Aug 1, 2008 (DVB)–Government troops in Shwe Kyin township, Bago division, have been extorting money from locals in Don Zayit village and forcing them to work as porters for frontline army camps.
A local villager said troops from the State Peace and Development Council Light Infantry Battalion 589, who are based on a hill near Don Zayit village, set up a checkpoint beside a creek and demanded a fee from all passing boats and passengers.
"They have been asking for money, wood and bamboo from everyone who wants to go past the checkpoint," the villager said.
"They have also been abducting local villagers who have gone into the jungle to cut bamboo and making them work as porters to deliver rations to their frontline camp in nearby Win Phyu Taung," he said.
"They said we could choose not to go into the woods and cut bamboo if we don't want to work as porters."
The villager said the military often beat up porters if they failed to do their work satisfactorily.
"The villagers don't mind paying money or giving bamboo to them but they are afraid of being forced to work as porters for the military and now everyone has stopped going into the woods," he said.
The villager said locals had not reported the matter to senior authorities because they were afraid of repercussions from the troops.
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Sunday, 3 August 2008
8888 spirit - Editorial
Mizzima News
02 August 2008
The popular 1988 uprising will be 20 years old this August. The Burmese people have not yet enjoyed the benefits of democracy though they marched through a hail of bullets armed with their resolute will to achieve democracy.
The departed souls of those who were killed on the streets while they were protesting peacefully are still drifting nowhere. Some forgetful people pretend to be saviours and are saying, "This is not good, do as I say".
Anyway the '8888 uprising' was not in vain. It highlighted the injustices existing and showed the real way out and ensured the end of 'evil'. We cannot blame anybody for not achieving victory even after 20 years. It is of great pride and glory to see the flame of the 8888 spirit still burning brightly.
The strong vitality of this spirit, under repeated attempts to extinguish it with loaded guns and bayonets is the victory of 'good'. The perpetrators wished this spirit to die but they failed.
The people were fed up and began despising the one-party dictatorial rule under the banner of the then 'Burma Socialist Programme Party' (BSPP) after suffering for a long time. The people followed the leadership of daring students and youths and expressed their will and desire until the uprising reached its climax on 8th August 1988. The ruling party BSPP finally collapsed despite its monopolistic power and backing by the junta. It is not a spontaneous development, achieved only after a lot of sacrifices by the students and people.
After that, free and fair general elections were held in May 1990 for the first time in modern Burmese history. The Burmese people got the chance of exposure to the outside world to some extent from a totally isolated situation where they were blindfolded and gagged. The current developments are the fruits of the 8888 uprising. Human history would not have developed to this stage if everyone thought, "Nothing will be achieved even if I do it", the indifferent thinking.
There are many challenges ahead. But we should not forget there will always be opportunities to cope with all these challenges by seeing the exemplary role of the 8888 uprising.
02 August 2008
The popular 1988 uprising will be 20 years old this August. The Burmese people have not yet enjoyed the benefits of democracy though they marched through a hail of bullets armed with their resolute will to achieve democracy.
The departed souls of those who were killed on the streets while they were protesting peacefully are still drifting nowhere. Some forgetful people pretend to be saviours and are saying, "This is not good, do as I say".
Anyway the '8888 uprising' was not in vain. It highlighted the injustices existing and showed the real way out and ensured the end of 'evil'. We cannot blame anybody for not achieving victory even after 20 years. It is of great pride and glory to see the flame of the 8888 spirit still burning brightly.
The strong vitality of this spirit, under repeated attempts to extinguish it with loaded guns and bayonets is the victory of 'good'. The perpetrators wished this spirit to die but they failed.
The people were fed up and began despising the one-party dictatorial rule under the banner of the then 'Burma Socialist Programme Party' (BSPP) after suffering for a long time. The people followed the leadership of daring students and youths and expressed their will and desire until the uprising reached its climax on 8th August 1988. The ruling party BSPP finally collapsed despite its monopolistic power and backing by the junta. It is not a spontaneous development, achieved only after a lot of sacrifices by the students and people.
After that, free and fair general elections were held in May 1990 for the first time in modern Burmese history. The Burmese people got the chance of exposure to the outside world to some extent from a totally isolated situation where they were blindfolded and gagged. The current developments are the fruits of the 8888 uprising. Human history would not have developed to this stage if everyone thought, "Nothing will be achieved even if I do it", the indifferent thinking.
There are many challenges ahead. But we should not forget there will always be opportunities to cope with all these challenges by seeing the exemplary role of the 8888 uprising.
Myanmar aid scheme sows new fears among cyclone survivors
BOGALAY, Myanmar (Khaleej-AFP)- Myanmar's military regime is giving desperately needed aid to cyclone survivors on credit, requiring them to pay back to the government any assistance offered, officials said.
The secretive military last week officially allowed local journalists to visit the disaster zone for the first time since Cyclone Nargis slammed into the country on May 2.
During the tour, local officials laid out their system for delivering aid to farmers in the hardest-hit parts of the Irrawaddy Delta, where entire villages were washed away by the storm that left more than 138,000 people dead or missing.
The officials insisted that government aid had allowed for farmers to plant their fields and for fishermen to return to their boats -- but insisted that the cyclone victims would have to reimburse the regime for the aid received.
"If everything is free of charge, its value is very low. If something must be paid back, then they try their best to do it. This is the system," one senior official said, speaking on condition of anonymity. (JEG's: the junta is charging the victims for our generosity and profiting from it - dandy...)
"The government will distribute everything for them through a payback system. Otherwise, controlling the aid will be very difficult," he said.
About 2.4 million people are struggling to piece together their lives after the storm, according to UN estimates.
Farmers have no choice but to accept the loans, but say they don't know how they will ever repay them.
"We have received power tillers and diesel on credit from the government. Even then, we still need more help to get bank loans so that we will have cash to hire field hands," said Kyi Win, 57, a farm owner in Sat San village outside Bogalay.
But local officials insisted that farmers were ready to start surviving on their own.
"The World Food Programme is delivering rice for villagers. Even if they stop delivering rice, villagers can feed themselves with their own income," said Zaw Myo Nyunt, a local official in Sat San.
The official assessment differs markedly with opinions expressed away from the military's ears, as well as with assessments by UN officials, who have warned that many farmers were not able to plant their crops this year.
Over the last two weeks, many farmers in the delta told AFP that as much as one-third of the region's cropland could lie idle -- simply because so many farmers died that no one is left to tend the fields.
Others who have received aid and tried to plant their fields say that as much as half the donated rice plants did not sprout, while draught cattle brought in from mountainous parts of Myanmar have not adapted to the delta's marshy lowlands.
"If the UN cannot deliver rice and stops their assistance to us, we will be in trouble. We have no income now as our employers are finding it difficult to start their farming," said Moe Wah, a 24-year-old farm worker.
"I have no job now and am relying on rice aid from the WFP. All of us need jobs urgently to resume our lives. We lost everything in the cyclone," she said.
It's not just the farmers questioning Myanmar's official aid system.
Construction companies have donated (???) more than 100 new wooden homes in Sat San and the nearby village of Kyaine Chaung Gyi, but the people living there have been given no deed to the property nor any indication of how long they will be allowed to use the homes. (JEG's: pure show only... what's in it for the junta)
The secretive military last week officially allowed local journalists to visit the disaster zone for the first time since Cyclone Nargis slammed into the country on May 2.
During the tour, local officials laid out their system for delivering aid to farmers in the hardest-hit parts of the Irrawaddy Delta, where entire villages were washed away by the storm that left more than 138,000 people dead or missing.
The officials insisted that government aid had allowed for farmers to plant their fields and for fishermen to return to their boats -- but insisted that the cyclone victims would have to reimburse the regime for the aid received.
"If everything is free of charge, its value is very low. If something must be paid back, then they try their best to do it. This is the system," one senior official said, speaking on condition of anonymity. (JEG's: the junta is charging the victims for our generosity and profiting from it - dandy...)
"The government will distribute everything for them through a payback system. Otherwise, controlling the aid will be very difficult," he said.
About 2.4 million people are struggling to piece together their lives after the storm, according to UN estimates.
Farmers have no choice but to accept the loans, but say they don't know how they will ever repay them.
"We have received power tillers and diesel on credit from the government. Even then, we still need more help to get bank loans so that we will have cash to hire field hands," said Kyi Win, 57, a farm owner in Sat San village outside Bogalay.
But local officials insisted that farmers were ready to start surviving on their own.
"The World Food Programme is delivering rice for villagers. Even if they stop delivering rice, villagers can feed themselves with their own income," said Zaw Myo Nyunt, a local official in Sat San.
The official assessment differs markedly with opinions expressed away from the military's ears, as well as with assessments by UN officials, who have warned that many farmers were not able to plant their crops this year.
Over the last two weeks, many farmers in the delta told AFP that as much as one-third of the region's cropland could lie idle -- simply because so many farmers died that no one is left to tend the fields.
Others who have received aid and tried to plant their fields say that as much as half the donated rice plants did not sprout, while draught cattle brought in from mountainous parts of Myanmar have not adapted to the delta's marshy lowlands.
"If the UN cannot deliver rice and stops their assistance to us, we will be in trouble. We have no income now as our employers are finding it difficult to start their farming," said Moe Wah, a 24-year-old farm worker.
"I have no job now and am relying on rice aid from the WFP. All of us need jobs urgently to resume our lives. We lost everything in the cyclone," she said.
It's not just the farmers questioning Myanmar's official aid system.
Construction companies have donated (???) more than 100 new wooden homes in Sat San and the nearby village of Kyaine Chaung Gyi, but the people living there have been given no deed to the property nor any indication of how long they will be allowed to use the homes. (JEG's: pure show only... what's in it for the junta)
Quote on Trust and Friendship
"In prison, you know who your real friends are;
you learn the meaning of 'friend.'
We shared everything we had:
our food and all our knowledge."
--Former Burmese political dissident
you learn the meaning of 'friend.'
We shared everything we had:
our food and all our knowledge."
--Former Burmese political dissident
Burma's Prisons a Caldron of Protest Fury
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, August 3, 2008
RANGOON -- The promise of Burma's future begins in its prisons.
Inside, dissidents detained by the military junta tapped out messages on water pipes and listened to them echo from one cell to the next. They spelled words by knocking on walls, each series of sounds a letter of the alphabet. Sometimes they bribed guards with cigarettes to pass along coded messages in necklaces made of pebbles and strings of plastic bags.
Former Burmese political detainees say they found countless ways to communicate, defying their isolation and a system that was designed to break their will. For many, life behind the walls instead became a rite of passage toward political maturity.
"Prison happens to be the longest-running political seminar in Burma," said a scholar and political activist who spent 15 years behind bars for writings that were deemed subversive to the junta. "You could say things there that you couldn't outside, and we observed anniversaries that we couldn't in normal life."
Human rights groups say more than 1,800 political detainees languish long-term in about 20 prisons and labor camps in Burma, also called Myanmar. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a Burmese rights group based in Thailand, has documented "endemic" torture in them. Countless more people have disappeared altogether or been locked up for shorter stints.
The International Committee of the Red Cross had been monitoring conditions in centers across the country for six years. But in late 2005, the junta cut off its observers' access. The group's last attempt to engage the junta, on June 15, has yet to receive a positive response, said Christian Brunner, ICRC's Asia region head.
In the Red Cross's absence, indignities to political and criminal detainees remain manifold, according to recently released prisoners, outside observers and a prison lawyer.
They are beaten with bamboo canes. Their flesh is torn by iron rods that are rolled up and down their shins. They are forced to crawl over broken glass or sharpened gravel; deprived of sleep or water; shackled in painful positions; trapped in cells too small for them to stand upright; and surrounded by barking dogs. Others spend years in solitary confinement.
Some have died under the strain, and some have slipped into insanity.
Yet dissidents have often emerged unbroken, hardier or more pragmatic in their beliefs and more resolute that change will come from their actions. Time behind bars can be a vindication of their struggles, they said. Once through, they feel they have nothing else to fear -- and often return straight to activism.
For some, an ordinary life is forever elusive. "I want to live out of water, but I can't get on the shore," said a member of a new clandestine opposition group, the 88 Generation Students, explaining why its founders felt compelled to turn again to politics within weeks of their release after nearly two decades in and out of prison.
Now in their 40s, most of the group's founders were first rounded up as hotheaded university students who helped steer a failed pro-democracy uprising in 1988. Bound for professions in medicine, engineering or law, many never graduated. The prisons became their university.
"In '88, our generation didn't know anything about politics," said a Rangoon teacher jailed for five years in the aftermath of the uprising. He was 21 when he was arrested. "We cared [only] about brutal repression. We saw it with our own eyes and heard it with our own ears."
Under a tarpaulin canopy at an empty tea shop one recent afternoon, he lighted his second cigarette in minutes and paused to watch the smoke mingle with a monsoon downpour.
In prison, he said, "you know who your real friends are; you learn the meaning of 'friend.' We shared everything we had: our food and all our knowledge."
He and two prison mates tore apart an old English primer, the only book that one of them had managed to have smuggled inside. They took turns reading and hiding the pieces, burying them in the soil outside their cells. From the pages he learned to speak English.
In their cells or in snatched moments in the prison yards, they could encounter a spectrum of dissidents whom they might never otherwise have met -- or had a chance to clash with. "I remember in my first months in Insein Prison, some young political prisoners came to ask me to do something for them, because the communists were waiting to 'dye them pink,' " the scholar said.
It was in jail that a Rangoon University student, now 29, said he met elected members from the opposition National League for Democracy, ethnic leaders and members of countless dissident groups. "I saw the future of Burma in the prisons," he said.
He heard them fiercely arguing and saw them give up visions they had once held, he said. The divides were revelatory. Democracy in the country would come, he concluded, only with "a proper understanding of each other. To do that, we need to improve the education. . . . We need better spirituality, better tolerance and better compassion."
To counter the hopelessness, many detainees said they relied on meditation. For others, the only cure was a chance to fight again beyond prison walls.
"You can't even see the sky. No stars. No moon. No sun, " said Win Naing, 71, who was once part of the political party of U Nu, the prime minister deposed in a 1962 military coup. For years, Win Naing has led an unspecified number of national politicians in a loose, unofficial opposition group, because, he said, a democracy requires multiple parties.
But his detention last year risked all that. "I thought I wouldn't be released for 20 or 30 years. I was almost totally hopeless," he said. "If I get released, I thought, I shouldn't get involved in politics."
After 35 days of detention in Insein, Rangoon's most notorious prison, his release came as a total surprise. And within two months, with his health largely back to normal, he had taken up his activities again.
"In Burma there is a saying: You can't stop yourself from getting up and dancing when you hear the music," he said. "When I heard the music of politics, when many came to see me . . . things changed. I changed. I thought, what the heck."
Outside the walls, behind this former capital's surface scars of broken windowpanes and mildewed buildings choked with vegetation, the wounds of the detention system reach deep into Burmese society.
One recent evening, a university lecturer sat on the concrete floor of her living room, clutching a pillow to her stomach as if to draw solace from it. She talked of being racked by "mental torture," a mix of depression and anxiety from years spent anguishing over her imprisoned husband, an opposition politician.
And a teacher said he went for weeks with no news from a close colleague who was to fly out of the country on a prestigious foreign fellowship. It turned out that for having spontaneously joined thousands in street protests last September, he was hunted down by intelligence agents who caught him two months later. The colleague later turned up at Insein. Word from his mother was that he could no longer walk.
It is a system in which a lawyer fights a largely futile battle against bureaucracy, shuttling daily back and forth from a special tribunal at the prison to defend the rights of political detainees before a judge who generally will send them to prison regardless, often on a technicality.
In his Rangoon office, he rifled through a dusty tome that dated to the British colonial era to explain the terms under which 16 prominent dissidents, including the 88 leaders, have been held without trial since their arrest last August, he said.
Asked whether he had ever secured the release of a political detainee, he thought a moment, set down his cup of tea and related the lone incident of his 27-year career: accusations against a politician client turned out to be so outlandish that a 10-year sentence was revoked.
For being caught one night with an anti-government pamphlet, the once starry-eyed Rangoon University student served seven years. He was lucky, he said. For being caught with two pamphlets, friends netted double the sentence. He described enduring beatings, hours in shackles and weeks in solitary confinement. When he was transferred to another prison far upcountry, his mother never knew where he was.
Worst of all, he said, was his hunger for ideas. To feed his mind, he said, he sometimes used a piece of broken pottery to scrawl on the cold concrete, struggling to recall parts of beloved stories by British novelist Somerset Maugham.
Or he would bribe a criminal to bring him a prison-made cheroot, a cone-shaped cigarette. Then he'd slowly unpeel its leafy layers to reveal a thumb-size square of gluey state newspaper, and with it a snippet of information from the world outside his cell.
Now he smuggles reading material -- often about democracy -- to friends still inside.
Sometimes he returns from a prison visit with a poem. A poet he befriended recently wrote about the insanity of living within its walls:
Sunday, August 3, 2008
RANGOON -- The promise of Burma's future begins in its prisons.
Inside, dissidents detained by the military junta tapped out messages on water pipes and listened to them echo from one cell to the next. They spelled words by knocking on walls, each series of sounds a letter of the alphabet. Sometimes they bribed guards with cigarettes to pass along coded messages in necklaces made of pebbles and strings of plastic bags.
Former Burmese political detainees say they found countless ways to communicate, defying their isolation and a system that was designed to break their will. For many, life behind the walls instead became a rite of passage toward political maturity.
"Prison happens to be the longest-running political seminar in Burma," said a scholar and political activist who spent 15 years behind bars for writings that were deemed subversive to the junta. "You could say things there that you couldn't outside, and we observed anniversaries that we couldn't in normal life."
Human rights groups say more than 1,800 political detainees languish long-term in about 20 prisons and labor camps in Burma, also called Myanmar. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a Burmese rights group based in Thailand, has documented "endemic" torture in them. Countless more people have disappeared altogether or been locked up for shorter stints.
The International Committee of the Red Cross had been monitoring conditions in centers across the country for six years. But in late 2005, the junta cut off its observers' access. The group's last attempt to engage the junta, on June 15, has yet to receive a positive response, said Christian Brunner, ICRC's Asia region head.
In the Red Cross's absence, indignities to political and criminal detainees remain manifold, according to recently released prisoners, outside observers and a prison lawyer.
They are beaten with bamboo canes. Their flesh is torn by iron rods that are rolled up and down their shins. They are forced to crawl over broken glass or sharpened gravel; deprived of sleep or water; shackled in painful positions; trapped in cells too small for them to stand upright; and surrounded by barking dogs. Others spend years in solitary confinement.
Some have died under the strain, and some have slipped into insanity.
Yet dissidents have often emerged unbroken, hardier or more pragmatic in their beliefs and more resolute that change will come from their actions. Time behind bars can be a vindication of their struggles, they said. Once through, they feel they have nothing else to fear -- and often return straight to activism.
For some, an ordinary life is forever elusive. "I want to live out of water, but I can't get on the shore," said a member of a new clandestine opposition group, the 88 Generation Students, explaining why its founders felt compelled to turn again to politics within weeks of their release after nearly two decades in and out of prison.
Now in their 40s, most of the group's founders were first rounded up as hotheaded university students who helped steer a failed pro-democracy uprising in 1988. Bound for professions in medicine, engineering or law, many never graduated. The prisons became their university.
"In '88, our generation didn't know anything about politics," said a Rangoon teacher jailed for five years in the aftermath of the uprising. He was 21 when he was arrested. "We cared [only] about brutal repression. We saw it with our own eyes and heard it with our own ears."
Under a tarpaulin canopy at an empty tea shop one recent afternoon, he lighted his second cigarette in minutes and paused to watch the smoke mingle with a monsoon downpour.
In prison, he said, "you know who your real friends are; you learn the meaning of 'friend.' We shared everything we had: our food and all our knowledge."
He and two prison mates tore apart an old English primer, the only book that one of them had managed to have smuggled inside. They took turns reading and hiding the pieces, burying them in the soil outside their cells. From the pages he learned to speak English.
In their cells or in snatched moments in the prison yards, they could encounter a spectrum of dissidents whom they might never otherwise have met -- or had a chance to clash with. "I remember in my first months in Insein Prison, some young political prisoners came to ask me to do something for them, because the communists were waiting to 'dye them pink,' " the scholar said.
It was in jail that a Rangoon University student, now 29, said he met elected members from the opposition National League for Democracy, ethnic leaders and members of countless dissident groups. "I saw the future of Burma in the prisons," he said.
He heard them fiercely arguing and saw them give up visions they had once held, he said. The divides were revelatory. Democracy in the country would come, he concluded, only with "a proper understanding of each other. To do that, we need to improve the education. . . . We need better spirituality, better tolerance and better compassion."
To counter the hopelessness, many detainees said they relied on meditation. For others, the only cure was a chance to fight again beyond prison walls.
"You can't even see the sky. No stars. No moon. No sun, " said Win Naing, 71, who was once part of the political party of U Nu, the prime minister deposed in a 1962 military coup. For years, Win Naing has led an unspecified number of national politicians in a loose, unofficial opposition group, because, he said, a democracy requires multiple parties.
But his detention last year risked all that. "I thought I wouldn't be released for 20 or 30 years. I was almost totally hopeless," he said. "If I get released, I thought, I shouldn't get involved in politics."
After 35 days of detention in Insein, Rangoon's most notorious prison, his release came as a total surprise. And within two months, with his health largely back to normal, he had taken up his activities again.
"In Burma there is a saying: You can't stop yourself from getting up and dancing when you hear the music," he said. "When I heard the music of politics, when many came to see me . . . things changed. I changed. I thought, what the heck."
Outside the walls, behind this former capital's surface scars of broken windowpanes and mildewed buildings choked with vegetation, the wounds of the detention system reach deep into Burmese society.
One recent evening, a university lecturer sat on the concrete floor of her living room, clutching a pillow to her stomach as if to draw solace from it. She talked of being racked by "mental torture," a mix of depression and anxiety from years spent anguishing over her imprisoned husband, an opposition politician.
And a teacher said he went for weeks with no news from a close colleague who was to fly out of the country on a prestigious foreign fellowship. It turned out that for having spontaneously joined thousands in street protests last September, he was hunted down by intelligence agents who caught him two months later. The colleague later turned up at Insein. Word from his mother was that he could no longer walk.
It is a system in which a lawyer fights a largely futile battle against bureaucracy, shuttling daily back and forth from a special tribunal at the prison to defend the rights of political detainees before a judge who generally will send them to prison regardless, often on a technicality.
In his Rangoon office, he rifled through a dusty tome that dated to the British colonial era to explain the terms under which 16 prominent dissidents, including the 88 leaders, have been held without trial since their arrest last August, he said.
Asked whether he had ever secured the release of a political detainee, he thought a moment, set down his cup of tea and related the lone incident of his 27-year career: accusations against a politician client turned out to be so outlandish that a 10-year sentence was revoked.
For being caught one night with an anti-government pamphlet, the once starry-eyed Rangoon University student served seven years. He was lucky, he said. For being caught with two pamphlets, friends netted double the sentence. He described enduring beatings, hours in shackles and weeks in solitary confinement. When he was transferred to another prison far upcountry, his mother never knew where he was.
Worst of all, he said, was his hunger for ideas. To feed his mind, he said, he sometimes used a piece of broken pottery to scrawl on the cold concrete, struggling to recall parts of beloved stories by British novelist Somerset Maugham.
Or he would bribe a criminal to bring him a prison-made cheroot, a cone-shaped cigarette. Then he'd slowly unpeel its leafy layers to reveal a thumb-size square of gluey state newspaper, and with it a snippet of information from the world outside his cell.
Now he smuggles reading material -- often about democracy -- to friends still inside.
Sometimes he returns from a prison visit with a poem. A poet he befriended recently wrote about the insanity of living within its walls:
The white color of the moonlight,
Sticking like a sword inside that very wall,
Will make the demand
For the rest of your life to be numb to thoughts,
For your sorrows to swell,
For your philosophy to be always aching.
Sticking like a sword inside that very wall,
Will make the demand
For the rest of your life to be numb to thoughts,
For your sorrows to swell,
For your philosophy to be always aching.
Saturday, 2 August 2008
Bush and Burma
By AUNG ZAW
The Irrawaddy News
US President George W Bush has never been to Burma, and he once called the country’s detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate “Aung Suu San Kyi,” drawing laughter from journalists at an APEC summit in Thailand.
He has since learned how to pronounce the name of Burma’s most famous pro-democracy leader; and thanks in large part to the tutelage of his wife, Laura Bush, who has taken a strong personal interest in Suu Kyi’s struggle on behalf of her people, he now knows a bit more about the problems of a remote country that he still declines to visit.
Next week, the president and first lady will be in Thailand to mark the 175th anniversary of bilateral ties with the Kingdom. While he is here, he will also meet with Burmese activists on the eve of the 20th anniversary of a nationwide pro-democracy uprising that was brutally crushed by the regime that still holds power in Burma.
The United States has always strongly supported the efforts of Burma’s people achieve freedom from military rule. The current administration has been no exception. Though often criticized at home and abroad for his foreign policy, Bush has won the respect of most Burmese for his firm stance on the repressive regime in Naypyidaw.
In 2003, the US introduced the Freedom and Democracy Act in response to a ruthless attack on Suu Kyi and her supporters in the central Burmese town of Depayin. In 2005, Bush identified Burma as one of the world’s “outposts of tyranny,” together with Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Zimbabwe and Belarus.
Last year, following the crackdown on the September uprising, he blasted the regime and tightened sanctions against the generals and their cronies. As a further sign of support, the US Congress awarded its highest civilian honor, the Congressional Gold Medal, to Suu Kyi last December. And just this week, Bush signed into law the Burma Jade Act, which restricts the import of precious stones from Burma and extends existing import sanctions.
Bush has often been faulted for his tendency to see complex issues in black and white. But while many condemn him for trying to impose his political vision on Iraq, few can argue that in the case of Burma, he has taken a genuinely principled stand that is perfectly consistent with reality.
The Burmese people are indeed fortunate to have the support of both Bush and his wife, Laura, who has been a real driving force in keeping Burma at the top of the world’s political agenda.
She has met with Burmese activists in Washington and New York on a number of occasions and held video teleconferences with prominent exiles. She has also participated in several roundtable discussions on Burma with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and his special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari.
When the Burmese regime crushed protests last year, she called Ban to discuss the situation—a rare move by an American first lady, and one that shows the depth of her concern for the fate of Burma’s people.
At the height of the crisis, she even called on Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the junta’s supreme leader, to step down. Instead, he moved to consolidate his position, more determined than ever to move forward with his road map to “disciplined democracy.”
In May of this year, it became evident just how much Than Shwe has staked on the ultimate success of this deeply flawed political process, which promises only a continuation of military rule under another guise.
On May 3, one week before a planned referendum on a military-drafted constitution, Burma was hit by its worst natural disaster in living memory. But Cyclone Nargis did not stop the junta going ahead with its rigged referendum, putting politics ahead of the lives of millions of people.
The American response to this disaster was markedly different from that of the rulers in Naypyidaw. The US moved quickly to temporarily suspend its sanctions against Burma so that it could assist in the relief effort, offering aid and the use of military aircraft to transport international emergency relief supplies into the country.
Humanitarian workers in Burma praised the Bush administration for its bold decision to send C-130 flights into Rangoon with relief items, setting aside politics for the sake of saving lives.
But when the USS Essex and other US naval ships withdrew from their positions near Burmese waters, after weeks of hopes that Bush would invoke the UN’s Responsibility to Protect and order them into the delta, many Burmese were more than a little disappointed.
This raises the most serious question about US support for Burma’s pro-democracy movement: Is there any real political will in the US to effect substantive change in Burma, or is Washington simply offering moral support to the victims of a heinous regime to burnish its image as a defender of freedom?
While some cynics say that Bush’s stance on Burma is merely a distraction from the troubling consequences of other facets of his foreign policy, others suggest that ultimately, the US is seeking to use Burma to “contain” China, which has become the Burmese regime’s most important ally.
These critics of US policy point to Washington’s overtures to Gen Ne Win soon after he seized power in 1962 as evidence that the US has never been particularly troubled by military rule in Burma or anywhere else when broader geopolitical interests were at stake.
Although Ne Win accepted an invitation to the White House, he never became close to Washington. Even substantial development aid and other support in the form of weapons and helicopters for Burma’s anti-narcotics efforts failed to bring Burma within America’s sphere of influence—something US leaders were desperate to achieve in a bid to counter Communist China’s regional ambitions.
But a great deal has changed since the days of the Cold War. China is no longer the “red threat” that it once was, but a country that has opened up to the world in ways that were almost unimaginable even two decades ago. The US has no interest in reversing this process, any more than it has a desire to see Burma sealed off and stagnating under the same regressive regime that has ruled since 1988.
As part of his visit to Asia next week, Bush will be in Beijing to attend the opening ceremony of the 2008 Olympic Games on August 8. This will give him an opportunity to both celebrate China’s progress and to highlight the need for deeper changes, particularly regarding its attitude towards fundamental human rights.
By meeting with Burmese exiles the day before attending Beijing’s grand coming-out party, Bush is sending a reminder that August 8 is not only a day to recognize China’s achievements, but also an occasion to recall the unfulfilled aspirations of the Burmese people.
There is little more that the Burmese people can ask of Bush in the remaining months of his administration. And after eight years of unstinting support, which even the most skeptical Burmese activists have had to acknowledge as a major contribution to their cause, they can even learn to live with his occasional mangling of Burmese names.
The Irrawaddy News
US President George W Bush has never been to Burma, and he once called the country’s detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate “Aung Suu San Kyi,” drawing laughter from journalists at an APEC summit in Thailand.
He has since learned how to pronounce the name of Burma’s most famous pro-democracy leader; and thanks in large part to the tutelage of his wife, Laura Bush, who has taken a strong personal interest in Suu Kyi’s struggle on behalf of her people, he now knows a bit more about the problems of a remote country that he still declines to visit.
Next week, the president and first lady will be in Thailand to mark the 175th anniversary of bilateral ties with the Kingdom. While he is here, he will also meet with Burmese activists on the eve of the 20th anniversary of a nationwide pro-democracy uprising that was brutally crushed by the regime that still holds power in Burma.
The United States has always strongly supported the efforts of Burma’s people achieve freedom from military rule. The current administration has been no exception. Though often criticized at home and abroad for his foreign policy, Bush has won the respect of most Burmese for his firm stance on the repressive regime in Naypyidaw.
In 2003, the US introduced the Freedom and Democracy Act in response to a ruthless attack on Suu Kyi and her supporters in the central Burmese town of Depayin. In 2005, Bush identified Burma as one of the world’s “outposts of tyranny,” together with Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Zimbabwe and Belarus.
Last year, following the crackdown on the September uprising, he blasted the regime and tightened sanctions against the generals and their cronies. As a further sign of support, the US Congress awarded its highest civilian honor, the Congressional Gold Medal, to Suu Kyi last December. And just this week, Bush signed into law the Burma Jade Act, which restricts the import of precious stones from Burma and extends existing import sanctions.
Bush has often been faulted for his tendency to see complex issues in black and white. But while many condemn him for trying to impose his political vision on Iraq, few can argue that in the case of Burma, he has taken a genuinely principled stand that is perfectly consistent with reality.
The Burmese people are indeed fortunate to have the support of both Bush and his wife, Laura, who has been a real driving force in keeping Burma at the top of the world’s political agenda.
She has met with Burmese activists in Washington and New York on a number of occasions and held video teleconferences with prominent exiles. She has also participated in several roundtable discussions on Burma with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and his special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari.
When the Burmese regime crushed protests last year, she called Ban to discuss the situation—a rare move by an American first lady, and one that shows the depth of her concern for the fate of Burma’s people.
At the height of the crisis, she even called on Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the junta’s supreme leader, to step down. Instead, he moved to consolidate his position, more determined than ever to move forward with his road map to “disciplined democracy.”
In May of this year, it became evident just how much Than Shwe has staked on the ultimate success of this deeply flawed political process, which promises only a continuation of military rule under another guise.
On May 3, one week before a planned referendum on a military-drafted constitution, Burma was hit by its worst natural disaster in living memory. But Cyclone Nargis did not stop the junta going ahead with its rigged referendum, putting politics ahead of the lives of millions of people.
The American response to this disaster was markedly different from that of the rulers in Naypyidaw. The US moved quickly to temporarily suspend its sanctions against Burma so that it could assist in the relief effort, offering aid and the use of military aircraft to transport international emergency relief supplies into the country.
Humanitarian workers in Burma praised the Bush administration for its bold decision to send C-130 flights into Rangoon with relief items, setting aside politics for the sake of saving lives.
But when the USS Essex and other US naval ships withdrew from their positions near Burmese waters, after weeks of hopes that Bush would invoke the UN’s Responsibility to Protect and order them into the delta, many Burmese were more than a little disappointed.
This raises the most serious question about US support for Burma’s pro-democracy movement: Is there any real political will in the US to effect substantive change in Burma, or is Washington simply offering moral support to the victims of a heinous regime to burnish its image as a defender of freedom?
While some cynics say that Bush’s stance on Burma is merely a distraction from the troubling consequences of other facets of his foreign policy, others suggest that ultimately, the US is seeking to use Burma to “contain” China, which has become the Burmese regime’s most important ally.
These critics of US policy point to Washington’s overtures to Gen Ne Win soon after he seized power in 1962 as evidence that the US has never been particularly troubled by military rule in Burma or anywhere else when broader geopolitical interests were at stake.
Although Ne Win accepted an invitation to the White House, he never became close to Washington. Even substantial development aid and other support in the form of weapons and helicopters for Burma’s anti-narcotics efforts failed to bring Burma within America’s sphere of influence—something US leaders were desperate to achieve in a bid to counter Communist China’s regional ambitions.
But a great deal has changed since the days of the Cold War. China is no longer the “red threat” that it once was, but a country that has opened up to the world in ways that were almost unimaginable even two decades ago. The US has no interest in reversing this process, any more than it has a desire to see Burma sealed off and stagnating under the same regressive regime that has ruled since 1988.
As part of his visit to Asia next week, Bush will be in Beijing to attend the opening ceremony of the 2008 Olympic Games on August 8. This will give him an opportunity to both celebrate China’s progress and to highlight the need for deeper changes, particularly regarding its attitude towards fundamental human rights.
By meeting with Burmese exiles the day before attending Beijing’s grand coming-out party, Bush is sending a reminder that August 8 is not only a day to recognize China’s achievements, but also an occasion to recall the unfulfilled aspirations of the Burmese people.
There is little more that the Burmese people can ask of Bush in the remaining months of his administration. And after eight years of unstinting support, which even the most skeptical Burmese activists have had to acknowledge as a major contribution to their cause, they can even learn to live with his occasional mangling of Burmese names.
Friday, 1 August 2008
'You could still see bodies floating about'
(Fileymercury) -Rev Jeff Hattan, who has previously been to Ghana, Nigeria, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, was originally due to visit Burma last November, but the trip was postponed following the monks' demonstrations.
Rev Hattan said: “After the cyclone, in one sense I wanted to go even more and stand with those people who had a hard enough life as it was. Life for everyone is hard, but for Christians it’s even more so.”
According to Christian organisations such as the charity Release International, which arranged the trip, the Burmese government ignored “whole groups of people” in the wake of the disaster – not least the mainly Christian communities, which have traditionally suffered.
Rev Hattan said: “There are people who have still had no help in re-building, food or clean water, and we were speaking to another Christian organisation that had been to another part of the Irrawaddy Delta where you could still see bodies floating about.
“We’re not a relief organisation, but we were giving rice to villagers, supplying building materials and everything needed to completely re-build a school for 140 children. We made up 1,364 children’s backpacks with uniforms and pencils and reading books, and we were supporting church leaders whose churches had spent just about all their money on helping others.
“There’s also a huge need for counselling, and we paid for 15 young Christians to attend counselling courses so they could work with people on a basic level. Sometimes it’s just about being there and talking to people – saying ‘you’re not alone’. You can’t comprehend what a boost it is for people to know you’ve come all that way.”
Rev Hattan said the persecution of the Christian population was more psychological than physical, but he had spoken to church leaders who had been imprisoned “on a whim”.
He added: “Burma hasn’t got a good record for human rights at the best of times, but the Government says to be Burmese is to be Buddhist. They say Christians have the ‘C-virus’ and put out that it must be eradicated by all and any means.
“There are ethnic groups that are 60 to 70 per cent Christian and they’re often the ones at the forefont of the pro-democracy movement, so to be part of those groups is to be automatically targeted.
“We spoke to church leaders who said they had regular visits by the authorities, sometimes two or three times a night, checking up on what they’re doing and who they’re with. Churches are routinely closed down and Christians are made to do jobs that are disgusting and live under the constant pressure of being harrassed or threatened.
“It also happens to Buddhist Burmese – it’s a country of intolerable suffering – but if you’re Christian it’s much worse.”
Rev Hattan said unlike other western visitors, his group was given a suprising amount of freedom to travel, partly because they were working with Burmese people who “knew what they were doing”.
He said: “We never felt we were in danger, but you were aware that people were encouraged to pass on to the Government anything that was unusual.
You’ve no idea if people are on the payroll of the Government – it’s like the old Soviet Union.”
l Release International, which celebrates its 40th anniversary this year, was originally formed to support Christians living in the old Communist world, but now operates in countries like Nigeria, Pakistan, Iraq, Sri Lanka and India where Christians may be persecuted by the Government, other religious groups or even drug barons – as in Colombia.
Rev Hattan has been involved with the charity for about 12 years and sometimes travels with his wife, Angie.
Rev Hattan said: “After the cyclone, in one sense I wanted to go even more and stand with those people who had a hard enough life as it was. Life for everyone is hard, but for Christians it’s even more so.”
According to Christian organisations such as the charity Release International, which arranged the trip, the Burmese government ignored “whole groups of people” in the wake of the disaster – not least the mainly Christian communities, which have traditionally suffered.
Rev Hattan said: “There are people who have still had no help in re-building, food or clean water, and we were speaking to another Christian organisation that had been to another part of the Irrawaddy Delta where you could still see bodies floating about.
“We’re not a relief organisation, but we were giving rice to villagers, supplying building materials and everything needed to completely re-build a school for 140 children. We made up 1,364 children’s backpacks with uniforms and pencils and reading books, and we were supporting church leaders whose churches had spent just about all their money on helping others.
“There’s also a huge need for counselling, and we paid for 15 young Christians to attend counselling courses so they could work with people on a basic level. Sometimes it’s just about being there and talking to people – saying ‘you’re not alone’. You can’t comprehend what a boost it is for people to know you’ve come all that way.”
Rev Hattan said the persecution of the Christian population was more psychological than physical, but he had spoken to church leaders who had been imprisoned “on a whim”.
He added: “Burma hasn’t got a good record for human rights at the best of times, but the Government says to be Burmese is to be Buddhist. They say Christians have the ‘C-virus’ and put out that it must be eradicated by all and any means.
“There are ethnic groups that are 60 to 70 per cent Christian and they’re often the ones at the forefont of the pro-democracy movement, so to be part of those groups is to be automatically targeted.
“We spoke to church leaders who said they had regular visits by the authorities, sometimes two or three times a night, checking up on what they’re doing and who they’re with. Churches are routinely closed down and Christians are made to do jobs that are disgusting and live under the constant pressure of being harrassed or threatened.
“It also happens to Buddhist Burmese – it’s a country of intolerable suffering – but if you’re Christian it’s much worse.”
Rev Hattan said unlike other western visitors, his group was given a suprising amount of freedom to travel, partly because they were working with Burmese people who “knew what they were doing”.
He said: “We never felt we were in danger, but you were aware that people were encouraged to pass on to the Government anything that was unusual.
You’ve no idea if people are on the payroll of the Government – it’s like the old Soviet Union.”
l Release International, which celebrates its 40th anniversary this year, was originally formed to support Christians living in the old Communist world, but now operates in countries like Nigeria, Pakistan, Iraq, Sri Lanka and India where Christians may be persecuted by the Government, other religious groups or even drug barons – as in Colombia.
Rev Hattan has been involved with the charity for about 12 years and sometimes travels with his wife, Angie.
Writers Play Cat-and-Mouse Game with State Censors
Rebound88-newsblaze.com
It was a love poem, cleared by Burmese censors, in which a brokenhearted man rejected by a fashion model thanked her for teaching him the meaning of love. But when the first letters of each line were read vertically, it said "General Than Shwe [the country's principal military ruler] is crazy with power."
On January 22, after news of the hidden message reached the authorities, poet Saw Wei was arrested. But, as far as the military junta was concerned, the damage already was done, because Saw Wei had breached Burma's notorious Press Scrutiny and Registration Board (PSRB) and successfully broadcast a message of political dissent.
Burma's writers, journalists and other intellectuals have been coping with state censorship since the country's colonial days, but intense and unpredictable scrutiny in place since 1962 under the military regime has spawned subtle literary traditions and brazen attempts at self-expression, according to a source who specializes in Burmese literature.
The specialist, who spoke to America.gov on condition of anonymity, said Burmese traditions of writing between the lines, using words with double meanings, and other cryptic styles help writers get material out to their information-starved countrymen despite state censorship.
"There's a lot of interest in words that sort of pack a punch without revealing too much, and I really see that as a whole literary tradition that's developed because of the long history of state control," the specialist said. "They say art is all about constraint, and I would say that's really true. There is this sort of cleverness of working with constraint."
Some literary change is reflected in the rise of magazines and journals (gya-neh) or weekly news tabloids as the main outlets for self-expression, rather than novels or short stories that are labor-intensive and difficult to publish.
Some Burmese intellectuals consider much of the country's post-modern literature "gibberish" because the prose lacks plot and the poetry is nonspecific, resembling a "word salad." But the specialist described the new Burmese literature as "one of the more extreme responses to censorship," because it allows a writer under investigation to claim the work has no real meaning. "It's kind of their way of bypassing the censorship system and then sort of communicating in some way."
One challenge all writers face is staying abreast of the state's ever-changing list of problematic topics.
"If the general gives a talk on teenage behavior, then your article in your journal or your magazine about teen fashions might get censored, even if there's nothing political in it. There are a lot of times that things that aren't political at all will get censored, and it's more like the censorship board is worried and so they start looking for meanings when maybe none are there at all," the specialist said.
Occasionally, writers and editors will be surprisingly open in their topics, and that tolerance for risk "is really an indicator of frustration."
The June 2008 issue of Cherry magazine featured a poem "De Pa Yin Ga," about heroic figures in Burma's history who were lost because their people were unfaithful to them. But the title also could refer to Depayin, the town where democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters were attacked by a government-sponsored mob in a May 2003 incident that killed 70 people.
On June 30, Cherry's poetry editor, Htay Aung, was fired and the PSRB ordered the June issue - which already had sold out - recalled. The specialist expressed surprise that the poem was submitted, and also that it made it past the censors. Perhaps "someone on the censor board wanted the subversive poem to get through. I think a more likely explanation is that it just slipped through inadvertently." The sheer volume of material to be reviewed makes it "very difficult for censors to catch this sort of thing before printing," the specialist said. "It has to be found by readers."
Other examples:
. After Cyclone Nargis in May, a survivor unveiled a billboard reading, "We want food, not gold." In Burmese, shwe, means gold, a probable reference to General Than Shwe.
. During an October 2007 crackdown on pro-democracy protests, a state newspaper employee published a photo of a London demonstration against Burma's rulers, with a deliberately erroneous caption saying it was a protest against the war in Iraq.
. Early in 2007, an advertisement placed in a major Burmese newspaper for a fake Scandinavian travel agency contained the hidden message "Killer Than Shwe."
. In 1998, a printing error transposed a headline to the opposite page. As a result, the words "world's greatest liar" appeared over the Burmese ruler's photo.
. In 1995, the Burmese army's Yadanabon newspaper ran a personal ad wishing someone named "U Tin Maung Kyi" a happy anniversary. A backwards reading presents "Kyi Maung" and "Tin U," two senior pro-democracy leaders imprisoned at the time.
"There is a long tradition of hiding messages in this way," said the specialist who, after hearing about Saw Wei's poem, related how an anonymous writer used similar technique in 1978 to spell out "July 7" on a wall of Rangoon University - a reference to the day the army blew up the student union building in 1962.
Writers and intellectuals see themselves as the voice of the people and feel a strong sense of social responsibility despite being generally apolitical. That lends special significance to poet Aung Way's September 2007 call for other writers to support the pro-democracy movement led by Burmese monks. (See "Burma's Monks Have History of Democratic Protest ( http://www.america.gov/st/washfile-english/2007/September/20070925140940esnamfuak0.9778864.html ).")
"There's a tradition of respecting writers and intellectuals in Burma so when they put themselves on the line it gets attention. It's very similar to the monks stepping forward," the specialist said.
It was a love poem, cleared by Burmese censors, in which a brokenhearted man rejected by a fashion model thanked her for teaching him the meaning of love. But when the first letters of each line were read vertically, it said "General Than Shwe [the country's principal military ruler] is crazy with power."
On January 22, after news of the hidden message reached the authorities, poet Saw Wei was arrested. But, as far as the military junta was concerned, the damage already was done, because Saw Wei had breached Burma's notorious Press Scrutiny and Registration Board (PSRB) and successfully broadcast a message of political dissent.
Burma's writers, journalists and other intellectuals have been coping with state censorship since the country's colonial days, but intense and unpredictable scrutiny in place since 1962 under the military regime has spawned subtle literary traditions and brazen attempts at self-expression, according to a source who specializes in Burmese literature.
The specialist, who spoke to America.gov on condition of anonymity, said Burmese traditions of writing between the lines, using words with double meanings, and other cryptic styles help writers get material out to their information-starved countrymen despite state censorship.
"There's a lot of interest in words that sort of pack a punch without revealing too much, and I really see that as a whole literary tradition that's developed because of the long history of state control," the specialist said. "They say art is all about constraint, and I would say that's really true. There is this sort of cleverness of working with constraint."
Some literary change is reflected in the rise of magazines and journals (gya-neh) or weekly news tabloids as the main outlets for self-expression, rather than novels or short stories that are labor-intensive and difficult to publish.
Some Burmese intellectuals consider much of the country's post-modern literature "gibberish" because the prose lacks plot and the poetry is nonspecific, resembling a "word salad." But the specialist described the new Burmese literature as "one of the more extreme responses to censorship," because it allows a writer under investigation to claim the work has no real meaning. "It's kind of their way of bypassing the censorship system and then sort of communicating in some way."
One challenge all writers face is staying abreast of the state's ever-changing list of problematic topics.
"If the general gives a talk on teenage behavior, then your article in your journal or your magazine about teen fashions might get censored, even if there's nothing political in it. There are a lot of times that things that aren't political at all will get censored, and it's more like the censorship board is worried and so they start looking for meanings when maybe none are there at all," the specialist said.
Occasionally, writers and editors will be surprisingly open in their topics, and that tolerance for risk "is really an indicator of frustration."
The June 2008 issue of Cherry magazine featured a poem "De Pa Yin Ga," about heroic figures in Burma's history who were lost because their people were unfaithful to them. But the title also could refer to Depayin, the town where democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters were attacked by a government-sponsored mob in a May 2003 incident that killed 70 people.
On June 30, Cherry's poetry editor, Htay Aung, was fired and the PSRB ordered the June issue - which already had sold out - recalled. The specialist expressed surprise that the poem was submitted, and also that it made it past the censors. Perhaps "someone on the censor board wanted the subversive poem to get through. I think a more likely explanation is that it just slipped through inadvertently." The sheer volume of material to be reviewed makes it "very difficult for censors to catch this sort of thing before printing," the specialist said. "It has to be found by readers."
Other examples:
. After Cyclone Nargis in May, a survivor unveiled a billboard reading, "We want food, not gold." In Burmese, shwe, means gold, a probable reference to General Than Shwe.
. During an October 2007 crackdown on pro-democracy protests, a state newspaper employee published a photo of a London demonstration against Burma's rulers, with a deliberately erroneous caption saying it was a protest against the war in Iraq.
. Early in 2007, an advertisement placed in a major Burmese newspaper for a fake Scandinavian travel agency contained the hidden message "Killer Than Shwe."
. In 1998, a printing error transposed a headline to the opposite page. As a result, the words "world's greatest liar" appeared over the Burmese ruler's photo.
. In 1995, the Burmese army's Yadanabon newspaper ran a personal ad wishing someone named "U Tin Maung Kyi" a happy anniversary. A backwards reading presents "Kyi Maung" and "Tin U," two senior pro-democracy leaders imprisoned at the time.
"There is a long tradition of hiding messages in this way," said the specialist who, after hearing about Saw Wei's poem, related how an anonymous writer used similar technique in 1978 to spell out "July 7" on a wall of Rangoon University - a reference to the day the army blew up the student union building in 1962.
Writers and intellectuals see themselves as the voice of the people and feel a strong sense of social responsibility despite being generally apolitical. That lends special significance to poet Aung Way's September 2007 call for other writers to support the pro-democracy movement led by Burmese monks. (See "Burma's Monks Have History of Democratic Protest ( http://www.america.gov/st/washfile-english/2007/September/20070925140940esnamfuak0.9778864.html ).")
"There's a tradition of respecting writers and intellectuals in Burma so when they put themselves on the line it gets attention. It's very similar to the monks stepping forward," the specialist said.
Iron Cross forced to delay show in support of cyclone victims by junta
01 Aug 2008, IMNA
The Iron Cross (IC), the popular and famous music band in Rangoon has had to postpone its live performance to raise funds for Cyclone Nargis victims at the Thuwanha stadium because of the dilatory tactics of the ruling Burmese junta.
The authorities told the music band earlier that they (authorities) had shifted dates from July 16 to August 24 because the military sports had to be held, according to source close to the IC.
According to the source, "The authorities have delayed the live show thrice and if they delay it again the IC will not be able do the show to collect funds". Lay Phyu, Ahnge, Myo Gyi, and Wai Wai were to perform in the live show.
According to IC fans, the authorities do not have much love for the IC because the band has not ever sung Burmese propaganda music.
The IC band also planned to perform in Mon State earlier but the Southeast Command banned them after youths quarreled in the festival.
However IC plans to have a stage show after the end of the Buddhist Lent in Kamawet village at the Kyaik Kamort Pagoda Festival in October 20, 2008.
The Iron Cross (IC), the popular and famous music band in Rangoon has had to postpone its live performance to raise funds for Cyclone Nargis victims at the Thuwanha stadium because of the dilatory tactics of the ruling Burmese junta.
The authorities told the music band earlier that they (authorities) had shifted dates from July 16 to August 24 because the military sports had to be held, according to source close to the IC.
According to the source, "The authorities have delayed the live show thrice and if they delay it again the IC will not be able do the show to collect funds". Lay Phyu, Ahnge, Myo Gyi, and Wai Wai were to perform in the live show.
According to IC fans, the authorities do not have much love for the IC because the band has not ever sung Burmese propaganda music.
The IC band also planned to perform in Mon State earlier but the Southeast Command banned them after youths quarreled in the festival.
However IC plans to have a stage show after the end of the Buddhist Lent in Kamawet village at the Kyaik Kamort Pagoda Festival in October 20, 2008.
Military Authority Donates 70 Million Kyat of Food to Sittwe Monasteries
Sittwe (Narinjara): The Burmese military government donated food worth 70 million kyat recently to monasteries in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, in order to protect against a food shortage in the city's monasteries during the rainy season, said an abbot from Sittwe.
The abbot said, "The donation was made by newly appointed Western Command Commander General Thaung Aye on behalf of the government recently in a donation ceremony that was held at Lawkarnada temple in Sittwe."
At the donation ceremony, 110 abbots from several monasteries in Sittwe attended and received the donation. The western command commander handed over the goods to each monastery during the ceremony.
A local source said that the biggest monastery in Sittwe, Pathein, received 170 rice bags, while another large monastery, Myoma, received 120 rice bags from the government.
"All monasteries in Sittwe received the donation of rice and other goods from the Burmese military government, but there was not equal distribution among the monasteries. If a monastery is close to the authority, it received more rice from the government," the abbot said.
The government donation included three staples - rice, cooking oil, and salt.
Some monasteries, however, refused to accept the government's donation. Zawdi Karron monastery was among those that refused the donation.
The abbot said, "I do not know why the monastery refused to accept the donation, but the monastery maybe wants to live peacefully without any connection to the government."
Government representatives said during the ceremony that the donation is intended to secure food in all the monasteries in Sittwe, and that it is a goodwill present from the military government to the monks in Sittwe.
Many people in Sittwe, though, believe that the donation is intended to aid in organizing monks in support of the military government, and to lure the monks away from involvement with any anti-government protests in Sittwe in the future.
Such a large donation to monks in Sittwe has never been done before by the military government. Because of this, people suppose that the donation has more to do with politics than goodwill.
The abbot said, "The donation was made by newly appointed Western Command Commander General Thaung Aye on behalf of the government recently in a donation ceremony that was held at Lawkarnada temple in Sittwe."
At the donation ceremony, 110 abbots from several monasteries in Sittwe attended and received the donation. The western command commander handed over the goods to each monastery during the ceremony.
A local source said that the biggest monastery in Sittwe, Pathein, received 170 rice bags, while another large monastery, Myoma, received 120 rice bags from the government.
"All monasteries in Sittwe received the donation of rice and other goods from the Burmese military government, but there was not equal distribution among the monasteries. If a monastery is close to the authority, it received more rice from the government," the abbot said.
The government donation included three staples - rice, cooking oil, and salt.
Some monasteries, however, refused to accept the government's donation. Zawdi Karron monastery was among those that refused the donation.
The abbot said, "I do not know why the monastery refused to accept the donation, but the monastery maybe wants to live peacefully without any connection to the government."
Government representatives said during the ceremony that the donation is intended to secure food in all the monasteries in Sittwe, and that it is a goodwill present from the military government to the monks in Sittwe.
Many people in Sittwe, though, believe that the donation is intended to aid in organizing monks in support of the military government, and to lure the monks away from involvement with any anti-government protests in Sittwe in the future.
Such a large donation to monks in Sittwe has never been done before by the military government. Because of this, people suppose that the donation has more to do with politics than goodwill.
Forced Labor Used at Castor Oil Plantation
Sittwe (Narinjara): Many villagers have been forced by local authorities to work at a castor oil plantation in Sittwe Township, Arakan State, without any compensation, said a villager from the area.
The villager said, "The military government announced in 2000 that there is no forced labor in Burma, but in our area, forced labor is still alive and it has been used by the local authorities."
Villagers from Kwee Day, Amyint Kyunt, Par Dalike, Nga Tauk, and Chi Li Byint in Sittwe Township have been summoned by village authorities to work at the castor oil plantations.
"The forced labor is being used by the village council, Rayaka, on the orders of the Sittwe Township authority, and the villagers have to work at the castor oil plantation whenever the authority needs forced labor for the plantation," the villager said.
The authority has planted the castor oil plants on many acres of land in the area, after confiscating grazing lands that had been owned by local residents.
"Recently our villagers had to go to the castor plantation to work without any wage. We had to work there at many tasks, including putting up fences, making drains or gutters, and cleaning up brush on the plantation," the villager said.
The villagers in the area have been used by authorities at all times of the year, during both the rainy season and the dry season.
The Burmese military authorities have announced that there is no forced labor in Burma, but there have been reports that local authorities are using people as forced labor in many areas in Arakan State, where people are unable to complain of the violation to the ILO office in Rangoon.
The villager said, "The military government announced in 2000 that there is no forced labor in Burma, but in our area, forced labor is still alive and it has been used by the local authorities."
Villagers from Kwee Day, Amyint Kyunt, Par Dalike, Nga Tauk, and Chi Li Byint in Sittwe Township have been summoned by village authorities to work at the castor oil plantations.
"The forced labor is being used by the village council, Rayaka, on the orders of the Sittwe Township authority, and the villagers have to work at the castor oil plantation whenever the authority needs forced labor for the plantation," the villager said.
The authority has planted the castor oil plants on many acres of land in the area, after confiscating grazing lands that had been owned by local residents.
"Recently our villagers had to go to the castor plantation to work without any wage. We had to work there at many tasks, including putting up fences, making drains or gutters, and cleaning up brush on the plantation," the villager said.
The villagers in the area have been used by authorities at all times of the year, during both the rainy season and the dry season.
The Burmese military authorities have announced that there is no forced labor in Burma, but there have been reports that local authorities are using people as forced labor in many areas in Arakan State, where people are unable to complain of the violation to the ILO office in Rangoon.
Prominent writer, astrologer Min Thein Kha expires
Mizzima News
31 July 2008
Chiang Mai - Prominent writer and astrologer Min Thein Kha died on Friday morning at a private clinic in Rangoon after suffering from numerous ailments.
Min Thein Kha, (70) was a renowned writer and a famous astrologer. He and was suffering from diabetes, high blood pressure, and other ailments over the last five years. He passed away on Friday at Rangoon's ThukhaKaba clinic, one of his pupil said.
"He died this morning at about 6 a.m. He was hospitalized since July 4. Doctors on July 15 discharged him from the clinic but since his health deteriorated, we took him to the clinic again yesterday," the pupil told Mizzima over telephone.
Min Thein Kha, who owns a ranch known as 'Ayudaw Mingalar' at Hmawbe Township, is known for his adventurous novels, fictional detective and historical and legendary stories. His characters including 'Sarpalin Hninmaung and Sanay Maung Maung' are popular among readers in Burma.
He was also famous for his astrological predictions and particularly known for giving names to famous actors, actresses and singers before they began their careers as celebrities.
In Burma, despite the modern lifestyle fast being adapted, people still believe in superstitious practices like renaming themselves before they choose a career to be successful.
Despite his later popularity Min Thein Kha did not have a successful beginning. As a young man, he worked hard as a waiter in a teashop in Central Burma's Chuak town in Magwe division.
He was also famously known for his benevolence in providing free food to whoever came to his 'Ayudaw Mingalar' ranch in Hmawbe township near Rangoon.
31 July 2008
Chiang Mai - Prominent writer and astrologer Min Thein Kha died on Friday morning at a private clinic in Rangoon after suffering from numerous ailments.
Min Thein Kha, (70) was a renowned writer and a famous astrologer. He and was suffering from diabetes, high blood pressure, and other ailments over the last five years. He passed away on Friday at Rangoon's ThukhaKaba clinic, one of his pupil said.
"He died this morning at about 6 a.m. He was hospitalized since July 4. Doctors on July 15 discharged him from the clinic but since his health deteriorated, we took him to the clinic again yesterday," the pupil told Mizzima over telephone.
Min Thein Kha, who owns a ranch known as 'Ayudaw Mingalar' at Hmawbe Township, is known for his adventurous novels, fictional detective and historical and legendary stories. His characters including 'Sarpalin Hninmaung and Sanay Maung Maung' are popular among readers in Burma.
He was also famous for his astrological predictions and particularly known for giving names to famous actors, actresses and singers before they began their careers as celebrities.
In Burma, despite the modern lifestyle fast being adapted, people still believe in superstitious practices like renaming themselves before they choose a career to be successful.
Despite his later popularity Min Thein Kha did not have a successful beginning. As a young man, he worked hard as a waiter in a teashop in Central Burma's Chuak town in Magwe division.
He was also famously known for his benevolence in providing free food to whoever came to his 'Ayudaw Mingalar' ranch in Hmawbe township near Rangoon.
The Irrawaddy Business Roundup - August 1, 2008
- Burma, India Close to Signing Chindwin Dams Agreement
- Junta Attends South Asian Trade Summit as Observer
- UN Burma Donors May Seek ‘Lost’ Cyclone Funds
- Burmese Workers Opt for Qatar despite Abuse Reports
- Qatar began issuing visas to Burmese in 2005.
Friday, August 1, 2008
Burma, India Close to Signing Chindwin Dams Agreement
India and Burma are reported to be close to signing an outline agreement to allow an Indian state company to build two large hydroelectric power systems on the River Chindwin.
The projects have been under discussion for years but are now moving to a formal memorandum of understanding, says The Financial Express of India.
The newspaper puts the cost of the two projects at around US $3.5 billion.
The blueprint plan for the huge deal involves a total electricity generating capacity of 1,800 megawatts—far more than Burma’s current entire installed capacity.
But as with similar projects planned on Burma’s eastern rivers by Thai and Chinese companies, most of the electricity would be transmitted out of the country.
The Financial Express says progress on the Chindwin projects— which were first mooted more than seven years ago —has accelerated since India lost out to China on buying the huge gas reserves in the offshore Shwe field.
Analysts say that instead of relations souring between New Delhi and Naypyidaw over the China-Shwe gas coup, they have considerably improved.
India’s National Hydroelectric Power Corporation wants to build 1,200 megawatt and a 600-megawatt hydro dam systems on the Chindwin at Tamanthi and Shwzaye. Resulting electricity would be fed into India’s eastern grid via Manipur State bordering Burma.
“Progress on this front is being seen as a big positive in the bilateral ties between the two countries, which had soured after Myanmar [Burma] decided to withdraw India’s “preferential buyer” status for [Shwe] gas exports,” said The Financial Express this week.
Junta Attends South Asian Trade Summit as Observer
Burma is attending a regional trade, food and energy security conference in the Sri Lankan capital Colombo this weekend.
The military junta has been granted observer status at the South Asian Association of Regional Corporation (SAARC) summit, which brings together the heads of government of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, the Maldives, Bhutan and Afghanistan.
SAARC is mainly concerned with cooperation on basic resources infrastructure as a means of helping development and reducing poverty, but as with all similar organizations since September 11, 2001, it now has the issue of terrorism on the agenda.
Burma has applied for full membership of SAARC and is being backed by India, reported the Press Trust of India this week.
SAARC has recently introduced a fledgling free trade agreement among member countries, making it potentially the world’s biggest market with a combined population of about 1.5 billion.
However, many obstacles to free trade remain. A first step is lowering all trade tariffs among member countries to 20 percent.
Other observers at the two-day Colombo summit include China, Iran, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, the US and Australia.
UN Burma Donors May Seek ‘Lost’ Cyclone Funds
New York-based NGO Inner City Press says some countries that donated to the Cyclone Nargis cash aid appeal are furious at the UN admission that at least $10 million has been lost to the Burma generals in a currency exchange scam.
“Legislators in many donor countries which responded to the UN’s appeals for humanitarian assistance are preparing a demand that the stolen aid money be returned by the Than Shwe government,” says Inner City Press spokesman Matthew Russell Lee.
The NGO investigates issues such as transparency, corporate accountability and predatory lending.
The $10 million loss was disclosed by the UN’s humanitarian chief, John Holmes, when he returned to New York after a post-cyclone assessment visit to Burma.
The US is forced to convert U.S. dollars needed for cash purchases within Burma into Burmese kyat via Foreign Exchange Certificates with the junta-controlled Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank.
But after the cyclone the exchange rate suddenly dropped, resulting in losses on the converted aid money of at least 15 percent.
Burmese Workers Opt for Qatar despite Abuse Reports
The tiny Middle East emirate of Qatar has emerged as the fourth most popular destination for Burmese seeking work abroad— despite reports of abuse and poor conditions.
Qatar is one of several small, independent emirates on the Persian Gulf investing huge sums on development from oil and gas revenue, and needs labor for construction and services such as hotels.
Qatar is in fourth place behind Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore as a destination for migrant labor, according to the Chinese official news agency Xinhua, citing Burmese officials.
Qatar began issuing visas to Burmese in 2005.
Qatar has a population of just 900,000, and foreign workers comprise almost 90 percent of the labor force.
The emirate is attractive because it promises higher wages, tax free, than in Southeast Asia. Migrant workers can earn up to $850 per month.
However, a recent US State Department Trafficking in Persons Report alleged that some foreign workers lured to Qatar by promises of high wages are forced into underpaid labor.
In July, the Qatar government announced it would extend labor law protection rights to domestic workers.
Relations between Naypyidaw and Qatar are not too cozy: the Burmese authorities turned back a rescue team from Qatar that flew to Rangoon to help in the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in early May.
Junta May Allow More Daily Newspapers
hmmm what's in it for Ross?
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
The Burmese military regime is reportedly ready to allow a privately owned English language weekly newspaper to go daily.
The Myanmar Times in a report in the July 21 edition quoted CEO Ross Dunkley, an Australian businessman: “Our senior management has been informed that our ambition to turn The Myanmar Times into a daily newspaper is taken seriously.”
“Potentially, that’s all good news and not just for us but for all leading players in the media sector,” he said. “Just as the government is evolving, so must we.”
Staffers at the weekly newspaper have been reshuffled, preparing for changes to the political landscape as the Burmese regime moves towards national elections in 2010, the newspaper said.
A journalist at The Myanmar Times who spoke on condition of anonymity said the weekly plans to launch an English language daily edition by 2009.
An editor with a leading journal in Rangoon noted the junta still does not allow privately owned daily Burmese language newspapers. The government allows three Burmese language daily newspapers and one English language daily newspaper, all state-run.
Journalist sources in Rangoon said information minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan met with officials of Burma’s censorship board and leading weeklies, including The Myanmar Times and Weekly Eleven News, several times.
Kyaw Hsan is known as Burma’s “Comical Ali” because of his whimsical statements. He once said, “A nation may fall under colonial rule because of the media.”
During the meetings, sources said Kyaw Hsan said the regime would likely grant permission for the daily English edition ahead of the election, but did not give a precise date.
The Myanmar Times and Weekly Eleven News declined to comment when contacted by The Irrawaddy.
Ko Ko, the editor of the Yangon Times, said that under the current political environment, the idea of printing a privately owned daily newspaper in Burmese was impossible because Burmese weekly journals were experiencing many difficulties under the regime’s censorship.
He said a private daily newspaper in the English language might be possible, but he said, “It could not be a fully privately owned newspaper, but jointly owned by private parties and the government."
Analysts say at least five Burmese weekly newspapers have the capacity to turn into daily newspapers.
If the regime approves The Myanmar Times’ daily edition, it would be the first daily newspaper partly owned by foreigners during military rule.
The Myanmar Times was formed in 2000 by Ross Dunkley and Sunny Swe, a son of one of Burma’s then high ranking military intelligence officers, Brig-Gen Thein Swe.
Sonny Swe was arrested following the downfall of former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt in 2004 and sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for corruption.
Burmese publications are strictly censored by the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division, the formal name of the censorship board of the Ministry of Information.
Editorial boards of Burmese newspapers and magazines traditionally exercise self-censorship in order to publish.
Ohn Kyaing, a veteran journalist in Rangoon, said the media business in Burma must be well-connected to authorities.
“Even if some journals become daily newspapers, the Burmese people still will not experience press freedom if there is censorship of Burma’s media,” he said. “If the junta allows an English language daily newspaper, I am sure the ruling generals are preparing fresh propaganda for foreigners.”
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
The Burmese military regime is reportedly ready to allow a privately owned English language weekly newspaper to go daily.
The Myanmar Times in a report in the July 21 edition quoted CEO Ross Dunkley, an Australian businessman: “Our senior management has been informed that our ambition to turn The Myanmar Times into a daily newspaper is taken seriously.”
“Potentially, that’s all good news and not just for us but for all leading players in the media sector,” he said. “Just as the government is evolving, so must we.”
Staffers at the weekly newspaper have been reshuffled, preparing for changes to the political landscape as the Burmese regime moves towards national elections in 2010, the newspaper said.
A journalist at The Myanmar Times who spoke on condition of anonymity said the weekly plans to launch an English language daily edition by 2009.
An editor with a leading journal in Rangoon noted the junta still does not allow privately owned daily Burmese language newspapers. The government allows three Burmese language daily newspapers and one English language daily newspaper, all state-run.
Journalist sources in Rangoon said information minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan met with officials of Burma’s censorship board and leading weeklies, including The Myanmar Times and Weekly Eleven News, several times.
Kyaw Hsan is known as Burma’s “Comical Ali” because of his whimsical statements. He once said, “A nation may fall under colonial rule because of the media.”
During the meetings, sources said Kyaw Hsan said the regime would likely grant permission for the daily English edition ahead of the election, but did not give a precise date.
The Myanmar Times and Weekly Eleven News declined to comment when contacted by The Irrawaddy.
Ko Ko, the editor of the Yangon Times, said that under the current political environment, the idea of printing a privately owned daily newspaper in Burmese was impossible because Burmese weekly journals were experiencing many difficulties under the regime’s censorship.
He said a private daily newspaper in the English language might be possible, but he said, “It could not be a fully privately owned newspaper, but jointly owned by private parties and the government."
Analysts say at least five Burmese weekly newspapers have the capacity to turn into daily newspapers.
If the regime approves The Myanmar Times’ daily edition, it would be the first daily newspaper partly owned by foreigners during military rule.
The Myanmar Times was formed in 2000 by Ross Dunkley and Sunny Swe, a son of one of Burma’s then high ranking military intelligence officers, Brig-Gen Thein Swe.
Sonny Swe was arrested following the downfall of former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt in 2004 and sentenced to 14 years imprisonment for corruption.
Burmese publications are strictly censored by the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division, the formal name of the censorship board of the Ministry of Information.
Editorial boards of Burmese newspapers and magazines traditionally exercise self-censorship in order to publish.
Ohn Kyaing, a veteran journalist in Rangoon, said the media business in Burma must be well-connected to authorities.
“Even if some journals become daily newspapers, the Burmese people still will not experience press freedom if there is censorship of Burma’s media,” he said. “If the junta allows an English language daily newspaper, I am sure the ruling generals are preparing fresh propaganda for foreigners.”
Press for Release of Political Prisoners, Say Activists
Tomas Ojea Quintana from Argentina, Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Burma. (Photo: AP)By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
The new UN human rights rapporteur for Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, should visit political prisoners and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and forcefully press for their release during his first visit to Burma next week, say human rights activists.
The new UN human rights rapporteur is scheduled to visit Burma from August 3 to 7 discuss human rights issues with the Burmese military government.
Tate Naing, the secretary of a Thailand-based Burmese prisoners’ rights group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners—Burma (AAPP), said the new UN human rights repporteur should meet with long-term political prisoners including Win Tin, a prominent journalist, as well as detained leaders of the 88 Generation Students group.
“We want to urge him to try to meet and discuss freely with the Win Tin, and the 88 Generation Students group including Min Ko Naing. It is also necessary to ask for their release,” said Tate Naing.
Dozens of leaders of the 88 Generation Students group are currently detained in Insein Prison. They were arrested in August 2007 following protests against sharp increases in fuel enacted by the Burmese regime.
Benjamin Zawacki, an Amnesty International researcher on Burma, said, “We will hope that the special rapporteur can persuade the government of Myanmar to release all prisoners of conscience immediately.
During his visit, Quintana said he hoped to meet with Burmese generals, heads of state institutions, political parties, ethnic groups, religious groups and members of nongovernmental organizations in Burma.
The UN said on Thursday in a statement announcing the visit, “The special rapporteur wishes to engage in a constructive dialogue with the authorities with a view to improving the human rights situation of the people of Myanmar.”
The new UN human rights rapporteur also requested to visit areas in Rangoon and the Irrawaddy delta which were devastated by Cyclone Nargis on May 2-3, in addition to Karen and Arakan states.
In May 2008, Quintana took over from Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, who served as UN special rapporteur from December 2000 to April 2008.
Meanwhile, the UN secretary-general's special adviser, Ibrahim Gambari, is scheduled to visit Burma in mid-August. It will be his fourth visit in order to persuade the Burmese regime to move toward democratic reforms and the release of political detainees.
UN envoy to discuss human rights in Myanmar
New York (Earth Times)- A United Nations rapporteur is scheduled to visit Myanmar next week to discuss human rights concerns, it was announced Thursday. The UN rapporteur for human rights, Tomás Ojea Quintana, will be in Myanmar, formerly Burma, from Sunday to Thursday for a first visit to the country ruled by the military for more than four decades, and which has not considered human rights issues a top priority.
Quintana has requested to meet a number of government officials, heads of state institutions as well as ethnic groups, political parties, religious groups and non-governmental organizations.
The UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, which employs the rapporteur, said he will visit Yangon and areas affected by the devastating Cyclone Nargis in May, the Kayin state in the southeast and Rakhine state on the coast of the Bay of Bengal.
"The special rapporteur wishes to engage in a constructive dialogue with the authorities with a view to improving the human rights situation of the people of Myanmar," the council said in a press release announcing the visit.
Special rapporteurs on human rights work independently and without pay, and they report back to the council in Geneva.
Ibrahim Gambari, the UN secretary general's special adviser, is scheduled also to visit Myanmar in mid-August, a trip postponed from May because of the cyclone. It will be his fourth trip to Myanmar in the past year to try to persuade the military government into instituting democratic reforms, and releasing political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the main opposition National League of Democracy.
Quintana has requested to meet a number of government officials, heads of state institutions as well as ethnic groups, political parties, religious groups and non-governmental organizations.
The UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, which employs the rapporteur, said he will visit Yangon and areas affected by the devastating Cyclone Nargis in May, the Kayin state in the southeast and Rakhine state on the coast of the Bay of Bengal.
"The special rapporteur wishes to engage in a constructive dialogue with the authorities with a view to improving the human rights situation of the people of Myanmar," the council said in a press release announcing the visit.
Special rapporteurs on human rights work independently and without pay, and they report back to the council in Geneva.
Ibrahim Gambari, the UN secretary general's special adviser, is scheduled also to visit Myanmar in mid-August, a trip postponed from May because of the cyclone. It will be his fourth trip to Myanmar in the past year to try to persuade the military government into instituting democratic reforms, and releasing political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the main opposition National League of Democracy.
Burmese monks and students lashes at the UN for back stepping
Rangoon, 01 August, (Asiantribune.com) All Burma monks and student have endorsed the views expressed 5 Members of Burmese Parliament – elect that United Nations is stepping back from its benchmarks, which is the realization of an all party-inclusive, democratic, participatory and transparent process of national reconciliation. Instead of working for these benchmarks, they have been allowing the Burmese military regime to embark on its unilateral and brutal path and forcing democracy forces to live in an untenable position.
All Burma Monks’ Alliance, the 88 Generation Students and All Burma Federation of Student Unions in their joint statement categorically stated that they fully support they statement issued on 18 July, by Members of Parliament-elect, Members of Committee Representing the Peoples’ Parliament and Members of States and Divisions Organizing Committees, in which they bravely declared that they would not recognize and accept the 2010 election and they would not participate in that election.
The full text of their joint statement is given below:
Role of the United Nations in Burma/Myanmar
(1) We are encouraged by the statement issued by Members of Parliament-elect, Members of Committee Representing the Peoples’ Parliament and Members of States and Divisions Organizing Committees, dated 18 July 2008, in which they bravely declared that they would not recognize and accept the 2010 election and they would not participate in that election. We support the courageous act of Members of Parliament, elected by the people of Burma in the 1990 general elections, who deserve to hold the offices as mandated by the people.
(2) We also share the concerns of Members of Parliament, expressed in the open letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Permanent Representatives of the members of the UN Security Council, dated 21 July 2008, signed by 5 Members of Parliament on behalf of all Members of Parliament-elect. In the letter, they correctly stressed that the United Nations is stepping back from its benchmarks, which is the realization of an all party-inclusive, democratic, participatory and transparent process of national reconciliation. Instead of working for these benchmarks, they have been allowing the Burmese military regime to embark on its unilateral and brutal path and forcing democracy forces to live in an untenable position. This is totally true and we also want Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to review his mission and correct it in time before he sends his special envoy to Burma.
(3) We understand that the Secretary-General does not have the power to make the Burmese military regime listen to his voice. However, we don’t underestimate his moral authority, which he used courageously to defend the rights of the people in Zimbabwe. He decisively called the run-off presidential election in Zimbabwe illegitimate. We expect that he will similarly employ his moral authority in Burma/Myanmar, stand up for the rights of the people of Burma/Myanmar and call the outcome of the Referendum in May illegitimate. He should recognize that the people of Burma/Myanmar do not have the right to express their true and genuine will under the brutal military regime.
(4) We also understand that UN Security Council has failed to take effective action on Burma/Myanmar, as obstructed by two veto yielding members, China and Russia. However, if the Secretary-General openly and strongly asks the Security Council take action on Burma/Myanmar, we believe that China and Russia might change their position. We hope that the Secretary-General will employ his diplomatic skills and moral authority to convince the members of the Security Council to play more an important role in our country, and make the military regime listen to their authoritative voice.
(5) However, we are witnessing the opposite. The Secretary-General sent his special envoy to Burma/Myanmar to convince the military regime to engage in a meaningful and time-bound dialogue. To our surprise, the special envoy came to Burma/Myanmar and as soon as he left the plane, he became virtually a prisoner of the regime. He was placed at a regime guesthouse, his schedule was totally controlled by the regime, and his meetings with the Burmese regime was reduced to low-level officials, and these low-level officials humiliated him and flatly rejected all of his recommendations. He also was allowed to meet with people only whom the regime agreed.
Instead of convincing the regime with forceful voice and strength of moral authority, it seems that he was convinced by the regime that there was no other way, except to accept their unilateral act as it is. When he went back to New York and reported to the international community, he acted as he had achieved something and he would achieve more. Actually, he is misleading the world with false hopes.
(6) Therefore, we agree and support the claims of the Burmese Members of Parliament, who are the legitimate leaders of our country. This is the time for the Secretary-General to declare that the seven-step roadmap of the Burmese military regime is no longer relevant and the constitution is not legitimate. We also hope that Secretary-General will call for the UN Security Council to take effective action on Burma before more people die. For us, there will be no more election without implementing and recognizing the 1990 election results.
- Asian Tribune -
All Burma Monks’ Alliance, the 88 Generation Students and All Burma Federation of Student Unions in their joint statement categorically stated that they fully support they statement issued on 18 July, by Members of Parliament-elect, Members of Committee Representing the Peoples’ Parliament and Members of States and Divisions Organizing Committees, in which they bravely declared that they would not recognize and accept the 2010 election and they would not participate in that election.
The full text of their joint statement is given below:
Role of the United Nations in Burma/Myanmar
(1) We are encouraged by the statement issued by Members of Parliament-elect, Members of Committee Representing the Peoples’ Parliament and Members of States and Divisions Organizing Committees, dated 18 July 2008, in which they bravely declared that they would not recognize and accept the 2010 election and they would not participate in that election. We support the courageous act of Members of Parliament, elected by the people of Burma in the 1990 general elections, who deserve to hold the offices as mandated by the people.
(2) We also share the concerns of Members of Parliament, expressed in the open letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Permanent Representatives of the members of the UN Security Council, dated 21 July 2008, signed by 5 Members of Parliament on behalf of all Members of Parliament-elect. In the letter, they correctly stressed that the United Nations is stepping back from its benchmarks, which is the realization of an all party-inclusive, democratic, participatory and transparent process of national reconciliation. Instead of working for these benchmarks, they have been allowing the Burmese military regime to embark on its unilateral and brutal path and forcing democracy forces to live in an untenable position. This is totally true and we also want Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to review his mission and correct it in time before he sends his special envoy to Burma.
(3) We understand that the Secretary-General does not have the power to make the Burmese military regime listen to his voice. However, we don’t underestimate his moral authority, which he used courageously to defend the rights of the people in Zimbabwe. He decisively called the run-off presidential election in Zimbabwe illegitimate. We expect that he will similarly employ his moral authority in Burma/Myanmar, stand up for the rights of the people of Burma/Myanmar and call the outcome of the Referendum in May illegitimate. He should recognize that the people of Burma/Myanmar do not have the right to express their true and genuine will under the brutal military regime.
(4) We also understand that UN Security Council has failed to take effective action on Burma/Myanmar, as obstructed by two veto yielding members, China and Russia. However, if the Secretary-General openly and strongly asks the Security Council take action on Burma/Myanmar, we believe that China and Russia might change their position. We hope that the Secretary-General will employ his diplomatic skills and moral authority to convince the members of the Security Council to play more an important role in our country, and make the military regime listen to their authoritative voice.
(5) However, we are witnessing the opposite. The Secretary-General sent his special envoy to Burma/Myanmar to convince the military regime to engage in a meaningful and time-bound dialogue. To our surprise, the special envoy came to Burma/Myanmar and as soon as he left the plane, he became virtually a prisoner of the regime. He was placed at a regime guesthouse, his schedule was totally controlled by the regime, and his meetings with the Burmese regime was reduced to low-level officials, and these low-level officials humiliated him and flatly rejected all of his recommendations. He also was allowed to meet with people only whom the regime agreed.
Instead of convincing the regime with forceful voice and strength of moral authority, it seems that he was convinced by the regime that there was no other way, except to accept their unilateral act as it is. When he went back to New York and reported to the international community, he acted as he had achieved something and he would achieve more. Actually, he is misleading the world with false hopes.
(6) Therefore, we agree and support the claims of the Burmese Members of Parliament, who are the legitimate leaders of our country. This is the time for the Secretary-General to declare that the seven-step roadmap of the Burmese military regime is no longer relevant and the constitution is not legitimate. We also hope that Secretary-General will call for the UN Security Council to take effective action on Burma before more people die. For us, there will be no more election without implementing and recognizing the 1990 election results.
- Asian Tribune -
Zarganar and Zaw Thet Htway appear in court
Jul 31, 2008 (DVB)–Prominent comedian and activist Zarganar and sports writer Zaw Thet Htway have appeared in court for the first time since they were arrested in June.
The two appeared before Western Rangoon provincial court in Insein prison and were charged with violating section 505(b) of the penal code for inciting offences against the state or causing public alarm.
The charge carries a maximum penalty of two years’ imprisonment.
The next court hearing for the pair will be held on 7 August, according to family members of other political prisoners who were present at the hearing.
The two men’s families said they had not been informed of any court hearings.
Both Zarganar and Zaw Thet Htway were enthusiastically working to provide aid to cyclone victims before their arrests on 4 and 13 June respectively.
Reporting by DVB
The two appeared before Western Rangoon provincial court in Insein prison and were charged with violating section 505(b) of the penal code for inciting offences against the state or causing public alarm.
The charge carries a maximum penalty of two years’ imprisonment.
The next court hearing for the pair will be held on 7 August, according to family members of other political prisoners who were present at the hearing.
The two men’s families said they had not been informed of any court hearings.
Both Zarganar and Zaw Thet Htway were enthusiastically working to provide aid to cyclone victims before their arrests on 4 and 13 June respectively.
Reporting by DVB
ABFSU slams abuse of ten Muslim students
Jul 31, 2008 (DVB)–The All Burma Federation of Student Unions has criticised the treatment of ten Muslim student activists who have been sent to hard labour camps for their participation in demonstrations in September 2007.
The ten activists were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment by Kyauktada township court this month and sent to remote prison camps in shackles, the organisation said.
In a statement released on 28 July, ABFSU called on the Burmese regime to respect the rights of students and prison inmates, and urged student and human rights groups and the international community to lobby for their protection.
ABFSU spokesperson Myo Tayza said the harsh conditions in prison work camps, where inmates are subjected to hard labour, poor conditions and no proper medical care, had led to the deaths of many prisoners, including 19 monks.
“They throw various charges at us, then send us to these prison work camps, where there is nothing but physical and mental suffering, and there is little hope that anyone can recover from these things,” Myo Tayza said.
“They are not only giving us punishment under the law, they are also torturing us personally.”
ABFSU accused the junta of deliberately causing mental and physical harm to its opponents and seeking to lower the morale of democracy and human rights activists.
“They are committing these abuses on to make an example of the students to discourage future activists,” Myo Tayza said.
“This is an intentional and criminal act against these people.”
Reporting by Aye Nai
The ten activists were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment by Kyauktada township court this month and sent to remote prison camps in shackles, the organisation said.
In a statement released on 28 July, ABFSU called on the Burmese regime to respect the rights of students and prison inmates, and urged student and human rights groups and the international community to lobby for their protection.
ABFSU spokesperson Myo Tayza said the harsh conditions in prison work camps, where inmates are subjected to hard labour, poor conditions and no proper medical care, had led to the deaths of many prisoners, including 19 monks.
“They throw various charges at us, then send us to these prison work camps, where there is nothing but physical and mental suffering, and there is little hope that anyone can recover from these things,” Myo Tayza said.
“They are not only giving us punishment under the law, they are also torturing us personally.”
ABFSU accused the junta of deliberately causing mental and physical harm to its opponents and seeking to lower the morale of democracy and human rights activists.
“They are committing these abuses on to make an example of the students to discourage future activists,” Myo Tayza said.
“This is an intentional and criminal act against these people.”
Reporting by Aye Nai
Caught in the crossfire
By Hseng Khio Fah /Saw Sai Sai
26 July 2008
(SHAN) - Burmese civilians are caught between a military dictatorship determined to drive them from their villages, and an unsympathetic Thai government more interested in trade than helping refugees.
In 2007 as many as 76,000 villagers were forced to leave their homes as a result of armed conflict and related human rights violations in Eastern Burma. Most of these people are still living in makeshift shelters in the jungle. Others who fled to the safety of Thailand are now being sent back to an uncertain future by the Thai authorities.
To enforce this new hard line policy on July 16, Thai military ordered Karen villagers, mostly women and children who had fled fighting in Northern Burma to leave the safety of a refugee camp in Mae Hong Son Province in Thailand.
The Karen Women’s Organization (KWO), based in Mae Sot, says these refugees are at serious risk if they are forced back to Burma.
“We are seriously concerned for the welfare and safety of these refugees. To repatriate women and children in the middle of the rainy season is particularly cruel and we appeal to the Thai authorities to reconsider their decision and allow them to stay,” said KWO.
The refugees were from Toungoo and Nyaunglaybin district, north of Karen State, Burma, and according to Human Rights Watch group, where the military offensive continues with widespread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law on a scale that amounted to crimes against humanity.
Increased militarization and occupation by the Burma Army in ethnic states has made it impossible for villagers to stay in their own land.
According to a 2007 survey by the Thailand Burmese Border Consortium (TBBC), 273 infantry and light infantry battalions are active in the country’s eastern States-a third of the army.
Saw Hla Henry, secretary of Committee for Internally Displaced Karen Peoples (CIDKP) confirms the Burmese army has increased their operations against villagers.
“The soldiers burnt their homes. Many villagers had to take refuge in hideouts. Others stayed on their farms, but were unable to work under the rule of the military. Many villagers prevented from farming, had difficulty finding enough food to feed their families.”
Saw Hla Henry says getting aid to the displaced villages is difficult.
“When IDPs areas are often patrolled by the military soldiers, they dare not came out from the jungle. We can only provide them a relief of three months by cashes and it is not enough for them to survive. They face diseases such as malaria, malnutrition, diarrhea and other minor disease.”
Amnesty International’s 2008 Report.found that in spite of government ceasefires with the armies of all but three ethnic groups, the destruction of houses and crops, forced displacement, forced labor, portering and killings by the military continued in all seven ethnic states.
Talking to CIDKP report, a Karen woman, Naw Wah, a mother of nine told of her experience the night the Burmese soldiers attacked her village.
“I heard a big shell come over me. One of my sons pulled me down to safety. I was very scared. To save our lives we ran. We tried to take rice and pots with us, but it was difficult because of the darkness. Many people ran to different places. Some villagers escaped across the border to a Thai refugee camp.”
Getting to safety in Thailand has no guarantees. Recent arrivals have been sent back by Thai authorities.
AI report classifies displaced people into three categories: these are IDPs in mixed administration, ceasefire areas, relocation areas and hiding areas.
The TBBC reports that more than 3,000 villages had been destroyed relocated or abandoned in the east between 1996 and 2006 and from 2006 to 2007, at least 167 more villages were displaced. Although the Burmese government denies these figures, satellite photos provides evidence of burnt-out villages, an increasing military presence, and growing populations of displaced people.
TBBC estimates 81,000 IDPs were living in Karenni State as of October 2007. The majorities were in conditions of absolute poverty in ceasefire areas administered by ethnic groups, but the most vulnerable were the 10,000 IDPs hiding from the SPDC and ceasefire party patrols in Shadaw, Pruso and Pasawng townships.
The numbers of displaced people has been increasing in their thousands, as fighting and militarization by the Burma Army continues to displace both civilians and rebels groups. In the past many villagers have taken refugee in neighboring Thailand country of recent action by the Thai military are an indications those days are now over.
The article was submitted to the Human Rights Reporting Workshop, organized by InterNews, 21-26 July 2008 – Editor
26 July 2008
(SHAN) - Burmese civilians are caught between a military dictatorship determined to drive them from their villages, and an unsympathetic Thai government more interested in trade than helping refugees.
In 2007 as many as 76,000 villagers were forced to leave their homes as a result of armed conflict and related human rights violations in Eastern Burma. Most of these people are still living in makeshift shelters in the jungle. Others who fled to the safety of Thailand are now being sent back to an uncertain future by the Thai authorities.
To enforce this new hard line policy on July 16, Thai military ordered Karen villagers, mostly women and children who had fled fighting in Northern Burma to leave the safety of a refugee camp in Mae Hong Son Province in Thailand.
The Karen Women’s Organization (KWO), based in Mae Sot, says these refugees are at serious risk if they are forced back to Burma.
“We are seriously concerned for the welfare and safety of these refugees. To repatriate women and children in the middle of the rainy season is particularly cruel and we appeal to the Thai authorities to reconsider their decision and allow them to stay,” said KWO.
The refugees were from Toungoo and Nyaunglaybin district, north of Karen State, Burma, and according to Human Rights Watch group, where the military offensive continues with widespread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law on a scale that amounted to crimes against humanity.
Increased militarization and occupation by the Burma Army in ethnic states has made it impossible for villagers to stay in their own land.
According to a 2007 survey by the Thailand Burmese Border Consortium (TBBC), 273 infantry and light infantry battalions are active in the country’s eastern States-a third of the army.
Saw Hla Henry, secretary of Committee for Internally Displaced Karen Peoples (CIDKP) confirms the Burmese army has increased their operations against villagers.
“The soldiers burnt their homes. Many villagers had to take refuge in hideouts. Others stayed on their farms, but were unable to work under the rule of the military. Many villagers prevented from farming, had difficulty finding enough food to feed their families.”
Saw Hla Henry says getting aid to the displaced villages is difficult.
“When IDPs areas are often patrolled by the military soldiers, they dare not came out from the jungle. We can only provide them a relief of three months by cashes and it is not enough for them to survive. They face diseases such as malaria, malnutrition, diarrhea and other minor disease.”
Amnesty International’s 2008 Report.found that in spite of government ceasefires with the armies of all but three ethnic groups, the destruction of houses and crops, forced displacement, forced labor, portering and killings by the military continued in all seven ethnic states.
Talking to CIDKP report, a Karen woman, Naw Wah, a mother of nine told of her experience the night the Burmese soldiers attacked her village.
“I heard a big shell come over me. One of my sons pulled me down to safety. I was very scared. To save our lives we ran. We tried to take rice and pots with us, but it was difficult because of the darkness. Many people ran to different places. Some villagers escaped across the border to a Thai refugee camp.”
Getting to safety in Thailand has no guarantees. Recent arrivals have been sent back by Thai authorities.
AI report classifies displaced people into three categories: these are IDPs in mixed administration, ceasefire areas, relocation areas and hiding areas.
The TBBC reports that more than 3,000 villages had been destroyed relocated or abandoned in the east between 1996 and 2006 and from 2006 to 2007, at least 167 more villages were displaced. Although the Burmese government denies these figures, satellite photos provides evidence of burnt-out villages, an increasing military presence, and growing populations of displaced people.
TBBC estimates 81,000 IDPs were living in Karenni State as of October 2007. The majorities were in conditions of absolute poverty in ceasefire areas administered by ethnic groups, but the most vulnerable were the 10,000 IDPs hiding from the SPDC and ceasefire party patrols in Shadaw, Pruso and Pasawng townships.
The numbers of displaced people has been increasing in their thousands, as fighting and militarization by the Burma Army continues to displace both civilians and rebels groups. In the past many villagers have taken refugee in neighboring Thailand country of recent action by the Thai military are an indications those days are now over.
The article was submitted to the Human Rights Reporting Workshop, organized by InterNews, 21-26 July 2008 – Editor
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