an agreement not to donate meals to monks as a way of marking the day.”
“There are 58 monasteries in town and we will go to one of them and donate meals to the monks anyway. We are not saying whether we are marking Martyrs' Day or just donating meal to monks because we respect them."
An NLD member from Aung Lan said the local NLD chairman had also been asked to sign an agreement.
"Our township NLD chairman U Than Htay was told by local authorities to sign agreement not to mark Martyrs’ day,” he said.
“But he refused to sign it."
Daw Myint Myint Aye, the NLD secretary in Meikhtila, Mandalay, said politicians had a duty to commemorate the day.
"Every year, we mark Martyrs' Day at the [township] headquarters – we make it very apparent that it is a political activity,” Myint Myint Aye said.
“On Martyrs' day this year, we will provide meal to monks at 10am, hang a huge wreath at Kyaw Kyaw printing shop which is our headquarters and hang the national flag at half-mast. Then we will go lay the wreath at the Martyrs' monument in town,” she went on.
“We are only doing this because it is what we should do as a citizens or politicians.”
Myint Myint Aye said she had been summoned by the township administration to a meeting at 10am tomorrow morning.
NLD information officer U Nyan Win said the day was an important national event and should not be undermined by political differences.
"In our country, we don't see Martyrs' Day as representing a political party or an organisation,” Nyan Win said.
“This is a day we mark on a national scale, to remember and thank our leaders who did a lot for us,” he said.
“It is very inappropriate to ban a day like that since it is showing disrespect to the people who brought us independence."
Martyrs’ day commemorates the day in 1947 when nine people, including general Aung San and other independence leaders, were assassinated.
There is usually an annual ceremony to mark the day at the Martyrs’ Mausoleum in Bahan township, Rangoon.
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Ko Tint Lwin of Yaynanchaung NLD in Magwe said the authorities had told them the government would not mark the day.
"We were warned by local authorities not to do any of the usual activities we usually do on Martyrs’ Day every year, such as providing meals to monks and merit making,” he said.
“They said the government has no plans to celebrate the day and we would not be allowed to either."
Daw Khin Saw Htay, the leader of Magwe Division NLD’s women’s wing, said the government’s warnings would not deter people from celebrating the day.
"Martyrs' Day is the day we remember our leaders who brought independence to us and barring people from celebrating such a day is very narrow-minded act,” she said.
“We don't care if they arrest us, we will do what we do every year."
Taung Twin Gyi NLD member Ko Bo See said he had his colleagues were told to sign an agreement promising not to plan any activities on the day.
"The authorities told us they could not allow us to celebrate national days without their permission and we were asked to sign an acknowledgment of that,” Ko Bo See said.
“We were also asked to sign an agreement not to donate meals to monks as a way of marking the day.”
“There are 58 monasteries in town and we will go to one of them and donate meals to the monks anyway. We are not saying whether we are marking Martyrs' Day or just donating meal to monks because we respect them."
An NLD member from Aung Lan said the local NLD chairman had also been asked to sign an agreement.
"Our township NLD chairman U Than Htay was told by local authorities to sign agreement not to mark Martyrs’ day,” he said.
“But he refused to sign it."
Daw Myint Myint Aye, the NLD secretary in Meikhtila, Mandalay, said politicians had a duty to commemorate the day.
"Every year, we mark Martyrs' Day at the [township] headquarters – we make it very apparent that it is a political activity,” Myint Myint Aye said.
“On Martyrs' day this year, we will provide meal to monks at 10am, hang a huge wreath at Kyaw Kyaw printing shop which is our headquarters and hang the national flag at half-mast. Then we will go lay the wreath at the Martyrs' monument in town,” she went on.
“We are only doing this because it is what we should do as a citizens or politicians.”
Myint Myint Aye said she had been summoned by the township administration to a meeting at 10am tomorrow morning.
NLD information officer U Nyan Win said the day was an important national event and should not be undermined by political differences.
"In our country, we don't see Martyrs' Day as representing a political party or an organisation,” Nyan Win said.
“This is a day we mark on a national scale, to remember and thank our leaders who did a lot for us,” he said.
“It is very inappropriate to ban a day like that since it is showing disrespect to the people who brought us independence."
Martyrs’ day commemorates the day in 1947 when nine people, including general Aung San and other independence leaders, were assassinated.
There is usually an annual ceremony to mark the day at the Martyrs’ Mausoleum in Bahan township, Rangoon.
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Friday, 18 July 2008
Commentary: Is Burma ready for a new election?
By Htet Aung Kyaw
Jul 18, 2008 (DVB)–Although the National League for Democracy and main ethnic parties didn't recognise the results of the constitutional referendum in May, the ruling junta is now gearing up to drag the opposition into a new election.
So is there any chance of a compromise before the 2010 election?
Many activists, including leading members of the NLD, were upset when the state media urged them to prepare for the forthcoming elections instead of clinging to the 1990 election results.
In fact, this is not first time in the last 18 years that the junta's propaganda machine has told them to forget the 1990 result. But it is the first direct challenge to the NLD since the junta adopted its new constitution last month.
"This has been forced through at gunpoint" said Thein Nyunt, constitutional affairs spokesperson for the NLD. "We don't recognize their announcement and so we won’t prepare for a new election."
He claimed the NLD would pursue all avenues to challenge the SPDC on the fairness and legitimacy of the constitutional referendum.
However, the situation on the ground is not the same as it was in 1990. "We are preparing to form a political party for the 2010 election. This is an opportunity for us," says Za Khun Ting Ring, chairman of the New Democratic Army-Kachin, a ceasefire group based on the China-Burma border.
"If we oppose the seven-step road map, there is no way to move ahead. So we must follow it to bring about a civilian government," the 62-year-old former rebel leader told this correspondent in a telephone interview.
The NDA-K and dozens of former rebel armies who signed ceasefire agreements with the junta in the 1990s attended the government-backed National Convention in 2004 to draw up the guidelines for the constitution which the junta adopted last month.
Apart from the opposition and ethnic groups, the notorious pro-junta Union Solidarity Development Association is systematically preparing for the election. "Their latest move was to select two candidates to stand as MPs in each township who are well-educated, rich and respected in their communities," said Htay Aung, author of a book on the USDA called "Whiteshirts" which compares the organisation to Hitler's Nazi "Brownshirts".
Founded in 1993 and the darling of general Than Shwe, the USDA civilian wing is now 27 million strong in a country of 55 million people. The USDA has played key roles in attacking Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade in 2003, organising the mass rallies in support of the National Convention in 2006 and forcing people to vote “Yes" in the constitutional referendum in May.
Major Aung Lin Htut, a key member of former prime minister Gen Khin Nyunt's spy network, said that most of the USDA’s leading members were opportunists who were trying to win the favour of general Than Shwe. "But they not yet getting any support from army chief general Maung Aye and front line troops." the former spy says.
Another challenge for the USDA and Than Shwe will be to gain support from former rebel armies, he pointed out. "Many know well how general Than Shwe broke his promise on the 1990 election result but very few know how he ignored his promises to ceasefire groups," major Aung Lin Htut said.
This view is shared by the New Mon State Party, one of 17 former ethnic rebel groups. "We walked out of the National Convention when they rejected our proposals. That was broken promise which they agreed in 1995 ceasefire agreement" said Nai Aung Ma-nge, a spokesperson for the Thai-Burma border-based Mon rebel group.
"So we do not accept the referendum, constitution or election. The SPDC should seriously consider how to guarantee the futures of 100,000 strong troops from former rebel groups before the election," the outspoken rebel leader said.
In this scenario, can there be any opportunity left to reconsider the SPDC-led seven-step road map before the 2010 election?
Yes, if the UN-led international community works seriously for Burma this time.
United Nations chief Ban Ki-moon and other world leaders well knew how badly the SPDC had dealt with the aid operation to support millions of survivors after Cyclone Nargis struck on 2-3 May leaving 135,000 people dead and missing.
But Ban did not say a word about politics when he meet Than Shwe in Naypyidaw and focused only on humanitarian mission. However, Than Shwe didn't listen to the UN chief’s warnings but went ahead with all his political plans; the constitutional referendum in May, the adoption of the constitution in June and now the preparations for an election.
As Than Shwe's seven-step road map draws near completion, the UN special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, was invited to visit Naypyidaw in mid-August. Although there was no tangible outcome from his last visit in March, the door is still open for dialogue. Aung Kyi who was appointed minister for relations with Aung San Suu Kyi after last September's Saffron Revolution is still in post but has been left twiddling his thumbs at the moment.
Former UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail supports keeping the way clear for dialogue but warns that the Burmese themselves must do more. "The ability to talk to the regime must be maintained in all aspects, including the political," he told this correspondent in a telephone conversation.
"I don't think the people of Myanmar should lose hope in the UN. The UN is doing the best it can," he went on. "When I was working there, I was doing the best I could, but finally it is up to the government and the people of Myanmar to make all the necessary changes."
Htet Aung Kyaw is a journalist for the Oslo-Based Democratic Voice of Burma.
Jul 18, 2008 (DVB)–Although the National League for Democracy and main ethnic parties didn't recognise the results of the constitutional referendum in May, the ruling junta is now gearing up to drag the opposition into a new election.
So is there any chance of a compromise before the 2010 election?
Many activists, including leading members of the NLD, were upset when the state media urged them to prepare for the forthcoming elections instead of clinging to the 1990 election results.
In fact, this is not first time in the last 18 years that the junta's propaganda machine has told them to forget the 1990 result. But it is the first direct challenge to the NLD since the junta adopted its new constitution last month.
"This has been forced through at gunpoint" said Thein Nyunt, constitutional affairs spokesperson for the NLD. "We don't recognize their announcement and so we won’t prepare for a new election."
He claimed the NLD would pursue all avenues to challenge the SPDC on the fairness and legitimacy of the constitutional referendum.
However, the situation on the ground is not the same as it was in 1990. "We are preparing to form a political party for the 2010 election. This is an opportunity for us," says Za Khun Ting Ring, chairman of the New Democratic Army-Kachin, a ceasefire group based on the China-Burma border.
"If we oppose the seven-step road map, there is no way to move ahead. So we must follow it to bring about a civilian government," the 62-year-old former rebel leader told this correspondent in a telephone interview.
The NDA-K and dozens of former rebel armies who signed ceasefire agreements with the junta in the 1990s attended the government-backed National Convention in 2004 to draw up the guidelines for the constitution which the junta adopted last month.
Apart from the opposition and ethnic groups, the notorious pro-junta Union Solidarity Development Association is systematically preparing for the election. "Their latest move was to select two candidates to stand as MPs in each township who are well-educated, rich and respected in their communities," said Htay Aung, author of a book on the USDA called "Whiteshirts" which compares the organisation to Hitler's Nazi "Brownshirts".
Founded in 1993 and the darling of general Than Shwe, the USDA civilian wing is now 27 million strong in a country of 55 million people. The USDA has played key roles in attacking Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade in 2003, organising the mass rallies in support of the National Convention in 2006 and forcing people to vote “Yes" in the constitutional referendum in May.
Major Aung Lin Htut, a key member of former prime minister Gen Khin Nyunt's spy network, said that most of the USDA’s leading members were opportunists who were trying to win the favour of general Than Shwe. "But they not yet getting any support from army chief general Maung Aye and front line troops." the former spy says.
Another challenge for the USDA and Than Shwe will be to gain support from former rebel armies, he pointed out. "Many know well how general Than Shwe broke his promise on the 1990 election result but very few know how he ignored his promises to ceasefire groups," major Aung Lin Htut said.
This view is shared by the New Mon State Party, one of 17 former ethnic rebel groups. "We walked out of the National Convention when they rejected our proposals. That was broken promise which they agreed in 1995 ceasefire agreement" said Nai Aung Ma-nge, a spokesperson for the Thai-Burma border-based Mon rebel group.
"So we do not accept the referendum, constitution or election. The SPDC should seriously consider how to guarantee the futures of 100,000 strong troops from former rebel groups before the election," the outspoken rebel leader said.
In this scenario, can there be any opportunity left to reconsider the SPDC-led seven-step road map before the 2010 election?
Yes, if the UN-led international community works seriously for Burma this time.
United Nations chief Ban Ki-moon and other world leaders well knew how badly the SPDC had dealt with the aid operation to support millions of survivors after Cyclone Nargis struck on 2-3 May leaving 135,000 people dead and missing.
But Ban did not say a word about politics when he meet Than Shwe in Naypyidaw and focused only on humanitarian mission. However, Than Shwe didn't listen to the UN chief’s warnings but went ahead with all his political plans; the constitutional referendum in May, the adoption of the constitution in June and now the preparations for an election.
As Than Shwe's seven-step road map draws near completion, the UN special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, was invited to visit Naypyidaw in mid-August. Although there was no tangible outcome from his last visit in March, the door is still open for dialogue. Aung Kyi who was appointed minister for relations with Aung San Suu Kyi after last September's Saffron Revolution is still in post but has been left twiddling his thumbs at the moment.
Former UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail supports keeping the way clear for dialogue but warns that the Burmese themselves must do more. "The ability to talk to the regime must be maintained in all aspects, including the political," he told this correspondent in a telephone conversation.
"I don't think the people of Myanmar should lose hope in the UN. The UN is doing the best it can," he went on. "When I was working there, I was doing the best I could, but finally it is up to the government and the people of Myanmar to make all the necessary changes."
Htet Aung Kyaw is a journalist for the Oslo-Based Democratic Voice of Burma.
Delivering Aid While Countering Corruption
By Yeni
The Irrawaddy News
The United Nations’ top humanitarian relief official, John Holmes, will visit Burma soon to assess the progress of humanitarian relief work in cyclone-affected areas of the country.
Holmes will also attend a meeting in Singapore on Monday to take part in the release of the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) Report by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), the Burmese regime and the United Nations, with technical support from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.
It is widely believed the PONJA report will prompt an outpouring of donations for the UN's revised fundraising appeal for US $480 million over the next year for emergency relief and reconstruction following the Cyclone Nargis disaster.
Meanwhile, Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo, asked to evaluate Asean's achievement in supporting the relief effort, gave a C grade to the groupings’ role.
"We feared the worst initially, but it turned out not to be an F grading," The Straits Times quoted Yeo as saying. "Certainly not an A or B, but I would say on the whole, with Asean's assistance and Asean taking the lead in bringing humanitarian assistance into Burma, we could give ourselves a C grade."
Burma’s xenophobic government initially blocked the free-flow of international aid and aid workers to devastated areas. Later, the Burmese generals turned the natural disaster into a diplomatic playground, allowing representatives of the tri-partite core group limited access to the hardest-hit areas, even as Burma's infamous bureaucratic red tape slowed everything down.
One outcome has been that the growing gap between the value of the US dollar and Burmese foreign exchange certificates (FECs) has turned the relief effort into a major cash cow for the junta. Usually, US dollars are technically equal in value to a FEC. But business sources in Burma say the price of FECs started to fall in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, as the junta decided to allow major international aid donations and Burmese living overseas to transfer large amounts of cash into Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) accounts to support the relief effort.
Holmes, who is in contact with junta leaders, said: “My impression from what I heard is that there is not a significant problem. There may be moments when the difference between the dollar and FEC is significant, but by and large it is not.”
Many critics of the relief effort believe the UN and Asean should be more pro-active in addressing the risks of corruption. Corruption controls should not be seen as a factor that could slow down aid delivery or, in some cases, stop projects. Some people fear the UN and regional groups are strengthening the junta by taking an overly cautious, speak-softly approach.
Meanwhile, more than one million people, nearly half the cyclone survivors, have still not received any aid services, and the refugees at government-run temporary refugee camps will be forced to return to their flattened villages at the end of this month.
Many refugees are pawns in the hands of the junta. Too many refugees, including children, in the hard-hit townships of Laputta, Bogalay, Pyapon and Dedaye have endured inhumane conscription by Ward Peace and Development Councils and military troops to provide forced labor.
Burma's ruling generals must be smiling, pleased at how they have successfully handled the international community. It’s no surprise that the junta has invited Ibrahim Gambari, the special UN envoy on Burma, to visit the country in mid-August. The generals remain on top of their game, firmly entrenched as they move toward a national election in 2010 that’s designed to give them political control.
Meanwhile, the country’s leading pro-democracy figure, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest and opposition groups suffer intimidation and the threat of arrests.
The Irrawaddy News
The United Nations’ top humanitarian relief official, John Holmes, will visit Burma soon to assess the progress of humanitarian relief work in cyclone-affected areas of the country.
Holmes will also attend a meeting in Singapore on Monday to take part in the release of the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) Report by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), the Burmese regime and the United Nations, with technical support from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.
It is widely believed the PONJA report will prompt an outpouring of donations for the UN's revised fundraising appeal for US $480 million over the next year for emergency relief and reconstruction following the Cyclone Nargis disaster.
Meanwhile, Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo, asked to evaluate Asean's achievement in supporting the relief effort, gave a C grade to the groupings’ role.
"We feared the worst initially, but it turned out not to be an F grading," The Straits Times quoted Yeo as saying. "Certainly not an A or B, but I would say on the whole, with Asean's assistance and Asean taking the lead in bringing humanitarian assistance into Burma, we could give ourselves a C grade."
Burma’s xenophobic government initially blocked the free-flow of international aid and aid workers to devastated areas. Later, the Burmese generals turned the natural disaster into a diplomatic playground, allowing representatives of the tri-partite core group limited access to the hardest-hit areas, even as Burma's infamous bureaucratic red tape slowed everything down.
One outcome has been that the growing gap between the value of the US dollar and Burmese foreign exchange certificates (FECs) has turned the relief effort into a major cash cow for the junta. Usually, US dollars are technically equal in value to a FEC. But business sources in Burma say the price of FECs started to fall in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, as the junta decided to allow major international aid donations and Burmese living overseas to transfer large amounts of cash into Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) accounts to support the relief effort.
Holmes, who is in contact with junta leaders, said: “My impression from what I heard is that there is not a significant problem. There may be moments when the difference between the dollar and FEC is significant, but by and large it is not.”
Many critics of the relief effort believe the UN and Asean should be more pro-active in addressing the risks of corruption. Corruption controls should not be seen as a factor that could slow down aid delivery or, in some cases, stop projects. Some people fear the UN and regional groups are strengthening the junta by taking an overly cautious, speak-softly approach.
Meanwhile, more than one million people, nearly half the cyclone survivors, have still not received any aid services, and the refugees at government-run temporary refugee camps will be forced to return to their flattened villages at the end of this month.
Many refugees are pawns in the hands of the junta. Too many refugees, including children, in the hard-hit townships of Laputta, Bogalay, Pyapon and Dedaye have endured inhumane conscription by Ward Peace and Development Councils and military troops to provide forced labor.
Burma's ruling generals must be smiling, pleased at how they have successfully handled the international community. It’s no surprise that the junta has invited Ibrahim Gambari, the special UN envoy on Burma, to visit the country in mid-August. The generals remain on top of their game, firmly entrenched as they move toward a national election in 2010 that’s designed to give them political control.
Meanwhile, the country’s leading pro-democracy figure, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest and opposition groups suffer intimidation and the threat of arrests.
Japan Monitoring Aid Distribution to Burma
By LALIT K JHA / UNITED NATIONS
The Irrawaddy News
Japanese aid to Burma for the reconstruction phase in the cyclone affected areas of the Irrawaddy Delta will be determined based on an assessment of how effectively emergency aid has been delivered, a top Japanese official at the United Nations said on Thursday.
Japanese officials are waiting for next week's relief assessment report to be delivered in Singapore by the tri-partite group made up of the UN, Asean and Burma before deciding on its next aid installment.
When asked if Japan would continue financial aid to Burma during the reconstruction phase, Ambassador Takahiro Shinyo, the deputy permanent representative of Japan to the United Nations, told journalists, "It depends."
The UN has issued a revised fundraising appeal for an additional $300 million, to be used on emergency relief and the reconstruction phase which could last for a year or more. Cyclone Nargis swept through Burma on May 2-3.
"After the humanitarian phase is over, somebody must declare that we are entering into the reconstruction phase,” he said. “Then the relevance of the aid would be discussed—whether or not to help in reconstruction," Takahiro said.
Asked for clarification, Takahiro told The Irrawaddy that it does not mean imposing any conditions on Burma in lieu of any financial aid it would provide.
"This [imposing conditions for aid] is not our culture," he said, but he indicated that financial assistance to Burma beyond the post-humanitarian phase would depend on conditions in the Irrawaddy delta, how the money would be implement and also the progress made towards the political reform process.
The Japanese ambassador said there must be an aid monitoring process even during humanitarian relief work phase.
"We are very much keen to see if the aid is distributed rightly or not, and that it has been distributed to the people,” he said. “So the checking mechanism is very necessary."
Japan is also dispatching its own missions to Burma to see that its aid is properly distributed and reaches those for whom it is intended.
"When we extend financial assistance to international organizations, we are always asking for monitoring and assessment because we would like to assure our Parliament [that the money is being used properly]," he said.
"There have been some cases when the implementation of Japanese aid has been questioned in the Parliament so we are very keen on this," he said.
Takahiro said relief work cannot continue indefinitely. Based on previous international experience, he said it normally last from six months to one year.
"If it is longer than one year, it is no longer an emergency phase. So we can confine the time element and of course the project," he said.
Japan, previously one of the Burma’s largest donors, has not made any new funding commitments in the last few years, Takahiro said.
He said Japan has dispatched a mission to Burma to investigate how to salvage sunken ships as a result of the cyclone. There are a large number of sunken ships in the Bay of Burma, whose removal, he said, is essential to the reconstruction phase.
The Irrawaddy News
Japanese aid to Burma for the reconstruction phase in the cyclone affected areas of the Irrawaddy Delta will be determined based on an assessment of how effectively emergency aid has been delivered, a top Japanese official at the United Nations said on Thursday.
Japanese officials are waiting for next week's relief assessment report to be delivered in Singapore by the tri-partite group made up of the UN, Asean and Burma before deciding on its next aid installment.
When asked if Japan would continue financial aid to Burma during the reconstruction phase, Ambassador Takahiro Shinyo, the deputy permanent representative of Japan to the United Nations, told journalists, "It depends."
The UN has issued a revised fundraising appeal for an additional $300 million, to be used on emergency relief and the reconstruction phase which could last for a year or more. Cyclone Nargis swept through Burma on May 2-3.
"After the humanitarian phase is over, somebody must declare that we are entering into the reconstruction phase,” he said. “Then the relevance of the aid would be discussed—whether or not to help in reconstruction," Takahiro said.
Asked for clarification, Takahiro told The Irrawaddy that it does not mean imposing any conditions on Burma in lieu of any financial aid it would provide.
"This [imposing conditions for aid] is not our culture," he said, but he indicated that financial assistance to Burma beyond the post-humanitarian phase would depend on conditions in the Irrawaddy delta, how the money would be implement and also the progress made towards the political reform process.
The Japanese ambassador said there must be an aid monitoring process even during humanitarian relief work phase.
"We are very much keen to see if the aid is distributed rightly or not, and that it has been distributed to the people,” he said. “So the checking mechanism is very necessary."
Japan is also dispatching its own missions to Burma to see that its aid is properly distributed and reaches those for whom it is intended.
"When we extend financial assistance to international organizations, we are always asking for monitoring and assessment because we would like to assure our Parliament [that the money is being used properly]," he said.
"There have been some cases when the implementation of Japanese aid has been questioned in the Parliament so we are very keen on this," he said.
Takahiro said relief work cannot continue indefinitely. Based on previous international experience, he said it normally last from six months to one year.
"If it is longer than one year, it is no longer an emergency phase. So we can confine the time element and of course the project," he said.
Japan, previously one of the Burma’s largest donors, has not made any new funding commitments in the last few years, Takahiro said.
He said Japan has dispatched a mission to Burma to investigate how to salvage sunken ships as a result of the cyclone. There are a large number of sunken ships in the Bay of Burma, whose removal, he said, is essential to the reconstruction phase.
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