By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News
Frequent earthquakes in North Burma this year have raised more concern over the military government’s plan to build a series of mega dams on the Irrawaddy River to generate electricity.
A 5.3 magnitude earthquake struck near the Burma-China border on Wednesday, according to the US Geological Survey (USGS). No deaths were reported.
The quake was reported at 5:35 a.m. (2135 GMT) located 224 kilometers from Dali in southwest China and 65 kilometers from Myitkyina in Burma, according to a statement on the USGS Web site.
Aung Wa, the chairman of the Kachin Development Network Group (KDNG) who is based in Laiza on the Burma-China border, said four earthquakes have struck in Kachin State so far this year.
Naw Lar, the coordinator of the KDNG dam research project, said military authorities should reconsider plans to build dams on the Irrawaddy River, Burma’s most important commercial waterway.
“Burma’s military regime should learn from China,” said Naw Lar. “It is not too late for the regime to re-think and halt its planned dam projects if they seriously think about the impact of earthquakes in Sichuan Province in southwest China.”
The Sichuan earthquake in May killed more than 40,000 people and millions of people in the earthquake zone lived in fear of the potential failure of hydroelectric power dams there. One dam was seriously threatened, but none failed.
Meanwhile, a joint inspection team from China and Burma are engaged in surveying the seven dam projects, which will generate an estimated 13,360 MW in Kachin State in North Burma, a region that is on an earthquake fault line that runs through China's Yunnan Province.
Naw Lar said Burma and China should abandon the dam scheduled to be constructed near Myitsone on a confluence of the Irrawaddy River. The dam, the largest of the proposed structures, is considered to be the most vulnerable to earthquakes.
According to a KDNG report, “Damming the Irrawaddy,” the Myitsone dam is located less than 100 kilometers from a fault line where the Eurasia and India tectonic plates meet.
Since 2006, the dam projects have been in a roll out phase by the Hydropower Project Implementation Department under the Ministry of Electric Power (1) and China Power Investment Corporation (CPI).
"If the Myitsone dam is built and breached by an earthquake, Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State with more than 140,000 people, will be at risk and hundreds of thousands of people in Waingmaw, Sinbo and Bhamo Townships along the Irrawaddy River will be under water,” said Naw Lar.
China’s state-run Xinhua News Agency said the tremor on Wednesday destroyed buildings and about 1,200 people were forced to evacuate their homes near the epicenter, an area populated by large numbers of ethnic minorities.
Many homes collapsed in Sudian, China, and other towns reported damage, Xinhua reported.
The Burmese community in Laiza said the quake was stronger than others in the recent past.
Thursday, 21 August 2008
Children Die in Chin State Famine
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
More than 30 children have died in a famine in Chin state, western Burma, according to the Chin National Council, an exile rights group.
The famine was caused by a plague of rats, which ate rice stocks in many of the state’s villages.
Another Chin group, the Chin Human Rights Organization, said the famine had hit about 20 percent of the state’s population, or at least 100,000 people.
“They have no food,” said Lian H Sakhong, a leader of the Chin Humanitarian and Relief Committee. “Unless we provide sufficient relief soon, the situation will become worse.”
He pleaded with donors to contact the Chin Humanitarian and Relief Committee so that relief can be rushed to the stricken areas.
The famine occurs about every 50 years when the flowering of a native species of bamboo gives rise to an explosion in the rat population. The International Rice Research Institute has warned of “widespread food shortages” because of the crisis.
The Irrawaddy News
More than 30 children have died in a famine in Chin state, western Burma, according to the Chin National Council, an exile rights group.
The famine was caused by a plague of rats, which ate rice stocks in many of the state’s villages.
Another Chin group, the Chin Human Rights Organization, said the famine had hit about 20 percent of the state’s population, or at least 100,000 people.
“They have no food,” said Lian H Sakhong, a leader of the Chin Humanitarian and Relief Committee. “Unless we provide sufficient relief soon, the situation will become worse.”
He pleaded with donors to contact the Chin Humanitarian and Relief Committee so that relief can be rushed to the stricken areas.
The famine occurs about every 50 years when the flowering of a native species of bamboo gives rise to an explosion in the rat population. The International Rice Research Institute has warned of “widespread food shortages” because of the crisis.
Migrants Flow out of Burma as Economic Woes Deepen
In an area called "Kamtieng" of Chiang Mai, Thailand, each morning several hundred labourers, mostly from Burma, gather in the hope of getting a days work. Pick-up trucks stop to recruit the workers they need. Most are employed in construction and gardening. (Photo: John Hulme)By LAWI WENG
The Irrawaddy News
Burma’s economic troubles have been a boon to human traffickers in recent months, keeping them busy at a time of year when wet conditions traditionally slow the flow of migrants across the border into Thailand.
A source who is involved in smuggling migrant workers from Burma to Thailand estimated that about 300 Burmese migrants are illegally transported to Bangkok each day from border areas such as Mae Sot, Three Pagodas Pass, Mae Sai and Ranong.
The most popular crossing point is Mae Sot, which is separated from the neighboring Burmese town of Myawaddy by the Moei River. Burmese routinely cross the river, either over the Thai-Burma Friendship Bridge, which links the two towns, or on inflated inner tubes.
According to the source, who is based in Mae Sot, about 150 people are smuggled from Mae Sot to Bangkok every day.
Three Pagodas Pass, near the Thai town of Sangkhlaburi, is another major point of entry, with around 60 Burmese migrants leaving the area for Bangkok daily, according to local businessman Nai Lawi Mon.
Some local observers suggested that the steady influx was due to the impact of Cyclone Nargis, which slammed into Burma’s largely agricultural Irrawaddy delta on May 2-3, destroying cropland and leaving many farmers without any means of making a living.
“Normally, very few people come to Thailand during the rainy season,” said Nai Lawi Mon. “But this year we are seeing more and more people coming.”
Cyclone Nargis hit Burma at a time when inflation and unemployment were already at their highest levels in years, forcing a growing number of Burmese to flee to neighboring countries in search of work.
It is estimated that there are more than a million Burmese migrants living and working in Thailand, of whom around 500,000 are registered with the Thai Ministry of Labor.
The perils of their journey were highlighted in April, when 54 Burmese migrants suffocated to death while being transported in a container truck from Ranong, near the Burmese border town of Kawthaung, to the Thai resort island of Phuket.
Although the tragedy prompted officials to step up efforts to stem the tide of illegal migrants into Thailand, Burmese continue to make the trip in a desperate bid to find jobs to support themselves and their families.
Many end up in Mahachai, home to the highest concentration of Burmese migrant workers in Thailand. Located a short distance from Bangkok, Mahachai attracts thousands of Burmese with low-paying jobs in the fish processing industry that are shunned by most Thais.
Mi Wot arrived in Mahachai a week ago and is still looking for work. She said she paid 460,000 kyat (US $383) for the trip. She made the journey, her first into Thailand, with ten other people, hiding in the back of a truck under a tarpaulin for three nights. The trip took so long, she explained, because of the numerous checkpoints along the way.
While Thai efforts seem to be doing little to prevent illegal migration into the country, the Burmese authorities have been carrying out a crackdown on their side of the border that appears to be having some effect, at least for now.
According to Maung Tu, a local businessman in Kawthaung, the human traffic into the neighboring Thai province of Ranong has slowed perceptibly in recent weeks.
Normally, several hundred people cross into Thailand each day; at the moment, the flow has been reduced to a trickle of around 30-50 people a day, according to sources in the area. Similar numbers have been reported in Mae Sai, near the Burmese town of Tachilek.
Meanwhile, the cost of smuggling migrants from Mae Sot to Bangkok has increased by about 2,000 Baht ($58) recently. It now costs 14,000 Baht ($412) make the trip to the Thai capital, sources said.
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Junta Disrobes, Charges Leading Monk - Gambira
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
The leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), Ashin Gambira, has been disrobed by the authorities and charged with multiple criminal offenses in the aftermath of the 2007 uprising.
His lawyer, Aung Thein, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that Gambira told him the authorities disrobed him after his arrest in November 2007 without following traditional procedures or consulting relevant monks’ organizations.
“Ashin Gambira said the authorities, under Buddhist rules, had no right to disrobe him or to charge him with criminal offenses,” said Aung Thein.
The ABMA was a key organization behind the 2007 nationwide uprising.
Gambira appeared in court on Wednesday in Insein Prison with three other monks and five citizens, all of who face multiple charges under State Offence Act 505 A or B, Immigration Act 13/1, Illegal Organization Act 17/1, Electronic Act 303 A and Organization Act 6.
His lawyer said the charges have to do with immigration laws, contacting banned organizations, illegal contacts with foreign organizations through the Internet and other offenses.
The next court date for Gambari and his colleagues was set for August 27, said Aung Thein.
Since 1962, many monks have been arrested and charged with criminal offenses, say people familiar with the military government.
Burmese monks, often joined by students and laborers, have been leaders in many demonstrations protesting military rule. Monks were in the vanguard of the 2007 uprising in which hundreds of thousands of people across the country staged demonstrations in the largest mass uprising since 1988.
The regime is also believed to have killed monks, hundreds of whom remain in prison or are still missing.
The Burmese junta officially supports Theravada Buddhism and has banned other forms of Buddhism.
“During British colonial rule, some monks were arrested for their political activities and imprisoned, but they were never disrobed by the colonizers,” said Bo Kyi, joint-secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma, which has offices in Thailand.
“Under the junta, many monks have been arrested and disrobed for their conscientious objection. on this basis alone, the junta’s Buddhist faith is called into question,” he said.
The Irrawaddy News
The leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), Ashin Gambira, has been disrobed by the authorities and charged with multiple criminal offenses in the aftermath of the 2007 uprising.
His lawyer, Aung Thein, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that Gambira told him the authorities disrobed him after his arrest in November 2007 without following traditional procedures or consulting relevant monks’ organizations.
“Ashin Gambira said the authorities, under Buddhist rules, had no right to disrobe him or to charge him with criminal offenses,” said Aung Thein.
The ABMA was a key organization behind the 2007 nationwide uprising.
Gambira appeared in court on Wednesday in Insein Prison with three other monks and five citizens, all of who face multiple charges under State Offence Act 505 A or B, Immigration Act 13/1, Illegal Organization Act 17/1, Electronic Act 303 A and Organization Act 6.
His lawyer said the charges have to do with immigration laws, contacting banned organizations, illegal contacts with foreign organizations through the Internet and other offenses.
The next court date for Gambari and his colleagues was set for August 27, said Aung Thein.
Since 1962, many monks have been arrested and charged with criminal offenses, say people familiar with the military government.
Burmese monks, often joined by students and laborers, have been leaders in many demonstrations protesting military rule. Monks were in the vanguard of the 2007 uprising in which hundreds of thousands of people across the country staged demonstrations in the largest mass uprising since 1988.
The regime is also believed to have killed monks, hundreds of whom remain in prison or are still missing.
The Burmese junta officially supports Theravada Buddhism and has banned other forms of Buddhism.
“During British colonial rule, some monks were arrested for their political activities and imprisoned, but they were never disrobed by the colonizers,” said Bo Kyi, joint-secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma, which has offices in Thailand.
“Under the junta, many monks have been arrested and disrobed for their conscientious objection. on this basis alone, the junta’s Buddhist faith is called into question,” he said.
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Making Intervention Work
Improving the UN's Ability to Act
Morton Abramowitz and Thomas Pickering
From Foreign Affairs, September/October 2008
Summary: The UN must streamline its decision making process so it can start backing up its lofty words with action.
Morton Abramowitz is a Senior Fellow at the Century Foundation and former U.S. Ambassador to Thailand and Turkey. Thomas Pickering is Vice Chair of Hills & Company and has served as U.S. Ambassador to six countries and the United Nations.
In May, Cyclone Nargis struck southern Myanmar (also known as Burma), killing over 80,000 people and leaving millions homeless and in dire conditions. For weeks after the storm, Myanmar's military junta blocked and delayed international relief efforts while doing little to aid survivors.
Despite heated condemnation from capitals throughout the world, the international media, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), Myanmar's government was exceedingly slow in allowing foreign aid and foreign relief workers into the affected area. Myanmar -- already a humanitarian disaster before the cyclone -- has once again starkly exposed the international community's inability to face down governments that massively mistreat their people. It is time for the international community to reduce the disparity between words and deeds.
In the past few decades, there have been remarkable advances in the fields of human security and human rights. Democratic governments and civil-society organizations have increasingly spoken out against wanton human rights abuses, violence against minorities, and the dangers of unchecked state sovereignty. Terms such as "never again" and appeals for "humanitarian intervention" and a "responsibility to protect" have become commonplace as concerned countries have sought to prevent man-made crises or halt them before they descend into mass violence. Treaties such as the United Nations' Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and an international criminal judicial system have been developed to limit states' power to harm their own citizens and their neighbors.
In the face of certain humanitarian disasters, such as Serbian violence against Albanians in Kosovo during the late 1990s, the world has reacted strongly to end the atrocities. Some international efforts have come too late: in Bosnia in the 1990s, Sierra Leone at the turn of the century, and Liberia in 2003. And there are ongoing humanitarian emergencies today in repressive states such as North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe and broken states such as Somalia. These countries have remained largely immune to international pressure; meanwhile, their citizens continue to suffer. Rising public concern, media attention, and pressure from grass-roots organizations have helped ensure that governments do not simply avert their gaze. All of this attention has also helped produce significant diplomatic activity (as in Darfur) and has generated large sums of money to assist refugees and displaced people fleeing violence and ruin. Unfortunately, it has not been enough to put an end to the worst crises.
In an ideal world, noncoercive efforts would produce better behavior. But states persecuting their own people are rarely responsive to peaceful gestures. General sanctions also have their limitations; they tend to hurt already-suffering populations and have little impact on government policies, as was the case in Iraq during the 1990s and as is happening in Myanmar today. Sanctions that target regime leaders (especially their finances) are more promising, but preventing leaders from entering the United States or doing business there -- two cookie-cutter sanctions Washington often employs -- does not seem to have much of an impact.
MOVING BEYOND RHETORIC
The international community desperately needs to develop better ... buy the book...
Morton Abramowitz and Thomas Pickering
From Foreign Affairs, September/October 2008
Summary: The UN must streamline its decision making process so it can start backing up its lofty words with action.
Morton Abramowitz is a Senior Fellow at the Century Foundation and former U.S. Ambassador to Thailand and Turkey. Thomas Pickering is Vice Chair of Hills & Company and has served as U.S. Ambassador to six countries and the United Nations.
In May, Cyclone Nargis struck southern Myanmar (also known as Burma), killing over 80,000 people and leaving millions homeless and in dire conditions. For weeks after the storm, Myanmar's military junta blocked and delayed international relief efforts while doing little to aid survivors.
Despite heated condemnation from capitals throughout the world, the international media, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), Myanmar's government was exceedingly slow in allowing foreign aid and foreign relief workers into the affected area. Myanmar -- already a humanitarian disaster before the cyclone -- has once again starkly exposed the international community's inability to face down governments that massively mistreat their people. It is time for the international community to reduce the disparity between words and deeds.
In the past few decades, there have been remarkable advances in the fields of human security and human rights. Democratic governments and civil-society organizations have increasingly spoken out against wanton human rights abuses, violence against minorities, and the dangers of unchecked state sovereignty. Terms such as "never again" and appeals for "humanitarian intervention" and a "responsibility to protect" have become commonplace as concerned countries have sought to prevent man-made crises or halt them before they descend into mass violence. Treaties such as the United Nations' Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and an international criminal judicial system have been developed to limit states' power to harm their own citizens and their neighbors.
In the face of certain humanitarian disasters, such as Serbian violence against Albanians in Kosovo during the late 1990s, the world has reacted strongly to end the atrocities. Some international efforts have come too late: in Bosnia in the 1990s, Sierra Leone at the turn of the century, and Liberia in 2003. And there are ongoing humanitarian emergencies today in repressive states such as North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe and broken states such as Somalia. These countries have remained largely immune to international pressure; meanwhile, their citizens continue to suffer. Rising public concern, media attention, and pressure from grass-roots organizations have helped ensure that governments do not simply avert their gaze. All of this attention has also helped produce significant diplomatic activity (as in Darfur) and has generated large sums of money to assist refugees and displaced people fleeing violence and ruin. Unfortunately, it has not been enough to put an end to the worst crises.
In an ideal world, noncoercive efforts would produce better behavior. But states persecuting their own people are rarely responsive to peaceful gestures. General sanctions also have their limitations; they tend to hurt already-suffering populations and have little impact on government policies, as was the case in Iraq during the 1990s and as is happening in Myanmar today. Sanctions that target regime leaders (especially their finances) are more promising, but preventing leaders from entering the United States or doing business there -- two cookie-cutter sanctions Washington often employs -- does not seem to have much of an impact.
MOVING BEYOND RHETORIC
The international community desperately needs to develop better ... buy the book...
Wednesday, 20 August 2008
Resentment simmers in Burma a year after unabated crackdown
By Huaipi & Myint Maung
New Delhi (Mizzima)– The unabated crackdown by the military junta notwithstanding, resentment against the regime is not likely to diminish, activists and opposition forces inside Burma said on Tuesday.
Members of Burma's main opposition party – the National League for Democracy - students and activists said on the first anniversary of the Saffron Revolution against the sudden fuel price hike and soaring essential commodity prices, that resentment is ever increasing despite the junta's brutal crackdown.
"The discontent and resentment among people simmers. People are dissatisfied with the current situation," Nyan Win, spokesman of the NLD said.
Aung Moe Hein, an activist operating secretly in Rangoon, said, "The resentment against oppression by the junta boils in the heart and soul of each person. We are determined to continue our struggle till victory is achieved."
Nyan Win said, the violent crackdown by the ruling junta on protesters cannot resolve the current economic crisis. It is akin to wrong treatment for a severely ill patient.
"This treatment cannot cure the root cause of the disease. They should not arrest individuals. They should strive for the betterment and development of the economy to stem unrests," he said.
On August 19, 2007, several 88 Generation Students including Min Ko Naing led a peaceful protest march in solidarity with poor people who were hardest hit by the sudden fuel price hike that caused prices of basic commodities to escalate.
However, the regime deploying its puppet civilian organizations – the Union Solidarity and Development Association and Swan Arrshin – cracked down on sporadic protests that started since August 19, 2007.
The regime reacted swiftly crushing protests by arresting 13 of the key 88 generation student leaders including Min Ko Naing during a midnight raid on August 21.
Despite the junta's attempt to put down the protests, the discontent of the people eventually snowballed when the peaceful protests were joined by Buddhist monks. It inflamed further when Burmese Army troops harshly cracked down on protesting monks in the central Burmese town of Pakokku.
This led to the monks calling for a nation-wide boycott of the ruling junta and ignited what was to be known later as the 'Saffron Revolution'.
But the junta, which has a history of brutality in dealing with public protests, violently cracked down on protesting monks and civilians, by opening fire on the marching crowds on September 26, 2007.
While the United Nations has gone on record as saying that the junta killed at least 30 people, opposition parties and observers said more than 200 were killed while over 6,000 people were detained.
Activists said, despite a year having gone by, the junta continues to arrest activists and protesters and keeps a close watch on activists and politicians.
"I can see a lot of people around my house keeping watch over my movement. There are about three or four people keeping vigil round the clock near my house including at bus stops," a woman member of the 88 Generation Students said.
A NLD Youth member who took part in the 1988 popular uprising and 2007 September protests told Mizzima that they live under constant fear and anxiety over their safety. He said that they could be arrested by the junta any time, anywhere.
"Whenever I wake up, I wonder whether I will still see my friend whom I talked to yesterday or whether he will be arrested. I also fear whether it will be my friends or me who will be arrested first. I am in constant fear wondering when they will come and arrest me," he said.
Despite the junta's unabated efforts to arrest and search for activists, those including NLD youth members and 88 Generation Students said the crackdown will not break their spirit and will not stop their activities. They would continue their struggle for change.
"We are making sacrifices for the Burmese people. We will continue our struggle to achieve the goal of democracy and restoration of human rights. This is our task. To arrest us is their task," Aung Moe Hein said.
"We shall win one day. I firmly hope and believe that the people standing and fighting for truth and justice shall someday prevail," he added.
New Delhi (Mizzima)– The unabated crackdown by the military junta notwithstanding, resentment against the regime is not likely to diminish, activists and opposition forces inside Burma said on Tuesday.
Members of Burma's main opposition party – the National League for Democracy - students and activists said on the first anniversary of the Saffron Revolution against the sudden fuel price hike and soaring essential commodity prices, that resentment is ever increasing despite the junta's brutal crackdown.
"The discontent and resentment among people simmers. People are dissatisfied with the current situation," Nyan Win, spokesman of the NLD said.
Aung Moe Hein, an activist operating secretly in Rangoon, said, "The resentment against oppression by the junta boils in the heart and soul of each person. We are determined to continue our struggle till victory is achieved."
Nyan Win said, the violent crackdown by the ruling junta on protesters cannot resolve the current economic crisis. It is akin to wrong treatment for a severely ill patient.
"This treatment cannot cure the root cause of the disease. They should not arrest individuals. They should strive for the betterment and development of the economy to stem unrests," he said.
On August 19, 2007, several 88 Generation Students including Min Ko Naing led a peaceful protest march in solidarity with poor people who were hardest hit by the sudden fuel price hike that caused prices of basic commodities to escalate.
However, the regime deploying its puppet civilian organizations – the Union Solidarity and Development Association and Swan Arrshin – cracked down on sporadic protests that started since August 19, 2007.
The regime reacted swiftly crushing protests by arresting 13 of the key 88 generation student leaders including Min Ko Naing during a midnight raid on August 21.
Despite the junta's attempt to put down the protests, the discontent of the people eventually snowballed when the peaceful protests were joined by Buddhist monks. It inflamed further when Burmese Army troops harshly cracked down on protesting monks in the central Burmese town of Pakokku.
This led to the monks calling for a nation-wide boycott of the ruling junta and ignited what was to be known later as the 'Saffron Revolution'.
But the junta, which has a history of brutality in dealing with public protests, violently cracked down on protesting monks and civilians, by opening fire on the marching crowds on September 26, 2007.
While the United Nations has gone on record as saying that the junta killed at least 30 people, opposition parties and observers said more than 200 were killed while over 6,000 people were detained.
Activists said, despite a year having gone by, the junta continues to arrest activists and protesters and keeps a close watch on activists and politicians.
"I can see a lot of people around my house keeping watch over my movement. There are about three or four people keeping vigil round the clock near my house including at bus stops," a woman member of the 88 Generation Students said.
A NLD Youth member who took part in the 1988 popular uprising and 2007 September protests told Mizzima that they live under constant fear and anxiety over their safety. He said that they could be arrested by the junta any time, anywhere.
"Whenever I wake up, I wonder whether I will still see my friend whom I talked to yesterday or whether he will be arrested. I also fear whether it will be my friends or me who will be arrested first. I am in constant fear wondering when they will come and arrest me," he said.
Despite the junta's unabated efforts to arrest and search for activists, those including NLD youth members and 88 Generation Students said the crackdown will not break their spirit and will not stop their activities. They would continue their struggle for change.
"We are making sacrifices for the Burmese people. We will continue our struggle to achieve the goal of democracy and restoration of human rights. This is our task. To arrest us is their task," Aung Moe Hein said.
"We shall win one day. I firmly hope and believe that the people standing and fighting for truth and justice shall someday prevail," he added.
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100 posters against Burmese Army's human rights violation
(Kachin) -University students in Northern Burma are up in arms against the Burmese Army in Kachin State yet again. Early this morning, university students pasted 100 posters condemning human rights violations by soldiers in Kachin State's capital Myitkyina.
The posters were mainly put up in Myitkyina University, State High School No. (1) and No. (3), Government Technical College (GTC), small roadside markets near schools and main road junctions in Myitkyina downtown, a student leader Naw Awng told KNG today.
The two square feet posters were pasted in the township before 6 a.m. Burma Standard Time and was hand written. It had three main points ----1) No human rights violation by the army of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), 2) Collapse military junta and 3) Democratic revolution must be accomplished, student activists said.
The poster movement was organized by the All Kachin Students Union (AKSU), an underground ethnic Kachin students’ organization in the state. This is the first agitation that the Burmese junta's new Kachin State commander or Northern Command (Ma-Pa-Kha) commander Maj-Gen Soe Win, who took over charge of the region in late June, has had to face.
AKSU leaders in Myitkyina strongly condemned the rape and murder of the 15-year old Kachin schoolgirl Nhkum Hkawn Din in Nam Sai village in Momauk (N'mawk) township in Bhamo District in the state by soldiers of the Burmese Army's Light Infantry Battalion No. 437 based in Momauk on July 27.
Meanwhile, United Nations special envoy to Burma, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari is making his fourth visit to military-ruled Burma within this week.
The posters were mainly put up in Myitkyina University, State High School No. (1) and No. (3), Government Technical College (GTC), small roadside markets near schools and main road junctions in Myitkyina downtown, a student leader Naw Awng told KNG today.
The two square feet posters were pasted in the township before 6 a.m. Burma Standard Time and was hand written. It had three main points ----1) No human rights violation by the army of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), 2) Collapse military junta and 3) Democratic revolution must be accomplished, student activists said.
The poster movement was organized by the All Kachin Students Union (AKSU), an underground ethnic Kachin students’ organization in the state. This is the first agitation that the Burmese junta's new Kachin State commander or Northern Command (Ma-Pa-Kha) commander Maj-Gen Soe Win, who took over charge of the region in late June, has had to face.
AKSU leaders in Myitkyina strongly condemned the rape and murder of the 15-year old Kachin schoolgirl Nhkum Hkawn Din in Nam Sai village in Momauk (N'mawk) township in Bhamo District in the state by soldiers of the Burmese Army's Light Infantry Battalion No. 437 based in Momauk on July 27.
Meanwhile, United Nations special envoy to Burma, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari is making his fourth visit to military-ruled Burma within this week.
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Junta bent on wiping out ethnic Kachins says KNO
(Kachin) -The Burmese military junta is vigourously pursuing its policy of ethnic cleansing of Kachins in Burma. Oppression is at its peak by the regime to wipe out the Kachin people. One of the weapons used for ethnic cleansing is rape and it is being used as a weapon of war against ethnic minorities in Burma, said the Kachin National Organization (KNO) in exile.
“After the cease-fire agreement between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the junta so-called State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), we could see that the SPDC continued to oppress the Kachins by various methods and its target is to wipe out the Kachins,” said Mahkaw Hkun Sa, general secretary of Kachin National Council (KNC) and KNO.
The KNO released a statement yesterday regarding the gang rape and murder of a Kachin schoolgirl Nhkum Hkawn Din by Burmese soldiers on July 27.
“Despite the ceasefire agreement between the KIO and the SPDC, Burmese soldiers have repeatedly violated its terms of agreement and repeatedly carried out brutal and violent crimes against the Kachin people,” the statement said.
According to Burma Campaign UK, rape is systematically used as a weapon of war against ethnic minorities in Burma. More than a thousand cases have been documented.
“In this case of gang rape, the military regime once again showed how brutal it is and we [the Burma Campaign UK] are trying to make the international community aware of the case,” said Nang Seng, Campaign Officer of Burma Campaign UK.
With the United Nations special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari arriving yesterday in Burma, the Burma Campaign UK sent word of the gang rape and murder of a Kachin School girl before Gambari leaves so that he can raise the issue concerning human rights violations in the country, Nang Seng said.
“We hope Gambari will talk with the government about the gang rape and killing of the Kachin schoolgirl as one of the many gruesome crimes against humanity in keeping with the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolution 1820,” Nang Seng said.
The UN Security Council Resolution 1820 describes rape and sexual violence as a crime against humanity.
Meanwhile, as the village of Nam Sai where the rape and murder occurred is also a development project village controlled by the 1st battalion of Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the KIA has sent a letter about the brutal case to its headquarters.
“After the cease-fire agreement between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the junta so-called State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), we could see that the SPDC continued to oppress the Kachins by various methods and its target is to wipe out the Kachins,” said Mahkaw Hkun Sa, general secretary of Kachin National Council (KNC) and KNO.
The KNO released a statement yesterday regarding the gang rape and murder of a Kachin schoolgirl Nhkum Hkawn Din by Burmese soldiers on July 27.
“Despite the ceasefire agreement between the KIO and the SPDC, Burmese soldiers have repeatedly violated its terms of agreement and repeatedly carried out brutal and violent crimes against the Kachin people,” the statement said.
According to Burma Campaign UK, rape is systematically used as a weapon of war against ethnic minorities in Burma. More than a thousand cases have been documented.
“In this case of gang rape, the military regime once again showed how brutal it is and we [the Burma Campaign UK] are trying to make the international community aware of the case,” said Nang Seng, Campaign Officer of Burma Campaign UK.
With the United Nations special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari arriving yesterday in Burma, the Burma Campaign UK sent word of the gang rape and murder of a Kachin School girl before Gambari leaves so that he can raise the issue concerning human rights violations in the country, Nang Seng said.
“We hope Gambari will talk with the government about the gang rape and killing of the Kachin schoolgirl as one of the many gruesome crimes against humanity in keeping with the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolution 1820,” Nang Seng said.
The UN Security Council Resolution 1820 describes rape and sexual violence as a crime against humanity.
Meanwhile, as the village of Nam Sai where the rape and murder occurred is also a development project village controlled by the 1st battalion of Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the KIA has sent a letter about the brutal case to its headquarters.
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U Gambira charged with 10 offences
Aug 19, 2008 (DVB)–Eleven people detained in connection with last September’s public demonstrations, including prominent monk U Gambira, have appeared before Insein prison court to hear charges against them, said family members.
U Gambira's sister Ma Khin Thu Htay said the monk was charged with 10 different violations at his first court appearance yesterday.
The charges included violations of article 13/1 of the Illegal Border Crossing Act, 17/1 of the Unlawful Association Act and 5(j) of the Emergency Protection Act, as well as inciting a riot, causing public alarm, bringing the Sasana into disrepute and violating the press law.
"We weren't informed of the court hearing – we only heard about it from a friend so we went," said Khin Thu Htay.
She said the next court hearings were scheduled for 20, 27 and 28 August and 1 September.
The other defendants were identified as U Gambira's brother Ko Aung Kyaw Kyaw, Maggin abbot U Eindria, Ko Than Naing of Taung Twin Gyi, Ko Kyaw Kyaw Naing of Myit Che, monk U Kaylatha of Mandalay, monk U Thumana, U Shwe Maung, Ko Wunna Maung from Mandalay and one unknown person.
They faced up to five charges each and will appear at their next court hearing on 27 August.
Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew
U Gambira's sister Ma Khin Thu Htay said the monk was charged with 10 different violations at his first court appearance yesterday.
The charges included violations of article 13/1 of the Illegal Border Crossing Act, 17/1 of the Unlawful Association Act and 5(j) of the Emergency Protection Act, as well as inciting a riot, causing public alarm, bringing the Sasana into disrepute and violating the press law.
"We weren't informed of the court hearing – we only heard about it from a friend so we went," said Khin Thu Htay.
She said the next court hearings were scheduled for 20, 27 and 28 August and 1 September.
The other defendants were identified as U Gambira's brother Ko Aung Kyaw Kyaw, Maggin abbot U Eindria, Ko Than Naing of Taung Twin Gyi, Ko Kyaw Kyaw Naing of Myit Che, monk U Kaylatha of Mandalay, monk U Thumana, U Shwe Maung, Ko Wunna Maung from Mandalay and one unknown person.
They faced up to five charges each and will appear at their next court hearing on 27 August.
Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew
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Voters and officials punished for ‘No’ votes
Aug 19, 2008 (DVB)–Local officials in charge of areas that voted No in the constitutional referendum in May have been dismissed, while No voters have also faced retaliation from the authorities, local residents told DVB.
Officials in charges of some wards and villages in Katha, Sagaing division, where residents voted overwhelmingly against the military regime’s proposed constitution, have been removed from their posts in the last month, according to local residents.
In Yenangyaung in Magwe Division, the authorities cut off the electricity supply and street lights in wards whose residents had voted against the constitution, while wards inhabited by the authorities and the pro-junta Union and Solidarity and Development Association members have been given 24-hour electricity.
Authorities have also been collecting lists of those who voted No to the referendum in other states and divisions.
The Burmese military government enacted its new constitution after referendums on 10 and 24 May which were marred by reports of intimidation, corruption and vote-rigging.
The regime claimed the constitution was approved by over 92 percent of voters, but is has been dismissed as a “sham” by pro-democracy groups and international commentators.
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
Officials in charges of some wards and villages in Katha, Sagaing division, where residents voted overwhelmingly against the military regime’s proposed constitution, have been removed from their posts in the last month, according to local residents.
In Yenangyaung in Magwe Division, the authorities cut off the electricity supply and street lights in wards whose residents had voted against the constitution, while wards inhabited by the authorities and the pro-junta Union and Solidarity and Development Association members have been given 24-hour electricity.
Authorities have also been collecting lists of those who voted No to the referendum in other states and divisions.
The Burmese military government enacted its new constitution after referendums on 10 and 24 May which were marred by reports of intimidation, corruption and vote-rigging.
The regime claimed the constitution was approved by over 92 percent of voters, but is has been dismissed as a “sham” by pro-democracy groups and international commentators.
Reporting by Naw Say Phaw
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International Insurance Companies Leave Burma
By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News
Two international insurance companies have announced they will stop doing business in Burma following public campaigns highlighting their business services in the military-run country.
The insurance companies, XL of Britain, and Chubb of the United States, announced their intentions to pull out of Burma shortly after Burma Campaign UK published a report, “Insuring Repression,” that highlighted how global insurance companies help to facilitate business in the country run by a military dictatorship that is routinely accused of human rights violations.
In the report published in July, the activist group said international insurance companies in Britain, Japan and Singapore, a total of 16 companies, including Lloyd’s of London, Hannover Re, Catlin, Atrium, XL, Tokio Marine, Sompo Japan and Mitsui Sumitomo and their affiliates offered insurance to various businesses and industries in Burma, such as airlines, ports and shipping services.
“The company now has a policy that it will no longer seek to insure Burma companies or operations of companies in Burma,” stated XL capital Ltd.
XL Capital Ltd is a UK financial services company which has more than 3,500 employees and offices on Africa, Asia, Australia, Europe, North America and South America. Its main lines of business are casualty and property insurance and reinsurance.
Chubb Corporation announced it will order its member companies to close offices in Burma.
Chubb Corp is the 10th largest property and casualty insurer in the United States.
Johnny Chatterton, a campaigns officer at the Burma Campaign UK, said, “This is a major embarrassment to Lloyd’s of London; they have never taken this issue seriously and don’t see any problem with helping to finance Burma’s brutal dictatorship.”
After the release of the report by Burma’s Campaign UK, Lloyd’s of London issued a statement saying, “A very small amount of reinsurance is written at Lloyd’s in Burmese shipping and aviation. We are unaware of any businesses at Lloyd’s defying international sanctions. If we discovered any underwriters breaching sanctions we would take action immediately.”
Burmese opposition groups welcomed the announcements by XL and Chubb.
Maung Maung, the general-secretary of the Federation of Trade Union Burma, said, “Insurance companies are facilitating trade and investment in Burma, filling the pockets of the generals. We strongly condemn all insurers that remain involved in our junta-run country. They help keep the generals in power and condemn Burma’s 50 million people to lives of poverty and fear.”
The Irrawaddy News
Two international insurance companies have announced they will stop doing business in Burma following public campaigns highlighting their business services in the military-run country.
The insurance companies, XL of Britain, and Chubb of the United States, announced their intentions to pull out of Burma shortly after Burma Campaign UK published a report, “Insuring Repression,” that highlighted how global insurance companies help to facilitate business in the country run by a military dictatorship that is routinely accused of human rights violations.
In the report published in July, the activist group said international insurance companies in Britain, Japan and Singapore, a total of 16 companies, including Lloyd’s of London, Hannover Re, Catlin, Atrium, XL, Tokio Marine, Sompo Japan and Mitsui Sumitomo and their affiliates offered insurance to various businesses and industries in Burma, such as airlines, ports and shipping services.
“The company now has a policy that it will no longer seek to insure Burma companies or operations of companies in Burma,” stated XL capital Ltd.
XL Capital Ltd is a UK financial services company which has more than 3,500 employees and offices on Africa, Asia, Australia, Europe, North America and South America. Its main lines of business are casualty and property insurance and reinsurance.
Chubb Corporation announced it will order its member companies to close offices in Burma.
Chubb Corp is the 10th largest property and casualty insurer in the United States.
Johnny Chatterton, a campaigns officer at the Burma Campaign UK, said, “This is a major embarrassment to Lloyd’s of London; they have never taken this issue seriously and don’t see any problem with helping to finance Burma’s brutal dictatorship.”
After the release of the report by Burma’s Campaign UK, Lloyd’s of London issued a statement saying, “A very small amount of reinsurance is written at Lloyd’s in Burmese shipping and aviation. We are unaware of any businesses at Lloyd’s defying international sanctions. If we discovered any underwriters breaching sanctions we would take action immediately.”
Burmese opposition groups welcomed the announcements by XL and Chubb.
Maung Maung, the general-secretary of the Federation of Trade Union Burma, said, “Insurance companies are facilitating trade and investment in Burma, filling the pockets of the generals. We strongly condemn all insurers that remain involved in our junta-run country. They help keep the generals in power and condemn Burma’s 50 million people to lives of poverty and fear.”
ASEAN considers observer status for Burma's elected government
Radio Australia
ASEAN members meeting in Singapore this week will consider the admission of members of Burma's civilian government in exile as observers of the group.
A delegation of Burmese politicians living in exile has travelled to Singapore to meet with members on the sidelines.
Radio Australia's Katie Hamann reports one of their strongest allies is Indonesia and last week they were invited to the capital Jakarta where they attended a session of parliament.
Last Friday Teddy Buri and four other exiled MP's stepped into the Indonesian House of Representatives for a plenary session marking the 63rd anniversary of the archipelago's independence.
Teddy Buri's 18 years as an elected member of Burma's civilian government has led him everywhere but the seat of power in his homeland.
Elected in 1990 but unable to form government he was driven from Burma by the military junta in 1994.
"I've been out of Burma for nearly 15 years," Mr Buri said.
"It's impossible for me to return unless, you know, I surrender but that's out of the question so in other words I'm unable to return to Burma at all."
Dividing his time between Thailand and Australia he now serves as President of the Burmese Members of Parliament Union or MPU.
Last Friday's invitation was the first time exiled Burmese MP's had attended the government session of an ASEAN member state, on this occasion as the official guests of the house speaker Agung Laksono.
"We got invited officially, which reflects, we believe, Indonesia's support for the Burmese democracy movement and that it also wants to see change in Burma.
"We see Indonesia as the third largest democracy in the world and the largest democracy in the region, so we really see it as very significant," Mr Buri said.
Symbolic, not official
Dr Jason Abbott, a Burma specialist at Briton's University of Surrey, says the delegations visit to Jakarta was mainly a symbolic gesture.
"We shouldn't forget that Indonesia is the largest democracy in ASEAN so there is some symbolic import from this visit.
"I think it's more signficant to the MPU and perhaps to the junta then it is to the Indonesian government as a whole although it is symbolic from the point of view of Indonesian parliamentarians," Mr Abbott said.
"But the fact that it's not an official invitation from the Government itself or from the President means that we should caution against reading too much into this."
Perhaps deliberately, Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono didn't raise the issue of Burma in his address to the house.
As Indonesia's representative at this weeks ASEAN meeting in Singapore, Mr Laksono, however, is one of several South East Asian leaders lobbying for the MPU to be admitted to ASEAN as observers, a proposal first tabled by Indonesia in 2006.
Teddy Buri says he expects it will be rejected because the ASEAN executive committees requires consensus based decisions.
"We are pretty sure that Burma's going to oppose our participation, so it's a foregone conclusion that we are not going to be accorded observer status.
"But still the fact that we have some members that are speaking on our behalf sends a very strong message to the other members as well as the SPDC that there is a need for change in Burma," he said.
You can find the full story at the Connect Asia website: http://radioaustralia.net.au/connectasia
ASEAN members meeting in Singapore this week will consider the admission of members of Burma's civilian government in exile as observers of the group.
A delegation of Burmese politicians living in exile has travelled to Singapore to meet with members on the sidelines.
Radio Australia's Katie Hamann reports one of their strongest allies is Indonesia and last week they were invited to the capital Jakarta where they attended a session of parliament.
Last Friday Teddy Buri and four other exiled MP's stepped into the Indonesian House of Representatives for a plenary session marking the 63rd anniversary of the archipelago's independence.
Teddy Buri's 18 years as an elected member of Burma's civilian government has led him everywhere but the seat of power in his homeland.
Elected in 1990 but unable to form government he was driven from Burma by the military junta in 1994.
"I've been out of Burma for nearly 15 years," Mr Buri said.
"It's impossible for me to return unless, you know, I surrender but that's out of the question so in other words I'm unable to return to Burma at all."
Dividing his time between Thailand and Australia he now serves as President of the Burmese Members of Parliament Union or MPU.
Last Friday's invitation was the first time exiled Burmese MP's had attended the government session of an ASEAN member state, on this occasion as the official guests of the house speaker Agung Laksono.
"We got invited officially, which reflects, we believe, Indonesia's support for the Burmese democracy movement and that it also wants to see change in Burma.
"We see Indonesia as the third largest democracy in the world and the largest democracy in the region, so we really see it as very significant," Mr Buri said.
Symbolic, not official
Dr Jason Abbott, a Burma specialist at Briton's University of Surrey, says the delegations visit to Jakarta was mainly a symbolic gesture.
"We shouldn't forget that Indonesia is the largest democracy in ASEAN so there is some symbolic import from this visit.
"I think it's more signficant to the MPU and perhaps to the junta then it is to the Indonesian government as a whole although it is symbolic from the point of view of Indonesian parliamentarians," Mr Abbott said.
"But the fact that it's not an official invitation from the Government itself or from the President means that we should caution against reading too much into this."
Perhaps deliberately, Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono didn't raise the issue of Burma in his address to the house.
As Indonesia's representative at this weeks ASEAN meeting in Singapore, Mr Laksono, however, is one of several South East Asian leaders lobbying for the MPU to be admitted to ASEAN as observers, a proposal first tabled by Indonesia in 2006.
Teddy Buri says he expects it will be rejected because the ASEAN executive committees requires consensus based decisions.
"We are pretty sure that Burma's going to oppose our participation, so it's a foregone conclusion that we are not going to be accorded observer status.
"But still the fact that we have some members that are speaking on our behalf sends a very strong message to the other members as well as the SPDC that there is a need for change in Burma," he said.
You can find the full story at the Connect Asia website: http://radioaustralia.net.au/connectasia
Tuesday, 19 August 2008
UN Dodges Myanmar Questions as Losses and Arrests Mount, in Zimbabwe Too
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, August 17 -- As the UN in Myanmar moved to cover-up its foreign exchange losses to the Than Shwe military government, in New York its Associate Spokesperson spend last week evading questions about the country, neglecting to follow-up on some and deferring others to the upcoming trip by UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari.
On Monday August 11, Inner City Press asked Spokesperson Farhan Haq, according to the transcript:
Inner City Press: It is reported that the Government of Myanmar has extended the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi for another year, which is, some people say it violates... You can only be five years unless charges are being filed. Does the UN have any response to this?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: I believe that that decision was taken about a month or so ago... this is a topic that Mr. [Ibrahim] Gambari has brought up in previous meetings, and when he visits Myanmar again, which he is expected to do some time over the coming weeks, he does expect to bring up the issue.
But "a month or so ago" -- actually, May 28 -- the extended sentence was said to be six months, which would keep the confinement under the five year limit. CNN of August 11 quoted sources that the extension was for one year. But the UN relied on past statements and Gambari's upcoming trip.
Also on August 11, Haq dodged the question of UN Envoy Haile Menkerios having been barred from Zimbabwe, and why he spends so much time in South Africa, on which we'll have more.
On Tuesday August 12, Inner City Press asked Haq
Inner City Press: in Myanmar two opposition leaders have been now locked up by the Government. Two that actually wrote to Ban Ki-moon in mid-July, asking him to take a second look at expanding the scope of [Ibrahim] Gambari’s mandate. Does the Secretary-General have any comments on these interlocutors or these opposition leaders that wrote to him being arrested?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: We don't have a specific reaction to that. In general, we have wanted to see an end to the arrests of figures in the opposition, of members of civil society. Mr. Gambari has brought up the concerns about the need for all political detainees to be released in his past visits and we do expect that he will bring up those concerns again when he visits Myanmar in the coming weeks.
But it is alleged that these two were arrested because they wrote to Ban.
Also on Tuesday, while belatedly denying that Ban has received any negative comments on reducing the UN Mission in Kosovo's staffing by 70%, Haq dodged the question of whether the 70% will be implemented in Serbian-majority areas in North Kosovo. "Ask UNMIK," Inner City Press was told by email. But UNMIK had, at that time, said it didn't know if it would do the same in North Kosovo. Later in the week they said they will, but not update was provided by the UN Spokesperson's Office in New York. Wishing there'd be no coverage of Kosovo won't make it so.
On Wednesday, August 13, Inner City Press shifted questioning to Timor Leste, the report that Reinado was shot point blank, and the lack of UN follow-up on its commitment to investigate the actions of UN security for Jose Ramos-Horta.
Inner City Press: In East Timor, there was reported today that Reinado -- the one who attacked [Jose] Ramos-Horta -- may have been executed. That was found in an autopsy, based on the ballistics. So number one, given the UN's role in protecting Ramos-Horta at the time, was there ever an outcome to the UN's investigation into what went wrong in the protection of Ramos-Horta? And do you have any response to this new autopsy done in East Timor?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: I don't have a response, we'd have to check up. As you know, Reinado died during an exchange of gunfire. Apparently, the information we had at the time, which we had said, was that he died in an exchange of gunfire during the assassination attempt against Mr. Ramos-Horta. I am not aware of this latest report and will check with the Mission whether they have any response to that.
But four days later, there has been no response. The August 13 transcript, purportedly verbatim, does not include statements by Haq that no more questions would be allowed.
On Thursday August 14, Haq not only read out the UN's whitewash of its currency exchange losses in Myanmar, he also said he would "ask Bangkok" why the UN Human Rights Council's rapporteur had cancelled his scheduled press conference about human rights in Myanmar. Later Haq said this was just a scheduling conflict. But it has not been rescheduled. From the transcript:
Inner City Press: Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Mr. [Tomas Ojea] Quintana was supposed to hold a press conference in Bangkok after his visit to Myanmar. This was cancelled and nobody was given any reason why it was cancelled. Given the importance of the issue, why was it cancelled?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: I am not one of the people in Bangkok. You could consult with my colleague there and he might be able to help you with that.
[The Associate Spokesperson later added that scheduling conflicts were given as the reason for the cancellation.]
On Friday August 15, among the topics dodged was Zimbabwe:
Inner City Press: There are reports that the UN had asked to send a team to assess the political violence in Zimbabwe between 29 May and the run-off, but that the Government had refused entry to the UN team. Can you confirm first that the UN has tried to send such a team, and second that it has been denied access?
Associate Spokesperson: I will check. I am not aware of that one, but I'll check if we received such a request.
There has been no update; there was another mystery left unanswered on Friday on which we wll have more. For now we note that the dodging of Myanmar questions may not be entirely the fault of the Spokesperson's Office, but rather reflect instructions from higher in the UN building to avoid the issue. Why would the UN, faced with a scandal of loss of aid funds, issue a joint press release with the Than Shwe government? To be continued.
UNITED NATIONS, August 17 -- As the UN in Myanmar moved to cover-up its foreign exchange losses to the Than Shwe military government, in New York its Associate Spokesperson spend last week evading questions about the country, neglecting to follow-up on some and deferring others to the upcoming trip by UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari.
On Monday August 11, Inner City Press asked Spokesperson Farhan Haq, according to the transcript:
Inner City Press: It is reported that the Government of Myanmar has extended the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi for another year, which is, some people say it violates... You can only be five years unless charges are being filed. Does the UN have any response to this?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: I believe that that decision was taken about a month or so ago... this is a topic that Mr. [Ibrahim] Gambari has brought up in previous meetings, and when he visits Myanmar again, which he is expected to do some time over the coming weeks, he does expect to bring up the issue.
But "a month or so ago" -- actually, May 28 -- the extended sentence was said to be six months, which would keep the confinement under the five year limit. CNN of August 11 quoted sources that the extension was for one year. But the UN relied on past statements and Gambari's upcoming trip.
Also on August 11, Haq dodged the question of UN Envoy Haile Menkerios having been barred from Zimbabwe, and why he spends so much time in South Africa, on which we'll have more.
On Tuesday August 12, Inner City Press asked Haq
Inner City Press: in Myanmar two opposition leaders have been now locked up by the Government. Two that actually wrote to Ban Ki-moon in mid-July, asking him to take a second look at expanding the scope of [Ibrahim] Gambari’s mandate. Does the Secretary-General have any comments on these interlocutors or these opposition leaders that wrote to him being arrested?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: We don't have a specific reaction to that. In general, we have wanted to see an end to the arrests of figures in the opposition, of members of civil society. Mr. Gambari has brought up the concerns about the need for all political detainees to be released in his past visits and we do expect that he will bring up those concerns again when he visits Myanmar in the coming weeks.
But it is alleged that these two were arrested because they wrote to Ban.
Also on Tuesday, while belatedly denying that Ban has received any negative comments on reducing the UN Mission in Kosovo's staffing by 70%, Haq dodged the question of whether the 70% will be implemented in Serbian-majority areas in North Kosovo. "Ask UNMIK," Inner City Press was told by email. But UNMIK had, at that time, said it didn't know if it would do the same in North Kosovo. Later in the week they said they will, but not update was provided by the UN Spokesperson's Office in New York. Wishing there'd be no coverage of Kosovo won't make it so.
On Wednesday, August 13, Inner City Press shifted questioning to Timor Leste, the report that Reinado was shot point blank, and the lack of UN follow-up on its commitment to investigate the actions of UN security for Jose Ramos-Horta.
Inner City Press: In East Timor, there was reported today that Reinado -- the one who attacked [Jose] Ramos-Horta -- may have been executed. That was found in an autopsy, based on the ballistics. So number one, given the UN's role in protecting Ramos-Horta at the time, was there ever an outcome to the UN's investigation into what went wrong in the protection of Ramos-Horta? And do you have any response to this new autopsy done in East Timor?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: I don't have a response, we'd have to check up. As you know, Reinado died during an exchange of gunfire. Apparently, the information we had at the time, which we had said, was that he died in an exchange of gunfire during the assassination attempt against Mr. Ramos-Horta. I am not aware of this latest report and will check with the Mission whether they have any response to that.
But four days later, there has been no response. The August 13 transcript, purportedly verbatim, does not include statements by Haq that no more questions would be allowed.
On Thursday August 14, Haq not only read out the UN's whitewash of its currency exchange losses in Myanmar, he also said he would "ask Bangkok" why the UN Human Rights Council's rapporteur had cancelled his scheduled press conference about human rights in Myanmar. Later Haq said this was just a scheduling conflict. But it has not been rescheduled. From the transcript:
Inner City Press: Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Mr. [Tomas Ojea] Quintana was supposed to hold a press conference in Bangkok after his visit to Myanmar. This was cancelled and nobody was given any reason why it was cancelled. Given the importance of the issue, why was it cancelled?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: I am not one of the people in Bangkok. You could consult with my colleague there and he might be able to help you with that.
[The Associate Spokesperson later added that scheduling conflicts were given as the reason for the cancellation.]
On Friday August 15, among the topics dodged was Zimbabwe:
Inner City Press: There are reports that the UN had asked to send a team to assess the political violence in Zimbabwe between 29 May and the run-off, but that the Government had refused entry to the UN team. Can you confirm first that the UN has tried to send such a team, and second that it has been denied access?
Associate Spokesperson: I will check. I am not aware of that one, but I'll check if we received such a request.
There has been no update; there was another mystery left unanswered on Friday on which we wll have more. For now we note that the dodging of Myanmar questions may not be entirely the fault of the Spokesperson's Office, but rather reflect instructions from higher in the UN building to avoid the issue. Why would the UN, faced with a scandal of loss of aid funds, issue a joint press release with the Than Shwe government? To be continued.
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Daw Suu receives visits from lawyer and doctor
Aug 18, 2008 (DVB)–Detained opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed another meeting yesterday with her lawyer, Kyi Win, which lasted for about two hours.
Kyi Win said they had mainly discussed getting photocopies of official documents and her house arrest order, which would be necessary for submitting her appeal.
He said he would need to have more meetings with his client to finalise her appeal letter which would then be reviewed and sent to Naypyidaw.
Kyi Win also said he met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's family doctor, Dr Tin Myo Win, who arrived at her house as the lawyer was leaving.
The last time Dr Tin Myo Win was allowed to visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was in January 2008.
Kyi Win said he had also raised the possibility with the authorities of having the family of Daw Khin Khin Win, who has been doing housework and cooking for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to come in and out of her house freely.
Analysts have suggested that the government’s willingness to allow these visits to the detained National League for Democracy leader is intended to create a positive impression for United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, who arrives in Burma today.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Kyi Win said they had mainly discussed getting photocopies of official documents and her house arrest order, which would be necessary for submitting her appeal.
He said he would need to have more meetings with his client to finalise her appeal letter which would then be reviewed and sent to Naypyidaw.
Kyi Win also said he met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's family doctor, Dr Tin Myo Win, who arrived at her house as the lawyer was leaving.
The last time Dr Tin Myo Win was allowed to visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was in January 2008.
Kyi Win said he had also raised the possibility with the authorities of having the family of Daw Khin Khin Win, who has been doing housework and cooking for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to come in and out of her house freely.
Analysts have suggested that the government’s willingness to allow these visits to the detained National League for Democracy leader is intended to create a positive impression for United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, who arrives in Burma today.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Five Taunggok activists jailed for 8 August march
Aug 18, 2008 (DVB)–Five young activists who were arrested in Taunggok township, Arakan state, on 8 August for staging a demonstration have been sentenced to two and a half years in prison.
The five were arrested after they held a protest march to mark the 20th anniversary of the 8888 uprising, according to U Thein Hlaing, joint secretary of the Arakan state National League for Democracy.
Ko Moe Naing Soe, Ko Maung Maung Thet, Ko Chit Maung Maung, Ko Than Lwin and Ma Ni Ni Nay Myint, who are all aged around 20, were sentenced by Sandoway township court on 15 August.
The five young people were among a group of 43 people who joined the silent march on 8 August.
The other protestors were also detained and held overnight, but were released the following day.
Other activists who were arrested in Rangoon on the anniversary of 8888, including members of the 88 Generation Students group, the All Burma Federation Of Student Unions and the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters network, have not yet been charged.
U Thein Hlaing said a total of 17 people had been jailed in Arakan State in the past 12 months.
In particular, U Thein Hlaing expressed his concern about Arakan NLD chairman and MP-elect U Nyi Pu who was arrested on 11 August, and said he hope United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari would look into the matter.
U Thein Hlaing said NLD youth activists were stepping up their campaign despite the stream of arrests, citing as an example a solo protest by NLD youth wing member Ko Myint Thein Kyi on 15 August calling for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners.
Reporting by DVB
The five were arrested after they held a protest march to mark the 20th anniversary of the 8888 uprising, according to U Thein Hlaing, joint secretary of the Arakan state National League for Democracy.
Ko Moe Naing Soe, Ko Maung Maung Thet, Ko Chit Maung Maung, Ko Than Lwin and Ma Ni Ni Nay Myint, who are all aged around 20, were sentenced by Sandoway township court on 15 August.
The five young people were among a group of 43 people who joined the silent march on 8 August.
The other protestors were also detained and held overnight, but were released the following day.
Other activists who were arrested in Rangoon on the anniversary of 8888, including members of the 88 Generation Students group, the All Burma Federation Of Student Unions and the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters network, have not yet been charged.
U Thein Hlaing said a total of 17 people had been jailed in Arakan State in the past 12 months.
In particular, U Thein Hlaing expressed his concern about Arakan NLD chairman and MP-elect U Nyi Pu who was arrested on 11 August, and said he hope United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari would look into the matter.
U Thein Hlaing said NLD youth activists were stepping up their campaign despite the stream of arrests, citing as an example a solo protest by NLD youth wing member Ko Myint Thein Kyi on 15 August calling for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners.
Reporting by DVB
Burmese MPs in exile call for ASEAN support
Aug 18, 2008 (DVB)–A five-member delegation from the Burmese exiled Members of Parliament Union attended an Indonesian parliamentary function to mark the 63rd anniversary of Indonesian independence on 15 August.
The MPU delegates were invited as official guests to present a report about the current political situation in Burma and to make their case in the Indonesian parliament.
U Win Hlaing, one of the MPU delegates, said the delegates had told Indonesian parliamentarians how the Burmese regime had focused its attention on the 2010 elections while neglecting what was truly needed.
“[The regime should focus on] achieving national reconciliation, establishing foundations for democracy which is the true aspiration of the people of Burma, and holding a genuine inclusive national convention in which all stakeholders can participate,” he said.
“If the SPDC proceeds unilaterally as it is doing now, we asked ASEAN countries, particularly Indonesia, to do their best to help sway SPDC away from this course of action.”
U Win Hlaing welcomed the fact that Indonesia had officially invited the Burmese representatives elected in 1990.
“The MPU delegation was invited and given special treatment as official guests. They also made the arrangements for us to attend the Special Plenary Session in Parliament and to meet with the Speaker of the House,” U Win Hlaing said.
“This shows that they have high regard for the elected representatives of the people of Burma and deep sympathy for the suffering and struggle of our people,” he went on.
“They told us that ASEAN was not without problems but that they were willing to get more involved and deal with Burma issues tactfully.”
From Indonesia, the delegation will go to Singapore to discuss the issue of the MPU being admitted to the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, U Win Hlaing said.
On 13 August, MPU secretary U Khun Myint Tun testified before the Foreign Affairs Committee in the Philippines House of Representatives.
U Khun Myint Tun said he had told the committee that ASEAN’s constructive engagement policy on Burma had been a failure because it allowed the SPDC to avoid political dialogue.
“Another point I raised is that a tripartite dialogue [between the military, ethnic leaders, and the NLD] was imperative if national reconciliation is to be achieved in our country,” U Khun Myint Tun said.
“For that to happen, I said, appeasement policy and a pacified approach would not work and that strong pressure was needed,” he said.
“The [SPDC's] roadmap and its constitution need to be rejected and I suggested that the Philippine president and government take the lead within the ASEAN to initiate the move,” he continued.
“Under the present conditions, I said, the SPDC does not represent our country and therefore world countries should stop giving it de facto recognition.”
Following his proposal, the Philippines Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee passed a resolution to step up pressure for tripartite dialogue in Burma, said Khun Myint Tun.
“After my report, the chairperson of the Foreign Affairs Committee said they were 100 percent behind the people of Burma and that they would use whatever pressure they could to bring the SPDC to the negotiating table,” Khun Myint Tun said.
“The key resolutions passed are to recognise the results of the 1990 elections, to work for the emergence of a tripartite dialogue, and for the Philippine and other ASEAN governments to censure SPDC for its human rights violations and suppression of democratic forces in Burma,” he said.
“They also said that they would be asking the Philippine government to take more effective measures on Burma.”
Reporting by DVB
The MPU delegates were invited as official guests to present a report about the current political situation in Burma and to make their case in the Indonesian parliament.
U Win Hlaing, one of the MPU delegates, said the delegates had told Indonesian parliamentarians how the Burmese regime had focused its attention on the 2010 elections while neglecting what was truly needed.
“[The regime should focus on] achieving national reconciliation, establishing foundations for democracy which is the true aspiration of the people of Burma, and holding a genuine inclusive national convention in which all stakeholders can participate,” he said.
“If the SPDC proceeds unilaterally as it is doing now, we asked ASEAN countries, particularly Indonesia, to do their best to help sway SPDC away from this course of action.”
U Win Hlaing welcomed the fact that Indonesia had officially invited the Burmese representatives elected in 1990.
“The MPU delegation was invited and given special treatment as official guests. They also made the arrangements for us to attend the Special Plenary Session in Parliament and to meet with the Speaker of the House,” U Win Hlaing said.
“This shows that they have high regard for the elected representatives of the people of Burma and deep sympathy for the suffering and struggle of our people,” he went on.
“They told us that ASEAN was not without problems but that they were willing to get more involved and deal with Burma issues tactfully.”
From Indonesia, the delegation will go to Singapore to discuss the issue of the MPU being admitted to the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, U Win Hlaing said.
On 13 August, MPU secretary U Khun Myint Tun testified before the Foreign Affairs Committee in the Philippines House of Representatives.
U Khun Myint Tun said he had told the committee that ASEAN’s constructive engagement policy on Burma had been a failure because it allowed the SPDC to avoid political dialogue.
“Another point I raised is that a tripartite dialogue [between the military, ethnic leaders, and the NLD] was imperative if national reconciliation is to be achieved in our country,” U Khun Myint Tun said.
“For that to happen, I said, appeasement policy and a pacified approach would not work and that strong pressure was needed,” he said.
“The [SPDC's] roadmap and its constitution need to be rejected and I suggested that the Philippine president and government take the lead within the ASEAN to initiate the move,” he continued.
“Under the present conditions, I said, the SPDC does not represent our country and therefore world countries should stop giving it de facto recognition.”
Following his proposal, the Philippines Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee passed a resolution to step up pressure for tripartite dialogue in Burma, said Khun Myint Tun.
“After my report, the chairperson of the Foreign Affairs Committee said they were 100 percent behind the people of Burma and that they would use whatever pressure they could to bring the SPDC to the negotiating table,” Khun Myint Tun said.
“The key resolutions passed are to recognise the results of the 1990 elections, to work for the emergence of a tripartite dialogue, and for the Philippine and other ASEAN governments to censure SPDC for its human rights violations and suppression of democratic forces in Burma,” he said.
“They also said that they would be asking the Philippine government to take more effective measures on Burma.”
Reporting by DVB
Students allegedly involved in fight face trial: police
Mizzima News
18 August 2008
New Delhi - Four university students belonging to Monywa town of Sagaing division upper Burma, who were arrested last week for a fight, were produced before the Monywa township court, police said.
The No (2) police station of Monywa said the four students, who were arrested for beating a fellow university student – Aung Kyaw Soe Win - on Thursday, were produced before the court on Monday.
While declining to elaborate on the case, the police said Aung Kyaw Soe Win was in good health but did not mention whether he was among the four who were produced in court.
Earlier, Mizzima received contradictory reports that said Aung Kyaw Soe Win died in a fight on Thursday. Four of his friends were arrested and are in custody at No, (2) police station.
A person, who claimed to have witnessed the fight on Thursday, in an interview with Mizzima said Aung Kyaw Soe Win, a second year Bachelor of Arts student in Monywa University, was killed while four of his friends were arrested after they were attacked by local policemen following an argument near the university campus on Thursday evening.
The five students were returning to the University after singing in front of a girl's hostel when they were stopped by about 10 policemen, who asked them to come with them to the police station, the eyewitness said.
But when the students refused, the policemen charged at them, severely injuring Aung Kyaw Soe Win and his friend Tun Min, the eyewitness added.
Reportedly, Aung Kyaw Soe Win (19), and his friend Tun Min were beaten up severely and were pushed into a police van, where Aung Kyaw Soe Win died even before he could be admitted to hospital.
But contrary to the eyewitness account, a Buddhist Monk from Okkan Thawya monastery, located near the University Campus where the fight had allegedly taken place told Mizzima that the fight was among rival students.
"It was between students and we heard that one of them died," the monk, who spoke on condition of anonymity told Mizzima.
But on Friday and Saturday, University students said, several police vans were seen inside the university campus though it was not clear why the police were there.
The Monywa hospital, when contacted by Mizzima, said there is no record of any patient by the name of Aung Kyaw Soe Win being admitted to the hospital since Wednesday.
"We have no such patient by the name of Aung Kyaw Soe Win since August 13," an official at the hospital said.
A local resident of Monywa, whom Mizzima had requested to investigate the case said, while there has been a death of a student, it was impossible to understand the nature of the fight – whether it was student versus students or police versus students.
"As far as I could understand there was a fight on Thursday night and a man has died but it is impossible to confirm who died and who were involved in the fight as there were no eyewitness," the local said.
A person claiming to be a close friend of Aung Kyaw Soe Win in an email message told Mizzima that he had seen Aung Kyaw Soe Win's body and it was cremated on Sunday. But he declined to be interviewed on telephone and failed to provide contact details of Aung Kyaw Soe Win's family.
Reporting by Mizzima reporters; writing by Mungpi
18 August 2008
New Delhi - Four university students belonging to Monywa town of Sagaing division upper Burma, who were arrested last week for a fight, were produced before the Monywa township court, police said.
The No (2) police station of Monywa said the four students, who were arrested for beating a fellow university student – Aung Kyaw Soe Win - on Thursday, were produced before the court on Monday.
While declining to elaborate on the case, the police said Aung Kyaw Soe Win was in good health but did not mention whether he was among the four who were produced in court.
Earlier, Mizzima received contradictory reports that said Aung Kyaw Soe Win died in a fight on Thursday. Four of his friends were arrested and are in custody at No, (2) police station.
A person, who claimed to have witnessed the fight on Thursday, in an interview with Mizzima said Aung Kyaw Soe Win, a second year Bachelor of Arts student in Monywa University, was killed while four of his friends were arrested after they were attacked by local policemen following an argument near the university campus on Thursday evening.
The five students were returning to the University after singing in front of a girl's hostel when they were stopped by about 10 policemen, who asked them to come with them to the police station, the eyewitness said.
But when the students refused, the policemen charged at them, severely injuring Aung Kyaw Soe Win and his friend Tun Min, the eyewitness added.
Reportedly, Aung Kyaw Soe Win (19), and his friend Tun Min were beaten up severely and were pushed into a police van, where Aung Kyaw Soe Win died even before he could be admitted to hospital.
But contrary to the eyewitness account, a Buddhist Monk from Okkan Thawya monastery, located near the University Campus where the fight had allegedly taken place told Mizzima that the fight was among rival students.
"It was between students and we heard that one of them died," the monk, who spoke on condition of anonymity told Mizzima.
But on Friday and Saturday, University students said, several police vans were seen inside the university campus though it was not clear why the police were there.
The Monywa hospital, when contacted by Mizzima, said there is no record of any patient by the name of Aung Kyaw Soe Win being admitted to the hospital since Wednesday.
"We have no such patient by the name of Aung Kyaw Soe Win since August 13," an official at the hospital said.
A local resident of Monywa, whom Mizzima had requested to investigate the case said, while there has been a death of a student, it was impossible to understand the nature of the fight – whether it was student versus students or police versus students.
"As far as I could understand there was a fight on Thursday night and a man has died but it is impossible to confirm who died and who were involved in the fight as there were no eyewitness," the local said.
A person claiming to be a close friend of Aung Kyaw Soe Win in an email message told Mizzima that he had seen Aung Kyaw Soe Win's body and it was cremated on Sunday. But he declined to be interviewed on telephone and failed to provide contact details of Aung Kyaw Soe Win's family.
Reporting by Mizzima reporters; writing by Mungpi
Gambari's visit has created no political breakthrough: Burmese opposition
By Mungpi
Mizzima News
18 August 2008
New Delhi - Burma's main opposition party – the National League fro Democracy – on Monday said it welcomed another round of visit by the United Nations special envoy to Burma, but pointed out that so far Gambari's efforts had failed to create any political breakthrough.
Nyan Win, spokesperson of the NLD, said they have always welcomed efforts by the UN and hope that it will bring about a breakthrough in the current political stalemate in Burma.
"We hope this time he [Gambari] will be able to work towards resuming the talks between Daw Suu and U Aung Kyi," Nyan Win said.
Following Gambari's first visit after Burma's military rulers brutally cracked down on protesters in September, the junta appointed its Labour Minister Aung Kyi as the liaison person to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Both Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi, since then have met five times but the talks have been stalled since January with the Nobel Peace Laureate complaining of the slow pace of talks.
"So far, we have not seen any tangible result of his [Gambari] visit but we hope he will bring about some kind of breakthrough," Nyan Win said.
Gambari on Monday arrived in Rangoon on his fourth visit since Burma's rulers brutally cracked down on protesters in September last year.
But it is still not clear whether Gambari will be allowed to meet top military leaders as well as opposition and ethnic groups including detained opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
NLD leaders, who were allowed to meet Gambari on his earlier visits, said they have not received any invitation to meet the visiting UN envoy.
Win Min, a Burmese political observer in Thailand, said Gambari's visit this time could have no significance as "Gambari seems to continue to use his old plan which is to revive the talk, rather than formulate a new plan, while the regime has already discontinued talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi."
"The regime didn't listen to Gambari's suggestions on inclusiveness on drafting the constitution and the UN's monitoring on referendum in the past. So, they're unlikely to listen to him this time," he added.
He also said a rare meeting between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her lawyer, Kyi Win, could be a little concession by the military regime to appease Gambari in replacing the talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed for the second time in a month to meet her lawyer Kyi Win, and granted a visit by her family doctor, Tin Myo Win, on Sunday.
Gambari last visited Burma in March, more than a month before the military regime held its referendum on a draft constitution in May, and urged the junta to allow the UN to monitor the process of its referendum.
But the junta flatly rejected his suggestion saying the Burmese government was capable enough of conducting a free and fair referendum.
However, the international community including human rights watchdogs have dubbed the junta's referendum as 'rigged' and lacking in credibility.
Despite the international community's condemnation, the junta continued with its planned referendum and announced that its draft constitution was approved by more than 92 per cent of the total eligible voters in Burma. The voter turn out declared by the regime was more than 98 per cent.
Mizzima News
18 August 2008
New Delhi - Burma's main opposition party – the National League fro Democracy – on Monday said it welcomed another round of visit by the United Nations special envoy to Burma, but pointed out that so far Gambari's efforts had failed to create any political breakthrough.
Nyan Win, spokesperson of the NLD, said they have always welcomed efforts by the UN and hope that it will bring about a breakthrough in the current political stalemate in Burma.
"We hope this time he [Gambari] will be able to work towards resuming the talks between Daw Suu and U Aung Kyi," Nyan Win said.
Following Gambari's first visit after Burma's military rulers brutally cracked down on protesters in September, the junta appointed its Labour Minister Aung Kyi as the liaison person to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Both Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi, since then have met five times but the talks have been stalled since January with the Nobel Peace Laureate complaining of the slow pace of talks.
"So far, we have not seen any tangible result of his [Gambari] visit but we hope he will bring about some kind of breakthrough," Nyan Win said.
Gambari on Monday arrived in Rangoon on his fourth visit since Burma's rulers brutally cracked down on protesters in September last year.
But it is still not clear whether Gambari will be allowed to meet top military leaders as well as opposition and ethnic groups including detained opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
NLD leaders, who were allowed to meet Gambari on his earlier visits, said they have not received any invitation to meet the visiting UN envoy.
Win Min, a Burmese political observer in Thailand, said Gambari's visit this time could have no significance as "Gambari seems to continue to use his old plan which is to revive the talk, rather than formulate a new plan, while the regime has already discontinued talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi."
"The regime didn't listen to Gambari's suggestions on inclusiveness on drafting the constitution and the UN's monitoring on referendum in the past. So, they're unlikely to listen to him this time," he added.
He also said a rare meeting between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her lawyer, Kyi Win, could be a little concession by the military regime to appease Gambari in replacing the talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed for the second time in a month to meet her lawyer Kyi Win, and granted a visit by her family doctor, Tin Myo Win, on Sunday.
Gambari last visited Burma in March, more than a month before the military regime held its referendum on a draft constitution in May, and urged the junta to allow the UN to monitor the process of its referendum.
But the junta flatly rejected his suggestion saying the Burmese government was capable enough of conducting a free and fair referendum.
However, the international community including human rights watchdogs have dubbed the junta's referendum as 'rigged' and lacking in credibility.
Despite the international community's condemnation, the junta continued with its planned referendum and announced that its draft constitution was approved by more than 92 per cent of the total eligible voters in Burma. The voter turn out declared by the regime was more than 98 per cent.
Charity fund-raiser
HELPING HAND
(Bangkok Post) - This is a charity cause that will help both the recipient and the giver. The Phuttika Network, a coalition of socially engaged Buddhists in Thailand, is raising funds to support the poor children of Burma.
After almost fifty years of military dictatorship, the situations in our neighbouring country have become more aggravated than ever. According to the Central Intelligence Agency's World Fact Book web site, 32.7 per cent of the population in 2007 lived below the poverty line. Despite its rich resources, less than 10 per cent of Burma's national budget has been spent on education (whereas up to 30 per cent was allocated to the military).
Children are among the worst affected. It is estimated there are up to 70,000 child soldiers in Burma, making it the world's highest figure. One-sixth of children under five were found to suffer from severe malnutrition. About 35 per cent of all children have spent less than five years in school. A large number have become orphans, after their parents were killed during the government's suppression of ethnic minority groups, or turned into forced labour on state's development projects. These children, if neglected, are likely to end up as cheap migrant workers (most probably sent to Thailand) or worse, exploited by human trafficking rings.
As the majority of the people in Burma are Buddhists, temples have thus played a crucial role serving as both schools and orphanages for the destitute youths. The Phuttika Network estimates there are more than 1,400 temples across Burma, which provide help and with very little support from the government (especially after the peaceful demonstration by monks last year). In Rangoon alone there are over 160 temple schools, each of which houses 300 to 500 children of both Burmese and other ethnic origins. Some even accommodate as many as a couple of thousands.
The Fund for Education of Poor Children in Burma, initiated by the Phuttika Network, is aimed at alleviating hardships faced by these temples. Recently, donations from the locals have fallen sharply due to the dire economy and calamitous Cyclone Nargis, which prompted thousands of the victims in the Irrawaddy delta to seek refuge at the monastic sanctuaries.
The raised money may not seem large for Thais, but it will be of pivotal importance to the people of Burma, says Phra Paisan Visalo, chair of the Phuttika Network.
"True compassion," he said, "transcends any race, language, or geographical boundaries. For above it all, every human is related as brothers and sisters. A heart full of compassion will be so big that 'they' become part of 'us', or even better, that there will be neither 'us' nor 'them'.
"In the past, Thailand used to receive help from other richer countries, and millions of Thai children have been relieved from malnutrition, and can enjoy better health and education. Today, we are in a position to help others, especially those in the neighbouring countries, who are much poorer than us. The offer of our generosity will thus not only bring the feeling of joy to the givers themselves, but can also inspire hope for a better future for these children."
Donations made through the Children's Foundation at PO Box Krutumlom 73220, or at Siam Commercial Bank, Phetkasem Soi 114 branch; savings account 115-2-14733-0. A Buddhist ceremony will be held on August 24 at Wat Thong Nopphakhun to coincide with the charitable project. Call 02-883-0592, 02-886-9881, or 08-6300-5458.
-----
HELP NEEDED
- Orphans: Ban San Rak, meaning house of woven love, provides loving care to a group of orphans from the northern hilltribes as well as Thai-Japanese children whose mothers used to be in the flesh trade. The shelter is located in Mae Lao district of Chiang Rai.
To help, contact Phimphan Kaewsrinuan at 74 Moo 5 Tambon Phakhodham, Mae Lao district, Chiang Rai 57250. Call 05-360-4203 or 08-1952-8865, or email phimphanw@yahoo.com.
Bank info: Krung Sri Ayudhya Bank, Chiang Rai branch. Savings a/c name: Phimphan Kaewsrinuan Account no: 110-1-36902-1.
- Glasses: Your old, unused spectacles can help needy children see better. Thanks to the Mettapracharak Hospital's Eyeglasses Bank in Nakhon Pathom province, you can donate your old glasses so they can be repaired and distributed to needy children with poor eyesight, who cannot afford to buy spectacles.
To donate, contact the Mettapracharak (Wat Raikhing) Hospital's Eyeglasses Bank.
Contact person: Dr Pannet Pangputhipong. Address: 52 Moo 2, tambon Raikhing, Sam Phran district, Nakhon Pathom, 73210. Call 03-4321-983 - 5, 03-4321-244. Fax: 03-4321-243.
- Hornbills: You can help "adopt" these endangered birds and save them from extinction by joining the hornbill adoption campaign.
In need of help are the wrinkled hornbills, white-crowned hornbills, helmeted hornbills, black hornbills, rhinoceros hornbills, great Hornbills and wreathed hornbills.
To help, contact the Hornbill Research Foundation.
Address: c/o Department of Microbiology, Faculty of Science, Mahidol University, Rama 6 Road, Bangkok 10400.
Call 02-246-3026 ext 4606. Fax: 02-644-5411.
(Bangkok Post) - This is a charity cause that will help both the recipient and the giver. The Phuttika Network, a coalition of socially engaged Buddhists in Thailand, is raising funds to support the poor children of Burma.
After almost fifty years of military dictatorship, the situations in our neighbouring country have become more aggravated than ever. According to the Central Intelligence Agency's World Fact Book web site, 32.7 per cent of the population in 2007 lived below the poverty line. Despite its rich resources, less than 10 per cent of Burma's national budget has been spent on education (whereas up to 30 per cent was allocated to the military).
Children are among the worst affected. It is estimated there are up to 70,000 child soldiers in Burma, making it the world's highest figure. One-sixth of children under five were found to suffer from severe malnutrition. About 35 per cent of all children have spent less than five years in school. A large number have become orphans, after their parents were killed during the government's suppression of ethnic minority groups, or turned into forced labour on state's development projects. These children, if neglected, are likely to end up as cheap migrant workers (most probably sent to Thailand) or worse, exploited by human trafficking rings.
As the majority of the people in Burma are Buddhists, temples have thus played a crucial role serving as both schools and orphanages for the destitute youths. The Phuttika Network estimates there are more than 1,400 temples across Burma, which provide help and with very little support from the government (especially after the peaceful demonstration by monks last year). In Rangoon alone there are over 160 temple schools, each of which houses 300 to 500 children of both Burmese and other ethnic origins. Some even accommodate as many as a couple of thousands.
The Fund for Education of Poor Children in Burma, initiated by the Phuttika Network, is aimed at alleviating hardships faced by these temples. Recently, donations from the locals have fallen sharply due to the dire economy and calamitous Cyclone Nargis, which prompted thousands of the victims in the Irrawaddy delta to seek refuge at the monastic sanctuaries.
The raised money may not seem large for Thais, but it will be of pivotal importance to the people of Burma, says Phra Paisan Visalo, chair of the Phuttika Network.
"True compassion," he said, "transcends any race, language, or geographical boundaries. For above it all, every human is related as brothers and sisters. A heart full of compassion will be so big that 'they' become part of 'us', or even better, that there will be neither 'us' nor 'them'.
"In the past, Thailand used to receive help from other richer countries, and millions of Thai children have been relieved from malnutrition, and can enjoy better health and education. Today, we are in a position to help others, especially those in the neighbouring countries, who are much poorer than us. The offer of our generosity will thus not only bring the feeling of joy to the givers themselves, but can also inspire hope for a better future for these children."
Donations made through the Children's Foundation at PO Box Krutumlom 73220, or at Siam Commercial Bank, Phetkasem Soi 114 branch; savings account 115-2-14733-0. A Buddhist ceremony will be held on August 24 at Wat Thong Nopphakhun to coincide with the charitable project. Call 02-883-0592, 02-886-9881, or 08-6300-5458.
-----
HELP NEEDED
- Orphans: Ban San Rak, meaning house of woven love, provides loving care to a group of orphans from the northern hilltribes as well as Thai-Japanese children whose mothers used to be in the flesh trade. The shelter is located in Mae Lao district of Chiang Rai.
To help, contact Phimphan Kaewsrinuan at 74 Moo 5 Tambon Phakhodham, Mae Lao district, Chiang Rai 57250. Call 05-360-4203 or 08-1952-8865, or email phimphanw@yahoo.com.
Bank info: Krung Sri Ayudhya Bank, Chiang Rai branch. Savings a/c name: Phimphan Kaewsrinuan Account no: 110-1-36902-1.
- Glasses: Your old, unused spectacles can help needy children see better. Thanks to the Mettapracharak Hospital's Eyeglasses Bank in Nakhon Pathom province, you can donate your old glasses so they can be repaired and distributed to needy children with poor eyesight, who cannot afford to buy spectacles.
To donate, contact the Mettapracharak (Wat Raikhing) Hospital's Eyeglasses Bank.
Contact person: Dr Pannet Pangputhipong. Address: 52 Moo 2, tambon Raikhing, Sam Phran district, Nakhon Pathom, 73210. Call 03-4321-983 - 5, 03-4321-244. Fax: 03-4321-243.
- Hornbills: You can help "adopt" these endangered birds and save them from extinction by joining the hornbill adoption campaign.
In need of help are the wrinkled hornbills, white-crowned hornbills, helmeted hornbills, black hornbills, rhinoceros hornbills, great Hornbills and wreathed hornbills.
To help, contact the Hornbill Research Foundation.
Address: c/o Department of Microbiology, Faculty of Science, Mahidol University, Rama 6 Road, Bangkok 10400.
Call 02-246-3026 ext 4606. Fax: 02-644-5411.
Monday, 18 August 2008
Begging won't save Burma
(Boston.com) - THE UNITED Nations can be an irreplaceable forum for diplomacy and a provider of humanitarian assistance. But this parliament of Nations has repeatedly failed to live up to its responsibility to protect populations from criminal regimes. Nowhere has that failure been more flagrant than in Burma, where a vicious military junta continues to deceive and defy the world body.
The junta's disregard for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and his special envoy for Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, will be at center stage this week, when Gambari visits that sad land. As in his previous visits, Gambari can be expected to implore the same generals who callously turned away offers of relief for cyclone victims last spring to release political prisoners and bring about a reconciliation with the National League for Democracy, the overwhelming winner of the last free elections held in Burma, in 1990.
But Gambari's mission is not merely to beg junta leaders for goodwill gestures. His mandate from the UN General Assembly lists two clear and measurable "indicators of achievement" for the year 2008. One is to obtain the release of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest - and of other political prisoners from prison. The second is to bring about "reopening of the offices of the National League for Democracy throughout the country."
If Gambari fails to fulfill this mandate, he should explain why. The UN should then seek more effective means of protecting citizens of Burma from a regime that murders and rapes its own people and conscripts more child soldiers than any other country. In place of fruitless dialogue, the UN will have to explore an arms embargo, banking sanctions, and serious pressure from Burma's Asian neighbors.
The junta's disregard for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and his special envoy for Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, will be at center stage this week, when Gambari visits that sad land. As in his previous visits, Gambari can be expected to implore the same generals who callously turned away offers of relief for cyclone victims last spring to release political prisoners and bring about a reconciliation with the National League for Democracy, the overwhelming winner of the last free elections held in Burma, in 1990.
But Gambari's mission is not merely to beg junta leaders for goodwill gestures. His mandate from the UN General Assembly lists two clear and measurable "indicators of achievement" for the year 2008. One is to obtain the release of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest - and of other political prisoners from prison. The second is to bring about "reopening of the offices of the National League for Democracy throughout the country."
If Gambari fails to fulfill this mandate, he should explain why. The UN should then seek more effective means of protecting citizens of Burma from a regime that murders and rapes its own people and conscripts more child soldiers than any other country. In place of fruitless dialogue, the UN will have to explore an arms embargo, banking sanctions, and serious pressure from Burma's Asian neighbors.
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