By JIM ANDREWS
The Irrawaddy News
SEPTEMBER, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.9
Why the fate of Thailand’s fugitive ex-premier has captured attention in Naypyidaw?
BURMA’s generals must be following with more than passing interest the drama of former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s flight into exile.
It lies beyond the wildest imagination to believe they could ever join their erstwhile business crony in seeking refuge in the West. Nevertheless, in a world where the cat’s cradle of international treaties and alliances of convenience is constantly changing, the number of countries where they are assured of a welcome is possibly shrinking.
Thaksin and his family reportedly took months to work out where they could count on refuge if Thai law finally caught up with them. It’s perhaps no surprise that they chose England, where they have two expensive homes and large investments—and where Thaksin owns, at least for the present, a major football club, Manchester City.
But did China ever come into consideration? And if it did, why was exile there ruled out? Thaksin, after all, has distant Chinese ancestors, and he and his family obviously feel well at home there. These are questions and considerations that could occupy the generals’ attention if ever events in Burma caused them to seek exile abroad.
The likelihood of the generals ever being forced into exile lies at present in the “pigs might fly” realm of fantasy, of course—particularly as international governments appear to be gearing up to accept the results of the 2010 general election, which will enshrine for the foreseeable future the leading role of the military in governing Burma.
The nearer Burma gets to the critical 2010 date, the smaller becomes the political opposition’s chance to forestall the election. Any amendment of the constitution is now out of reach, and the doctored result of the referendum that endorsed the document has now been chiseled in stone—not only in Burma, but also in the wider world. Even the media of the free world repeats without comment the official fiction that the referendum was approved by more than 90 percent of the population.
In these circumstances, Burma’s military leaders can surely relax and feel secure from the threat of ever having to flee. Or can they?
Consider the case of Thaksin Shinawatra. Who in their right mind only three years ago, when Thaksin won a landslide election victory and consolidated an apparently invincible power base, would have predicted that his image would slide off the society pages and onto a “Wanted” poster displayed at Thailand’s border entry points?
This is the man who graduated with a PhD in “criminal justice” at a US university, enabling him with impunity to place the title “Dr” before his name in honors-conscious Britain.
The nature of his studies in the US gave him the background for a career in Thailand’s police department, which also provided him with the chance to lay the basis of his business fortune when he secured a contract to supply the department with computer software.
Five years later, he established a software marketing company, which spawned various lucrative ventures but also a spider’s web of shady dealings that finally enmeshed Thaksin and his family.
By now, he was eyeing a career in politics and after joining the government of the time he was appointed foreign minister in 1994 and deputy prime minister the following year. In 1998, he founded his own party, Thai Rak Thai (TRT), leading it to a crushing victory in a general election in January 2001.
Suspicions that business interests were conflicting with Thaksin’s public duties surfaced early on in his administration, however, and he narrowly survived charges of failing to fully disclose his assets during his time as deputy prime minister.
Thaksin’s rapid rise on parallel paths to the pinnacle of political power and to the status of Thailand’s wealthiest individual fuelled growing concern and opposition, particularly among the country’s influential middle-class intellectuals and the old conservative, royalist guard.
A snap election called by Thaksin in April 2006 returned him and his TRT party to power with a massive mandate but failed to stem the demonstrations, and in September 2006 he was overthrown by a military coup while abroad.
He returned to Thailand in February 2008, following the December 2007 election that brought current prime minister and Thaksin ally Samak Sundaravej to power.
As legal investigations of Thaksin’s business dealings intensified and after his wife was sentenced to three years imprisonment for withholding tax on share dealings, the couple fled last month to Beijing and then Britain.
If Thaksin is extradited by Britain or returns home voluntarily, he faces a raft of corruption and malfeasance charges, including one involving approval by his government of a loan to Burma to buy telecommunications technology from a Shinawatra family-owned enterprise—another reason why the Thaksin drama commands great interest in Naypyidaw.
Wednesday, 3 September 2008
Will Soe Tha Get It Right this Time?
The Irrawaddy News
Intelligence - Sep'08
Stung by charges that millions of dollars are being creamed off cyclone aid in a sophisticated currency scam, the Burmese regime has come up with a proposal it hopes will allay the accusations.
The military government’s minister for national planning and economic development, Soe Tha, suggests that aid agencies could bypass dubious currency exchange regulations by paying dollars directly into the bank accounts of Burmese vendors from whom they purchase goods and services.
At present, aid agencies have to exchange their dollars for foreign exchange certificates at a rate below the real value of the US currency. The discrepancy results in the disappearance of large amounts of dollars, and some donor countries are demanding to know where the money goes.
However, Soe Tha’s proposal hasn’t been received with much enthusiasm by the aid agencies.
Soe Tha is the man who exaggerated the cost of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis, telling the donor conference in Rangoon in May that US $11 billion would be required to rebuild the devastated areas and their economies. The Asean-Burma-UN group that surveyed the damage put the cost at $4 billion, however.
In another misleading statement, Soe Tha said the rice output in Irrawaddy and Rangoon divisions made up only 2.3 percent of the nation’s total production. Experts agree that the two regions, in fact, produce more than 50 percent of the country’s rice.
Soe Tha was appointed minister for national planning and economic development in 1999, after the dismissal of Brig-Gen David Abel. His area of expertise before this appointment was in the postal service and telecommunications—where observers say he should have gained greater skills in economic planning and reliable prognosis.
Intelligence - Sep'08
Stung by charges that millions of dollars are being creamed off cyclone aid in a sophisticated currency scam, the Burmese regime has come up with a proposal it hopes will allay the accusations.
The military government’s minister for national planning and economic development, Soe Tha, suggests that aid agencies could bypass dubious currency exchange regulations by paying dollars directly into the bank accounts of Burmese vendors from whom they purchase goods and services.
At present, aid agencies have to exchange their dollars for foreign exchange certificates at a rate below the real value of the US currency. The discrepancy results in the disappearance of large amounts of dollars, and some donor countries are demanding to know where the money goes.
However, Soe Tha’s proposal hasn’t been received with much enthusiasm by the aid agencies.
Soe Tha is the man who exaggerated the cost of the damage wrought by Cyclone Nargis, telling the donor conference in Rangoon in May that US $11 billion would be required to rebuild the devastated areas and their economies. The Asean-Burma-UN group that surveyed the damage put the cost at $4 billion, however.
In another misleading statement, Soe Tha said the rice output in Irrawaddy and Rangoon divisions made up only 2.3 percent of the nation’s total production. Experts agree that the two regions, in fact, produce more than 50 percent of the country’s rice.
Soe Tha was appointed minister for national planning and economic development in 1999, after the dismissal of Brig-Gen David Abel. His area of expertise before this appointment was in the postal service and telecommunications—where observers say he should have gained greater skills in economic planning and reliable prognosis.
Behind the Scenes at the Bush Meeting
The Irrawaddy News
Intelligence Sep'08
US President George W Bush met with Thailand-based Burmese exiles in August, in a strong show of American support for Burma’s beleaguered pro-democracy movement.
The meeting was the first of its kind between a US head of state and members of the Burmese diaspora in Thailand. Earlier suggestions that it might take place in Chiang Mai, home to many Burmese exiles, were soon dropped in favor of an informal lunch gathering at the US ambassador’s residence in Bangkok, to allay Thai concerns about roiling relations with its neighbor.
Although Bush did not signal any change in the US policy of isolating Burma’s military rulers, those who attended the gathering noted the presence of a Burmese aid worker involved in Cyclone Nargis relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta. Some members of the exiled dissident community suggested that the last-minute invitation to this individual was intended to represent the pro-engagement camp. However, inside sources said that the aid worker was a professional who maintained her distance from the regime.
While Bush played host to his Burmese guests, his wife, Laura, visited the Mae Tao clinic in the Thai-Burmese border town of Mae Sot and the Mae La refugee camp, home to some 45,000 refugees. Despite Thai concerns about the safety of the US delegation in an area notorious for cross-border raids by groups allied to the Burmese army, the visit was completed without a hitch.
The exiles who met the Bushes were pleasantly surprised by their level of interest in Burmese issues. US officials later said that both had learned a great deal from their encounters with the Thai-based exiles. The president came away from his meeting with a sense that the problems facing Burma were “complex,” said a Washington-based official.
Intelligence Sep'08
US President George W Bush met with Thailand-based Burmese exiles in August, in a strong show of American support for Burma’s beleaguered pro-democracy movement.
The meeting was the first of its kind between a US head of state and members of the Burmese diaspora in Thailand. Earlier suggestions that it might take place in Chiang Mai, home to many Burmese exiles, were soon dropped in favor of an informal lunch gathering at the US ambassador’s residence in Bangkok, to allay Thai concerns about roiling relations with its neighbor.
Although Bush did not signal any change in the US policy of isolating Burma’s military rulers, those who attended the gathering noted the presence of a Burmese aid worker involved in Cyclone Nargis relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta. Some members of the exiled dissident community suggested that the last-minute invitation to this individual was intended to represent the pro-engagement camp. However, inside sources said that the aid worker was a professional who maintained her distance from the regime.
While Bush played host to his Burmese guests, his wife, Laura, visited the Mae Tao clinic in the Thai-Burmese border town of Mae Sot and the Mae La refugee camp, home to some 45,000 refugees. Despite Thai concerns about the safety of the US delegation in an area notorious for cross-border raids by groups allied to the Burmese army, the visit was completed without a hitch.
The exiles who met the Bushes were pleasantly surprised by their level of interest in Burmese issues. US officials later said that both had learned a great deal from their encounters with the Thai-based exiles. The president came away from his meeting with a sense that the problems facing Burma were “complex,” said a Washington-based official.
Thai Buddhists Help Needy Burmese Children
By THE IRRAWADDYSEPTEMBER, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.9
Needy children in Burma will benefit from an initiative launched by the Phuttika Network, a coalition of “socially engaged’’ Buddhists in Thailand.
Every year, at Buddhist Lent, the Phuttika Network chooses a worthy cause to support. This year it launched a “Fund for Education of Poor Children in Burma,” at a charity event in late August at Bangkok’s Wat Thong Nopphakhun.
The Phuttika Network noted that more than 1,400 monasteries across Burma play a crucial role in providing education and shelter for destitute young people and orphans.
They receive very little support from the Burmese government, particularly after the monk-led September 2007 demonstrations. Financial support from the Burmese public has also dropped sharply because of the dire economic situation in Burma.
The monk who heads Phuttika Network, Phra Paisan Visalo, said support for the network’s initiative would be pivotal in easing the plight of needy young people in Burma.
“True compassion transcends any race, language, or geographical boundaries,” he said. “For above it all, every human is related as brother and sister. A heart full of compassion will be so big that ‘they’ become part of ‘us,’ or even better, there will be neither ‘us’ nor ‘them’.”
Donors are invited to contribute to the network’s fund.
Further information can be obtained by calling
(66) 02-883-0592,
(66) 02-886-9881 or
(66) 08-6300-5458.
Spare the Child
Street kids in Rangoon are often employed as laborers. (Photo: Aung Thet Wine/The Irrawaddy)By AUNG THET WINE - The Irrawaddy News - V16-9
RANGOON — ABOUT 6:30 p.m., a sudden, heavy rain poured down on the Thirimingala vegetable market, sending crowds of shoppers, traders and laborers running for cover.Burma’s military government pays lip service to the rights of children,
but still allows child labor and recruits underage soldiers
A group of children in ragged clothes paid no attention to the drenching rain. They continued picking through wilted and soiled vegetables and fruit that had been dumped in piles of garbage behind the market.
Bits of vegetables and fruit that appeared edible were quickly stuffed into their bags. Next to the children, a few adult men and women also sifted through putrid piles of foodstuff.
The children, about 30 in total, outnumbered the adults. They were part of a small army of child laborers in Rangoon who struggle for survival, forsaking school for odd jobs, begging and scavenging.
“I come from Hlaing Tharyar,” said Ywun Ei San, a 10-year-old girl who was collecting discarded foodstuff to sell to market vendors in her hometown on the outskirts of Rangoon.“Usually, the trucks and vegetable wholesalers throw away their damaged vegetables around 4 a.m., and at about 6:30 in the evening. We collect the good pieces. We can earn a thousand kyat a day (US $0.85).
Ywun Ei San has survived by collecting garbage for more than a year. Usually, a child, if asked what they would most like to have, says something about toys, games or candy. However, Ywun Ei San, in a resigned voice, said she wanted “vegetables that I can sell.”
Nobody knows the number of child laborers in Burma, but they number perhaps in the hundreds of thousands, working in markets, teashops, restaurants, small industry and on construction sites. Some children also end up as domestic servants, while others are exploited in the sex trade.
At 4 o’clock one morning, eight children in their teens had already started their jobs at the Win teashop in Mayangone Township on the Rangoon-Insein road. With sleep still in their eyes, some washed cups and plates, while others prepared a fire to boil water, cooked snacks and arranged tables and stools.
“We get up at 3:30 in the morning. The shop opens at 5:30. About 6:30, the customers start coming in and we start serving them. The shop owner feeds us at 8,” said Maung Thaw Kaung, a skinny 12-year-old boy. His bones pressed against his skin, and his hands were rough and worn.
“We have to serve the customers all day until the shop closes at 10:30 at night,” he said. “We have to clean and get the things in order after the shop closes, and then we go to bed about midnight. I have worked here for more than three years now, and I earn 8,000 kyat ($7) a month. Phoe Lone and Wae Htoo [two child co-workers] have just started their work here. Each of them earns 4,500 kyat ($3.70) a month. The shop feeds us two meals a day. We put these stools together with a blanket, and they are our beds.”
Burmese labor laws officially allow 8-hour working days for adults, but the children at Win teashop put in more than 17 hours a day.
“When I started running this shop, I hired five adult waiters and two children for menial jobs,” said the teashop’s owner. “Later, I learned the adults were not good at the work. Children don’t complain as much, and they do whatever I ask them to do, so I gave all the work to children.”
Many employers say the same thing about child workers, and they have little to fear because of the loose enforcement of child labor laws by authorities.
An elected representative of the National League for Democracy (NLD) said child workers were among the “silent voices” of Burma. “Nowadays, we can see child workers everywhere, from maid services to big construction sites, and it is rare to see work sites in Burma with no children. That shows our country’s future is in trouble,” he said.
An officer with an NGO that works to protect children’s rights said, “Burma signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991, but the government performance in this regard is inadequate and unsatisfactory.”
“Children here don’t enjoy the rights which were accepted in the CRC,” he said. “We have laws, but it is very difficult to implement them.”
According to the CRC, every child is entitled to a standard of living with adequate physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development. This essentially means all children should have basic shelter, nutritious food, clean water, basic health care, the right to an education, the right to be protected from all forms of exploitation, violence and neglect and the right to express their views freely in accordance with age and maturity.
The Burmese military government, however, fails in guaranteeing such protection and is itself a major violator through its conscription and use of child soldiers in the Burmese military. Residents in Kyeemyindaing Township in Rangoon have reported that military recruiters approach street children in the areas of Central San Pya fish market and the Thirimingala market.
A resident living near the central fish market of Kyeemyindaing Township said, “There are many street children hanging around Thirimingala market. Some children have parents, but they are so poor, they can’t raise their children, and they put them on the streets. Other children are orphans. They survive by odd jobs, living on the street. Many of these street children are rounded up and forced to serve in the military.”
Similar reports are common throughout Burma even as the military government has consistently claimed to support child labor laws and denied allegations of forced child recruitment in the military.
A lawyer from Mayangone Township in Rangoon who has studied the child labor issue said, “Burma has promulgated the ‘1993 National Child Labor Law’ and the ‘2001 Rules Related to Child Labor Laws,’ but actually, these laws are only on paper and are not enforced.”
Stories of child laborers, child soldiers and abandoned street children almost never appear in the state-run media or privately owned press. When such accounts are written by journalists or concerned activists, the junta’s censorship board red flags the stories and they are discarded, said a senior journalist in Rangoon.
“I see many examples of child laborers and child soldiers while going around the city,” he said. “The censorship board is sensitive about that kind of news.”
The NLD representative is left to wonder why the military government refuses to fulfill its responsibility to protect children from neglect and exploitation.
“To stop the use of child laborers and child soldiers, we need to overhaul the whole administration system,” he said. “Until we have a system where the law is respected and actually enforced, we will continue to see more child laborers, child soldiers and child abuse,” he said.
Gambira to Snub Military Court
By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy News
Ashin Gambira, the detained leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), will not appear for trial on Thursday if the Burmese military authorities do not accede to his request to be tried under Buddhist law, his lawyers and relatives in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
“Ashin Gambira has stated that he refuses to wear handcuffs,” Aung Thein, one of his lawyers, said. “In accordance with Buddhist law he should also be allowed to wear his monk’s robes when he appears for trial.”
However, his requests were denied by Insein prison court on Monday, his lawyer said.
Aung Thein told The Irrawaddy that Ashin Gambira had been charged with nine separate criminal offenses by the military court. The alleged offences include: State Offence Act 505 A and B, Immigration Act 13/1, Illegal Organization Act 17/1, Electronic Act 303 A and Organization Act 6.
Ashin Gambira was one of the monks who spearheaded last year’s pro-democracy uprising. After security forces brutally suppressed peaceful demonstrations on September 26-27, the head monk was arrested and subsequently disrobed by the authorities without consultating the Sangha, the institution of the Buddhist monkhood.
“We appealed to the military court to try Ashin Gambira before a Buddhist system of justice,” Aung Thein said. “The authorities have no right to disrobe him or to charge him with criminal offenses.”
Ashin Gambira’s legal adviser added that the army has its own code of military discipline, as does the national police. In turn, the law of the Sangha should be equally recognized, he added.
“The state’s senior monks should be permitted to hear the case against Ashin Gambira, because he is a monk,” Aung Thein said. “There is no law in Burma forbidding persons to chant the Metta Sutta [the Buddha’s words on loving kindness].”
The ABMA led thousands of monks and civilian protesters in street demonstrations last year. The military authorities’ bloody crackdown left at least 10 persons dead, although human rights groups claim up to 31 protesters may have been killed while thousands of monks and civilians were arrested and detained.
The Thailand-based Burmese Lawyers’ Council released a statement on Tuesday calling for the Burmese military government to immediately cease bringing Buddhist monks before a military court.
Meanwhile, the state-run Burmese State Sangha Nayaka Committee has begun eliciting signatures from monks at Zayawaddy monastery in Rangoon as guarantees that they will refrain from involvement in political affairs, according to a monk close to the monastery.
The monk said that 70 monks are studying at Zayawaddy monastery and that most monks had already signed the pledge.
The Irrawaddy News
Ashin Gambira, the detained leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA), will not appear for trial on Thursday if the Burmese military authorities do not accede to his request to be tried under Buddhist law, his lawyers and relatives in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
“Ashin Gambira has stated that he refuses to wear handcuffs,” Aung Thein, one of his lawyers, said. “In accordance with Buddhist law he should also be allowed to wear his monk’s robes when he appears for trial.”
However, his requests were denied by Insein prison court on Monday, his lawyer said.
Aung Thein told The Irrawaddy that Ashin Gambira had been charged with nine separate criminal offenses by the military court. The alleged offences include: State Offence Act 505 A and B, Immigration Act 13/1, Illegal Organization Act 17/1, Electronic Act 303 A and Organization Act 6.
Ashin Gambira was one of the monks who spearheaded last year’s pro-democracy uprising. After security forces brutally suppressed peaceful demonstrations on September 26-27, the head monk was arrested and subsequently disrobed by the authorities without consultating the Sangha, the institution of the Buddhist monkhood.
“We appealed to the military court to try Ashin Gambira before a Buddhist system of justice,” Aung Thein said. “The authorities have no right to disrobe him or to charge him with criminal offenses.”
Ashin Gambira’s legal adviser added that the army has its own code of military discipline, as does the national police. In turn, the law of the Sangha should be equally recognized, he added.
“The state’s senior monks should be permitted to hear the case against Ashin Gambira, because he is a monk,” Aung Thein said. “There is no law in Burma forbidding persons to chant the Metta Sutta [the Buddha’s words on loving kindness].”
The ABMA led thousands of monks and civilian protesters in street demonstrations last year. The military authorities’ bloody crackdown left at least 10 persons dead, although human rights groups claim up to 31 protesters may have been killed while thousands of monks and civilians were arrested and detained.
The Thailand-based Burmese Lawyers’ Council released a statement on Tuesday calling for the Burmese military government to immediately cease bringing Buddhist monks before a military court.
Meanwhile, the state-run Burmese State Sangha Nayaka Committee has begun eliciting signatures from monks at Zayawaddy monastery in Rangoon as guarantees that they will refrain from involvement in political affairs, according to a monk close to the monastery.
The monk said that 70 monks are studying at Zayawaddy monastery and that most monks had already signed the pledge.
The UN’s Dangerous Detour
By KYAW ZWA MOE
The Irrawaddy News
You know that the United Nations’ efforts to broker reconciliation talks in Burma are failing miserably when all the visiting UN envoy wants to talk about is the ruling junta’s “road map” to a sham democracy.
Ibrahim Gambari’s latest trip to Burma was more than a disappointment: it was a disgrace. In the course of his nearly weeklong visit, the UN envoy held two brief consultations with members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and spent the rest of his time speaking with handpicked advocates of a political process that deliberately excludes anyone who questions the military’s right to rule.
It should have come as no surprise, then, that detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi declined to meet with Gambari lest she further legitimize his failed mission, which is still being carried out under a mandate that he has evidently abandoned.
The objectives of Gambari’s mission are clear: to secure the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners and to initiate a dialogue between leaders of the regime and the democratic opposition. He has failed on both accounts, and has now taken it upon himself to sell critics of the regime on the idea that an election slated for 2010 could be the way forward.
The 2010 election is the fourth step in the regime’s seven-step “road map” to a “disciplined democracy.” In his discussions with senior members of the NLD, Gambari said that the UN would do its utmost to ensure that polling is conducted in a “free and fair” manner.
It is difficult, however, to have much faith in the UN’s ability to guarantee anything in Burma. After all, it had no influence whatsoever on the regime’s decision to foist a phony referendum on a country still reeling from the effects of Cyclone Nargis in early May. Indeed, it virtually had to beg to be allowed to assist victims of the deadly storm.
Strangely, the UN’s crucial role in the ongoing relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta appears to have given it no political leverage inside Burma. On the contrary, the world body seems to be going out of its way to avoid displeasing the ruling generals.
Perhaps this reflects a new humanitarian focus, one that obscures the political quagmire underlying the country’s seemingly endless suffering. Or maybe it is something more cynical—an attempt to take the path of least resistance, even if it means sidelining Suu Kyi and her party.
Either way, the UN is taking a dangerous gamble on the goodwill of the Burmese junta. And even if the regime honors any promises that it may have made—which is extremely unlikely, given its record—it is ludicrous to buy into its vision of a future where the military is the ultimate arbiter of what constitutes a true democracy, particularly when its starting point is the eradication of the democratic opposition.
The UN must realize that the “road map” is nothing more than an attempt to return Burma to the days before the NLD’s historic electoral victory in 1990. Unless it gets back on track and starts pushing seriously for genuine dialogue between the generals and Burma’s legitimate leaders, the UN will be justifiably accused of sacrificing the country’s interests to save face.
The United Nations and the rest of the international community must never make the mistake of believing that Suu Kyi or the principles she represents are irrelevant. Until genuine reconciliation is reached, Burma will remain a victim of the generals’ whims—and every apparent step forward will be followed by seven steps back.
This article appeared in the September issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.
The Irrawaddy News
By allowing the junta to hijack its mandate,
the United Nations risks destroying Burma’s only hope for real progress: dialogue
You know that the United Nations’ efforts to broker reconciliation talks in Burma are failing miserably when all the visiting UN envoy wants to talk about is the ruling junta’s “road map” to a sham democracy.
Ibrahim Gambari’s latest trip to Burma was more than a disappointment: it was a disgrace. In the course of his nearly weeklong visit, the UN envoy held two brief consultations with members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and spent the rest of his time speaking with handpicked advocates of a political process that deliberately excludes anyone who questions the military’s right to rule.
It should have come as no surprise, then, that detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi declined to meet with Gambari lest she further legitimize his failed mission, which is still being carried out under a mandate that he has evidently abandoned.
The objectives of Gambari’s mission are clear: to secure the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners and to initiate a dialogue between leaders of the regime and the democratic opposition. He has failed on both accounts, and has now taken it upon himself to sell critics of the regime on the idea that an election slated for 2010 could be the way forward.
The 2010 election is the fourth step in the regime’s seven-step “road map” to a “disciplined democracy.” In his discussions with senior members of the NLD, Gambari said that the UN would do its utmost to ensure that polling is conducted in a “free and fair” manner.
It is difficult, however, to have much faith in the UN’s ability to guarantee anything in Burma. After all, it had no influence whatsoever on the regime’s decision to foist a phony referendum on a country still reeling from the effects of Cyclone Nargis in early May. Indeed, it virtually had to beg to be allowed to assist victims of the deadly storm.
Strangely, the UN’s crucial role in the ongoing relief efforts in the Irrawaddy delta appears to have given it no political leverage inside Burma. On the contrary, the world body seems to be going out of its way to avoid displeasing the ruling generals.
Perhaps this reflects a new humanitarian focus, one that obscures the political quagmire underlying the country’s seemingly endless suffering. Or maybe it is something more cynical—an attempt to take the path of least resistance, even if it means sidelining Suu Kyi and her party.
Either way, the UN is taking a dangerous gamble on the goodwill of the Burmese junta. And even if the regime honors any promises that it may have made—which is extremely unlikely, given its record—it is ludicrous to buy into its vision of a future where the military is the ultimate arbiter of what constitutes a true democracy, particularly when its starting point is the eradication of the democratic opposition.
The UN must realize that the “road map” is nothing more than an attempt to return Burma to the days before the NLD’s historic electoral victory in 1990. Unless it gets back on track and starts pushing seriously for genuine dialogue between the generals and Burma’s legitimate leaders, the UN will be justifiably accused of sacrificing the country’s interests to save face.
The United Nations and the rest of the international community must never make the mistake of believing that Suu Kyi or the principles she represents are irrelevant. Until genuine reconciliation is reached, Burma will remain a victim of the generals’ whims—and every apparent step forward will be followed by seven steps back.
This article appeared in the September issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.
Suu Kyi Continues Legal Battle
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
Burma’s detained democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, met with her lawyer yesterday to discuss a legal challenge to the ruling junta’s decision to extend her house arrest earlier this year.
NLD spokesman Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday that Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer—the third since early August—concerned a lawsuit that she is mounting against her continuing detention, which was extended in May. She has been under house arrest since May 2003.
Nyan Win said that time constraints made it impossible for Suu Kyi and her lawyer to finish their business.
“Her discussions with her lawyer couldn’t conclude because the meeting was limited to just 30 minutes,” he said, adding that it was not clear when the authorities would allow Suu Kyi and her lawyer to meet again to discuss her case.
Political observers in Rangoon noted that this was the first time that Suu Kyi had attempted to use the courts to challenge the junta’s right to keep her under house arrest. Some also said that she was in touch with members of her party and the authorities to discuss the case.
Meanwhile, a diplomatic source suggested that Suu Kyi could be released before the end of this year. However, other sources said that Suu Kyi would also demand the release of all political prisoners if the junta decides to free her.
Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer came amid rumors that she had begun a hunger strike.
Her lawyer, Kyi Win, said that Suu Kyi made no mention of a hunger strike, and in response to questions about her condition, quoted her as saying: “I am well, but I have lost some weight. I am a little tired and I need to rest.”
This was not the first time that Suu Kyi was rumored to be on a hunger strike. There were reports in September 2003 that she was refusing food. Those rumors proved to be inaccurate.
Observers suggested that the current rumors were also unlikely to be true, since the junta wouldn’t allow her to meet with her lawyer if she were staging a hunger strike.
Suu Kyi’s colleague, veteran journalist Ohn Kyaing, said that she takes meditation and other Buddhist practices seriously, and may be losing weight because she is abstaining from eating dinner for religious reasons during the three-month Buddhist Lent.
Thakin Chun Tun, a veteran politician in Rangoon, said Suu Kyi needed to be healthy so she could engage in a genuine dialogue with the regime to break the ongoing crises in the country.
“Burma’s crises can only be resolved through a genuine dialogue between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Than Shwe, head of the ruling junta,” he said. “I hope she will take care of her health.”
The veteran politician said that while hunger strikes were an effective non-violent tactic during the country’s colonial period, they are less likely to succeed today.
“The current political environment is totally different from the colonial period,” he said.
“Burma is now ruled by the military—human life has less value now than under British rule.”
The Irrawaddy News
Burma’s detained democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, met with her lawyer yesterday to discuss a legal challenge to the ruling junta’s decision to extend her house arrest earlier this year.
NLD spokesman Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy on Monday that Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer—the third since early August—concerned a lawsuit that she is mounting against her continuing detention, which was extended in May. She has been under house arrest since May 2003.
Nyan Win said that time constraints made it impossible for Suu Kyi and her lawyer to finish their business.
“Her discussions with her lawyer couldn’t conclude because the meeting was limited to just 30 minutes,” he said, adding that it was not clear when the authorities would allow Suu Kyi and her lawyer to meet again to discuss her case.
Political observers in Rangoon noted that this was the first time that Suu Kyi had attempted to use the courts to challenge the junta’s right to keep her under house arrest. Some also said that she was in touch with members of her party and the authorities to discuss the case.
Meanwhile, a diplomatic source suggested that Suu Kyi could be released before the end of this year. However, other sources said that Suu Kyi would also demand the release of all political prisoners if the junta decides to free her.
Suu Kyi’s meeting with her lawyer came amid rumors that she had begun a hunger strike.
Her lawyer, Kyi Win, said that Suu Kyi made no mention of a hunger strike, and in response to questions about her condition, quoted her as saying: “I am well, but I have lost some weight. I am a little tired and I need to rest.”
This was not the first time that Suu Kyi was rumored to be on a hunger strike. There were reports in September 2003 that she was refusing food. Those rumors proved to be inaccurate.
Observers suggested that the current rumors were also unlikely to be true, since the junta wouldn’t allow her to meet with her lawyer if she were staging a hunger strike.
Suu Kyi’s colleague, veteran journalist Ohn Kyaing, said that she takes meditation and other Buddhist practices seriously, and may be losing weight because she is abstaining from eating dinner for religious reasons during the three-month Buddhist Lent.
Thakin Chun Tun, a veteran politician in Rangoon, said Suu Kyi needed to be healthy so she could engage in a genuine dialogue with the regime to break the ongoing crises in the country.
“Burma’s crises can only be resolved through a genuine dialogue between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Than Shwe, head of the ruling junta,” he said. “I hope she will take care of her health.”
The veteran politician said that while hunger strikes were an effective non-violent tactic during the country’s colonial period, they are less likely to succeed today.
“The current political environment is totally different from the colonial period,” he said.
“Burma is now ruled by the military—human life has less value now than under British rule.”
Burma: More than 39 activists arrested, and 21 imprisoned during August 2008
Bangkok, 03 September, (Asiantribune.com): The politically motivated arrests and imprisonments have dramatically increased in Burma.
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) has pointed out that this alarming increase in the arrests and incarceration has been recorded during the first six months of 2008, despite the Special Advisor of the Secretary- General of the United Nations, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Burma to the United Nations, were appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to visit Burma in order to try to help improve the Burmese political and human rights situation.
The report further reveals that the military regime of Burma arrested at least 39 activists in August 2008, and 21 activists were imprisoned.
The detainees are members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Human Rights Defenders and Protestors (HRDP) and Student Unions. Some of them were arrested, not because of current activities, but because of their activities in August and September 2007.
Ko Tate Naing, the secretary of the AAPP, said that even though UN high level representatives visited Burma to try to solve the problems of human rights violations, the regime continues to arrest and imprison democracy activists with impunity. This means that the regime is not cooperating with the United Nations or the International Community. Due to these facts we need to reconsider the process of UN involvement in Burma.
During 2008, at least 286 activists have been arrested so far, how many more will it take for the United Nations organization and member states to understand that the rule of law does not exist in Burma and that the people they recognize, refer to and negotiate with as the government of Burma are nothing more than an illegal and brutal dictatorship?
- Asian Tribune -
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) has pointed out that this alarming increase in the arrests and incarceration has been recorded during the first six months of 2008, despite the Special Advisor of the Secretary- General of the United Nations, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Burma to the United Nations, were appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to visit Burma in order to try to help improve the Burmese political and human rights situation.
The report further reveals that the military regime of Burma arrested at least 39 activists in August 2008, and 21 activists were imprisoned.
The detainees are members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Human Rights Defenders and Protestors (HRDP) and Student Unions. Some of them were arrested, not because of current activities, but because of their activities in August and September 2007.
Ko Tate Naing, the secretary of the AAPP, said that even though UN high level representatives visited Burma to try to solve the problems of human rights violations, the regime continues to arrest and imprison democracy activists with impunity. This means that the regime is not cooperating with the United Nations or the International Community. Due to these facts we need to reconsider the process of UN involvement in Burma.
During 2008, at least 286 activists have been arrested so far, how many more will it take for the United Nations organization and member states to understand that the rule of law does not exist in Burma and that the people they recognize, refer to and negotiate with as the government of Burma are nothing more than an illegal and brutal dictatorship?
- Asian Tribune -
Tuesday, 2 September 2008
Villagers forced to help prepare for visit of commander’s wife
Sep 1, 2008 (DVB)–Villagers in Muse township in northern Shan State have been ordered to contribute money and labour to preparations for the upcoming visit of the wife of the northeastern commander, a local told DVB.
Daw Cherry, the wife of the new local commander, brigadier general Aung Than Htut of Northeast Command, will be in Muse in early September to inspect the Maternal and Child Healthcare Association there.
A local resident said that representatives from villages in the Mutaunglon village tract had been summoned to a monastery in Mutaunglon for a special meeting on 26 August by Muse district Peace and Development Council chairperson U Kyi Win and township Peace and Development Council chairperson U Nyunt Han to talk about Daw Cherry’s visit.
The villager, who attended the meeting, said locals had been told they would have to help with the preparations for her visit.
“So since 28 August we have had to paint the monastery hall, clean, cut the grass and so on to prepare the place to receive her visit,” said the villager.
“We were also told that each village had to provide 10 bamboo poles to raise flags during her trip,” he said.
“Moreover, U Kyi Win said each family in Mutaunglon village tract had to contribute 1500 kyat to spend on welcoming and dinning costs for her. We don’t have any choice but to provide both labour and money.”
There are over 600 houses in Mutaunglon village tract, which comprises ten villages including Mutaunglon, Mutaungkut, Mahtnyu, Khopane and Khokay.
The villager told DVB that locals were very disappointed with the additional workload they had to shoulder for the commander’s wife’s visit since they were already busy clearing their farms and they also had to provide voluntary labour on castor oil plant fields every week.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Daw Cherry, the wife of the new local commander, brigadier general Aung Than Htut of Northeast Command, will be in Muse in early September to inspect the Maternal and Child Healthcare Association there.
A local resident said that representatives from villages in the Mutaunglon village tract had been summoned to a monastery in Mutaunglon for a special meeting on 26 August by Muse district Peace and Development Council chairperson U Kyi Win and township Peace and Development Council chairperson U Nyunt Han to talk about Daw Cherry’s visit.
The villager, who attended the meeting, said locals had been told they would have to help with the preparations for her visit.
“So since 28 August we have had to paint the monastery hall, clean, cut the grass and so on to prepare the place to receive her visit,” said the villager.
“We were also told that each village had to provide 10 bamboo poles to raise flags during her trip,” he said.
“Moreover, U Kyi Win said each family in Mutaunglon village tract had to contribute 1500 kyat to spend on welcoming and dinning costs for her. We don’t have any choice but to provide both labour and money.”
There are over 600 houses in Mutaunglon village tract, which comprises ten villages including Mutaunglon, Mutaungkut, Mahtnyu, Khopane and Khokay.
The villager told DVB that locals were very disappointed with the additional workload they had to shoulder for the commander’s wife’s visit since they were already busy clearing their farms and they also had to provide voluntary labour on castor oil plant fields every week.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Burmese blogger conference banned
Sep 1, 2008 (DVB)–A technical conference for Burmese bloggers due to be held on 31 August in Rangoon was banned by the military authorities at short notice after organisers had already advertised the event.
The conference was organised by the Myanmar Computer Experts Association and was to be held at Rangoon’s International Business Centre, situated on the bank of Inya Lake.
The organisers had arranged for Burmese bloggers and writers such as Thitsani and Kyaw Win to attend the conference and deliver lectures.
A member of staff from the computer association said the government had claimed the theme of the conference was not valid.
“We said that we were going to talk about technical development and they insisted that [blogging] does not have much to do with technology,” he said.
“That’s why it was cancelled – the authorities insisted that it was not relevant.”
A blogger who was due to attend the conference said getting people interested in blogging had the potential to make news and information sharing more accessible.
“We planned to lecture on making the blogging world more effective and interesting,” the blogger said.
“We did it with the intention of sharing ideas about the technical difficulties faced by the participants,” he said.
“Some people know nothing about blogging. It is not like other media – it is far-reaching and easily sharable.”
In 2007, a technical conference for bloggers held at the International Business Centre was attended by more than 300 people.
The Burmese military regime has made efforts to control blogging since last September’s Saffron Revolution, when bloggers played a key role in getting the latest reports and images out on the demonstrations and the government’s crackdown.
One well-known blogger, Nay Phone Latt, was arrested on 29 January and is still being detained.
Reporting by Htet Yarzar
The conference was organised by the Myanmar Computer Experts Association and was to be held at Rangoon’s International Business Centre, situated on the bank of Inya Lake.
The organisers had arranged for Burmese bloggers and writers such as Thitsani and Kyaw Win to attend the conference and deliver lectures.
A member of staff from the computer association said the government had claimed the theme of the conference was not valid.
“We said that we were going to talk about technical development and they insisted that [blogging] does not have much to do with technology,” he said.
“That’s why it was cancelled – the authorities insisted that it was not relevant.”
A blogger who was due to attend the conference said getting people interested in blogging had the potential to make news and information sharing more accessible.
“We planned to lecture on making the blogging world more effective and interesting,” the blogger said.
“We did it with the intention of sharing ideas about the technical difficulties faced by the participants,” he said.
“Some people know nothing about blogging. It is not like other media – it is far-reaching and easily sharable.”
In 2007, a technical conference for bloggers held at the International Business Centre was attended by more than 300 people.
The Burmese military regime has made efforts to control blogging since last September’s Saffron Revolution, when bloggers played a key role in getting the latest reports and images out on the demonstrations and the government’s crackdown.
One well-known blogger, Nay Phone Latt, was arrested on 29 January and is still being detained.
Reporting by Htet Yarzar
Burmese Coalition urges world community to save Aung San Suu Kyi's live
By Solomon
New Delhi (Mizzima)- A coalition of Burmese civic organizations across the world has expressed concern over the news of hunger strike by detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and has call on international communities to immediately intervene to save her life.
National Campaign for Food and Freedom, a coalition formed with 28 Burmese organizations, on Thursday said the health of the 63 years old, Burmese democracy icon, could be grave danger, following the news of her refusal to accept food supply.
"Her health is in terrible danger if in fact she has been on a hunger strike for two weeks," the coalition said in their statement.
Dr. Raymond Tint Way, spokesman of Australia-based Concerned Burmese Physicians and Professionals (CBPP), a member group of the coalition said, they are calling on the international community to exert strong pressure on the Burmese regime on their actions against Aung San Suu Kyi.
"She as the leader of the country has been suffering under the injustice practices of the junta and the international communities should not watch silently," Tint Way said.
Last week, following the UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari's visit to the country, Burmese people as well as the international community was shocked by the news that detained Nobel Peace Laureate had refused to accept her regular weekly food supplies.
While her party spokesperson said he cannot confirm the information due to lack of communication, the exiled wing of her party – National League for Democracy/Liberated Area – said she last receive her food supply on August 15.
"We believe she is into hunger strike protest, so we are worried over her health if she should continue," he added.
But the information was merely rebuffed by the military government, saying it was purely rumors.
But on Monday, Nyan Win said, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed another rare meeting with her Lawyer Kyi Win, who then said her health condition was fine but she needed rest.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for the past 12 of 18 years, was allowed a meeting with her lawyer as well as her family physician in August.
"We want the regime to allow physicians, visitors and diplomats and members of her party, National League for Democracy to see her," Dr Raymond said.
The NCFF said in urging the international community to immediately intervene, it is all set to hold protest rallies in major cities around the world.
New Delhi (Mizzima)- A coalition of Burmese civic organizations across the world has expressed concern over the news of hunger strike by detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and has call on international communities to immediately intervene to save her life.
National Campaign for Food and Freedom, a coalition formed with 28 Burmese organizations, on Thursday said the health of the 63 years old, Burmese democracy icon, could be grave danger, following the news of her refusal to accept food supply.
"Her health is in terrible danger if in fact she has been on a hunger strike for two weeks," the coalition said in their statement.
Dr. Raymond Tint Way, spokesman of Australia-based Concerned Burmese Physicians and Professionals (CBPP), a member group of the coalition said, they are calling on the international community to exert strong pressure on the Burmese regime on their actions against Aung San Suu Kyi.
"She as the leader of the country has been suffering under the injustice practices of the junta and the international communities should not watch silently," Tint Way said.
Last week, following the UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari's visit to the country, Burmese people as well as the international community was shocked by the news that detained Nobel Peace Laureate had refused to accept her regular weekly food supplies.
While her party spokesperson said he cannot confirm the information due to lack of communication, the exiled wing of her party – National League for Democracy/Liberated Area – said she last receive her food supply on August 15.
"We believe she is into hunger strike protest, so we are worried over her health if she should continue," he added.
But the information was merely rebuffed by the military government, saying it was purely rumors.
But on Monday, Nyan Win said, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed another rare meeting with her Lawyer Kyi Win, who then said her health condition was fine but she needed rest.
Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for the past 12 of 18 years, was allowed a meeting with her lawyer as well as her family physician in August.
"We want the regime to allow physicians, visitors and diplomats and members of her party, National League for Democracy to see her," Dr Raymond said.
The NCFF said in urging the international community to immediately intervene, it is all set to hold protest rallies in major cities around the world.
Loudspeaker Diplomacy vs. the Rule of Law
By YENI
The Irrawaddy News
More than a week after Aung San Suu Kyi apparently refused to meet with UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari, rumors that she is continuing her silent protest—by rejecting her weekly supply of food—have raised questions about her motives, as well as concerns about her health.
Officials from her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy that Suu Kyi’s latest act of defiance may be linked to her continuing detention and the harassment of her housekeepers, who are subjected to stringent restrictions by the military authorities, despite the fact that they have not been charged with any offense.
Suu Kyi’s confinement to her lakeside home in Rangoon was extended in May, despite international pleas to the ruling generals to end her latest stretch of detention, which began in May 2003.
The NLD insists that her ongoing house arrest is illegal and has demanded that the junta accept an appeal against her detention. Suu Kyi met with her lawyer to discuss the case just before Gambari started his latest Burma visit.
When Suu Kyi failed to appear for a meeting with the UN envoy, it served to highlight the nature of the severe constraints placed upon her freedom, said lawyers for the NLD. Under normal circumstances, Suu Kyi is forbidden to leave her home or have any contact with foreign diplomats.
However, the junta conveniently ignores these rules when it suits its own purposes. NLD lawyers noted that when UN and military officials appeared outside her home with loudspeakers, they were trying to get her to do something that “would have forced her to violate the restrictions” imposed on her by the regime.
Suu Kyi was thus perfectly justified in declining to meet with Gambari, who is supposed to be working for her release—not providing the regime with a pretext for continuing her detention.
The UN Security Council has repeatedly stated that Suu Kyi’s release is a necessary first step towards political dialogue and reconciliation in Burma. But the world body is looking increasingly ineffectual in its efforts to get results in the country. It has failed not only to secure the release of more than 2,000 political prisoners, but also to ensure that a referendum held in May met even the most basic standards for a “free and fair” vote.
It seems that the UN, like the junta, badly needs to be reminded of its own rules.
Political activists in Burma have suffered prolonged and unlawful detentions, and the UN has done virtually nothing to change this sad state of affairs. According to family sources, the leaders of the 88 Generation Students group are calling for open trials and protections which guarantee their rights under the prison law.
However, Gambari, on his latest visit to Burma, failed to focus on the current lack of political freedom and rule of law. Instead of working to fulfill his mandate to negotiate between the military regime and the opposition, he followed a schedule set by the junta and offered to help prepare for regime-controlled elections in 2010.
Gambari still has no comment about what, if anything, his trip accomplished. It is time the UN, as well as China, India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to speak out sincerely and energetically about how to break Burma’s political deadlock.
This time, the UN and its “Group of Friends on Myanmar” must call on Burma’s supreme military leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, to come out of his bunker in Naypyidaw and begin a dialogue with Suu Kyi. This time, they might be justified in using a loudspeaker.
The Irrawaddy News
More than a week after Aung San Suu Kyi apparently refused to meet with UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari, rumors that she is continuing her silent protest—by rejecting her weekly supply of food—have raised questions about her motives, as well as concerns about her health.
Officials from her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy that Suu Kyi’s latest act of defiance may be linked to her continuing detention and the harassment of her housekeepers, who are subjected to stringent restrictions by the military authorities, despite the fact that they have not been charged with any offense.
Suu Kyi’s confinement to her lakeside home in Rangoon was extended in May, despite international pleas to the ruling generals to end her latest stretch of detention, which began in May 2003.
The NLD insists that her ongoing house arrest is illegal and has demanded that the junta accept an appeal against her detention. Suu Kyi met with her lawyer to discuss the case just before Gambari started his latest Burma visit.
When Suu Kyi failed to appear for a meeting with the UN envoy, it served to highlight the nature of the severe constraints placed upon her freedom, said lawyers for the NLD. Under normal circumstances, Suu Kyi is forbidden to leave her home or have any contact with foreign diplomats.
However, the junta conveniently ignores these rules when it suits its own purposes. NLD lawyers noted that when UN and military officials appeared outside her home with loudspeakers, they were trying to get her to do something that “would have forced her to violate the restrictions” imposed on her by the regime.
Suu Kyi was thus perfectly justified in declining to meet with Gambari, who is supposed to be working for her release—not providing the regime with a pretext for continuing her detention.
The UN Security Council has repeatedly stated that Suu Kyi’s release is a necessary first step towards political dialogue and reconciliation in Burma. But the world body is looking increasingly ineffectual in its efforts to get results in the country. It has failed not only to secure the release of more than 2,000 political prisoners, but also to ensure that a referendum held in May met even the most basic standards for a “free and fair” vote.
It seems that the UN, like the junta, badly needs to be reminded of its own rules.
Political activists in Burma have suffered prolonged and unlawful detentions, and the UN has done virtually nothing to change this sad state of affairs. According to family sources, the leaders of the 88 Generation Students group are calling for open trials and protections which guarantee their rights under the prison law.
However, Gambari, on his latest visit to Burma, failed to focus on the current lack of political freedom and rule of law. Instead of working to fulfill his mandate to negotiate between the military regime and the opposition, he followed a schedule set by the junta and offered to help prepare for regime-controlled elections in 2010.
Gambari still has no comment about what, if anything, his trip accomplished. It is time the UN, as well as China, India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to speak out sincerely and energetically about how to break Burma’s political deadlock.
This time, the UN and its “Group of Friends on Myanmar” must call on Burma’s supreme military leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, to come out of his bunker in Naypyidaw and begin a dialogue with Suu Kyi. This time, they might be justified in using a loudspeaker.
Nargis Orphan Numbers Don’t Add Up
By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy News
Despite an estimated 138,000 people dead or missing after Cyclone Nargis lashed the southern Burmese coast some four months ago, only 112 orphans are officially registered in state-run temporary orphanages.
However, the UN has estimated the number of children orphaned in the May 2-3 storm at about 2,000 and observers have told The Irrawaddy they fear that many orphans have been recruited into the Tatmadaw, Burma’s armed forces.
An official from Myaung Mya temporary camp confirmed that 112 orphans are officially registered at the shelters, although initial estimates in the wake of the cyclone put the number at more than 500.
“There are 100 orphans registered at Myaung Mya camp and 12 orphans at Maubin camp, all between the ages of four and nineteen,” she said, referring to the only shelters that have been founded for orphans of Cyclone Nargis.
However, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said in June that at least 2,000 children in the region had been orphaned, while international and local aid agencies put the figure at much higher.
Sources in Laputta Township in Irrawaddy Division said there were more than 1,000 orphans in that area alone after Nargis struck.
Rev Lu Aye from Thanlyin Township, south of Rangoon, said that his church had planned to adopt 20 orphans from Pyapon, Bogalay and Laputta townships in the wake of the disaster, but had been unable to.
“We have already built the orphanages,” the Methodist church leader told The Irrawaddy. “However, although we are actively looking for orphans, we can’t get any information about them.
“I have no idea where they are staying,” he added.
The Burmese military authorities will not allow orphans to be adopted by any random organization or individual, according to an official from the Social Welfare Department.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official told The Irrawaddy on Monday that if a child had no parents the government would be responsible for them.
“We will not allow individuals to legally adopt orphans,” she said. “However, if family members can produce the correct documents we will allow them to be reunited with their orphaned relatives.”
She said that the government is also helping to locate the orphans’ surviving family members and is currently providing education for orphans up to university and institute level in accordance with the child’s educational standard.
Residents in cyclone-ravaged Laputta Township said that the military authorities had promised to build two orphanages in Laputta and Pyapon to house 300 orphans each.
However, according to a former teacher in Laputta, no facilities have yet been built.
“I was impressed by the local communities’ response to the orphans, especially by monks who offered shelters to orphans and took care of them,” she added.
The Irrawaddy News
Despite an estimated 138,000 people dead or missing after Cyclone Nargis lashed the southern Burmese coast some four months ago, only 112 orphans are officially registered in state-run temporary orphanages.
However, the UN has estimated the number of children orphaned in the May 2-3 storm at about 2,000 and observers have told The Irrawaddy they fear that many orphans have been recruited into the Tatmadaw, Burma’s armed forces.
An official from Myaung Mya temporary camp confirmed that 112 orphans are officially registered at the shelters, although initial estimates in the wake of the cyclone put the number at more than 500.
“There are 100 orphans registered at Myaung Mya camp and 12 orphans at Maubin camp, all between the ages of four and nineteen,” she said, referring to the only shelters that have been founded for orphans of Cyclone Nargis.
However, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said in June that at least 2,000 children in the region had been orphaned, while international and local aid agencies put the figure at much higher.
Sources in Laputta Township in Irrawaddy Division said there were more than 1,000 orphans in that area alone after Nargis struck.
Rev Lu Aye from Thanlyin Township, south of Rangoon, said that his church had planned to adopt 20 orphans from Pyapon, Bogalay and Laputta townships in the wake of the disaster, but had been unable to.
“We have already built the orphanages,” the Methodist church leader told The Irrawaddy. “However, although we are actively looking for orphans, we can’t get any information about them.
“I have no idea where they are staying,” he added.
The Burmese military authorities will not allow orphans to be adopted by any random organization or individual, according to an official from the Social Welfare Department.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official told The Irrawaddy on Monday that if a child had no parents the government would be responsible for them.
“We will not allow individuals to legally adopt orphans,” she said. “However, if family members can produce the correct documents we will allow them to be reunited with their orphaned relatives.”
She said that the government is also helping to locate the orphans’ surviving family members and is currently providing education for orphans up to university and institute level in accordance with the child’s educational standard.
Residents in cyclone-ravaged Laputta Township said that the military authorities had promised to build two orphanages in Laputta and Pyapon to house 300 orphans each.
However, according to a former teacher in Laputta, no facilities have yet been built.
“I was impressed by the local communities’ response to the orphans, especially by monks who offered shelters to orphans and took care of them,” she added.
Security Beefed up in Burma's Major Cities
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese authorities have increased security in Rangoon and other cities that were at the center of last year’s Buddhist monk-led protests, according local residents.
Residents claimed that security has been stepped up due to fears of a repeat of last year’s protests against the military government, which erupted one year ago this month. Sources said that the increased security may be deployed until the end of the month.
Other major locations where security forces have been increased are Burma’s second-largest city, Mandalay; Sittwe Township in Arakan state; Pegu Division; and Pakokku Township in Magwe Division.
“Security forces are now deployed all over Rangoon,” said one resident of the former capital. “The authorities are using more forces than we have ever seen before.”
A senior monk at Bawdi Mandine Monastery in Pakokku Township said that security forces were often seen patrolling downtown and some plainclothes security guards were deployed in public areas and around local monasteries, including his monastery.
“They are worried about the possibility of protests this month because of the protests that happened in September last year. So they are preparing in advance,” said the monk. “We think that they will deploy the security guards until the end of September.”
Pakokku Township was the scene of the first crackdown on protesting Buddhist monks last year. Burmese troops tied monks to utility poles and beat them with the butts of their rifles, sparking outrage that spread to other cities.
Pyinya Zawta, an exiled leader of the underground All Burma Monks Alliance, said that security forces, including members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, have been deployed in local monasteries and public areas such as markets.
Speaking from the Thai border town of Mae Sot, he said that he had received reports that security has been especially tight around Mandalay’s New Masoeyein Monastery for the past three days.
As part of a brutal crackdown, the authorities raided more than 130 monasteries in Mandalay alone, forcibly defrocking and imprisoning monks. Tens of thousands of peaceful protesters were detained throughout the country, and according to the United Nations, 31 people were killed.
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese authorities have increased security in Rangoon and other cities that were at the center of last year’s Buddhist monk-led protests, according local residents.
Residents claimed that security has been stepped up due to fears of a repeat of last year’s protests against the military government, which erupted one year ago this month. Sources said that the increased security may be deployed until the end of the month.
Other major locations where security forces have been increased are Burma’s second-largest city, Mandalay; Sittwe Township in Arakan state; Pegu Division; and Pakokku Township in Magwe Division.
“Security forces are now deployed all over Rangoon,” said one resident of the former capital. “The authorities are using more forces than we have ever seen before.”
A senior monk at Bawdi Mandine Monastery in Pakokku Township said that security forces were often seen patrolling downtown and some plainclothes security guards were deployed in public areas and around local monasteries, including his monastery.
“They are worried about the possibility of protests this month because of the protests that happened in September last year. So they are preparing in advance,” said the monk. “We think that they will deploy the security guards until the end of September.”
Pakokku Township was the scene of the first crackdown on protesting Buddhist monks last year. Burmese troops tied monks to utility poles and beat them with the butts of their rifles, sparking outrage that spread to other cities.
Pyinya Zawta, an exiled leader of the underground All Burma Monks Alliance, said that security forces, including members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, have been deployed in local monasteries and public areas such as markets.
Speaking from the Thai border town of Mae Sot, he said that he had received reports that security has been especially tight around Mandalay’s New Masoeyein Monastery for the past three days.
As part of a brutal crackdown, the authorities raided more than 130 monasteries in Mandalay alone, forcibly defrocking and imprisoning monks. Tens of thousands of peaceful protesters were detained throughout the country, and according to the United Nations, 31 people were killed.
Burmese Troops on Alert over Border Dispute with Thailand
By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese military forces have reportedly stepped up security along a section of Burma’s border with Northern Thailand as the two countries discuss a disputed piece of territory there.
At a session of the Regional Border Committee (RBC) in Chiang Rai, Northern Thailand, the Burmese delegation demanded the return of Loilang, known in Thai as Doilang, a 32 square kilometre area of land once controlled by the Mong Tai Army but taken over by the Thai Army in 1987. The land is sandwiched between Monghsat in Burma and the Thai village of Mae Ai.
The Shan Herald Agency for News reported that the leader of the Burmese delegation, Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyoe, commander of Burmese forces in the Gold Triangle region, had accused Thailand of “violating the territorial integrity” of Burma during a speech delivered to local officials in Mongton township, Shan State.
Referring to Thailand’s dispute with Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple. Kyaw Phyoe said:
"Just as they (Thailand) have unilaterally taken possession of the Cambodian territory, they are doing the same at Loilang. The time will come when we'll have to deal with the issue properly.”
The English language daily The Bangkok Post reported that the issue has now been referred to the Thai and Burmese governments in the hope of resolving the dispute.
The Irrawaddy News
Burmese military forces have reportedly stepped up security along a section of Burma’s border with Northern Thailand as the two countries discuss a disputed piece of territory there.
At a session of the Regional Border Committee (RBC) in Chiang Rai, Northern Thailand, the Burmese delegation demanded the return of Loilang, known in Thai as Doilang, a 32 square kilometre area of land once controlled by the Mong Tai Army but taken over by the Thai Army in 1987. The land is sandwiched between Monghsat in Burma and the Thai village of Mae Ai.
The Shan Herald Agency for News reported that the leader of the Burmese delegation, Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyoe, commander of Burmese forces in the Gold Triangle region, had accused Thailand of “violating the territorial integrity” of Burma during a speech delivered to local officials in Mongton township, Shan State.
Referring to Thailand’s dispute with Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple. Kyaw Phyoe said:
"Just as they (Thailand) have unilaterally taken possession of the Cambodian territory, they are doing the same at Loilang. The time will come when we'll have to deal with the issue properly.”
The English language daily The Bangkok Post reported that the issue has now been referred to the Thai and Burmese governments in the hope of resolving the dispute.
Thursday, 28 August 2008
Burmese refugee stops in Utica after 3,000-mile walk
DAVE LONDRES / Observer-DispatchBurmese refugee Athein speaks with Compass director Shelly Callahan at the Mohawk Valley Resource Center for Refugees Wednesday, August 27, 2008.
GateHouse News Service
27 August 2008 - UTICA
Burmese refugee Athein visited Utica after a 3,000-mile walk from Portland, Ore., to the United Nations building in New York City.
Athein, who said he did not have a surname, and friend Zaw Min Htwe stopped here Wednesday because of the large Burmese population, he said. His next stop: Washington, D.C.
“We are going to walk toward peaceful freedom and to witness to Burma,” he said, referring to the widespread persecution and lack of freedom reported in that country, now known as Myanmar.
Peter Vogelaar, executive director of Mohawk Valley Resource Center for Refugees, said that the Burmese man’s walk was especially significant now because at this time last year, the Saffron Revolution began in Burma.
The Saffron Revolution is the name for massive protests by Burmese citizens, and comes from the saffron-colored robes worn by the thousands of monks involved in the protests.
For information, check out www.88portland.wordpress.com.
Gambari meets Indonesian President – ASEAN divided
Mizzima News, 27 August 2008 - United Nations Special Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, today concluded a meeting with the President of Indonesia concerning his ongoing efforts toward brokering a political solution to the fractured country.
Speaking in Jakarta, Indonesian presidential spokesperson Dino Patti Djalal told reporters that Gambari refused to divulge details of his visit last week to Burma, maintaining that he must first brief U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
According to Dino, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudyohono informed the Special Envoy of Indonesia's desire that he increase the frequency of his visits to Burma in the run-up to the 2010 general elections, as this would assist in enhancing Burma's credibility in the view of the international community.
Also, with Gambari having failed yet again to meet with the top leaders of the junta, Dino added that, "The President also promised to maintain correspondence with Myanmar's Senior General Shwe."
However, Gambari has recently received mixed messages from ASEAN members Indonesia and Thailand as to what Burma's political landscape – and specifically the 2010 general elections – should look like going forward.
Meeting yesterday with Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda, the Special Envoy was again apprised of Indonesia's belief that opposition and National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi must be involved in the 2010 general elections.
Yet, Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, in meeting with Gambari ahead of the latter's stop in Jakarta, was quite clear in his remarks to the Special Envoy that insistence on the inclusion of Aung San Suu Kyi only hinders the process, referring to the opposition leader as a "political tool" of the West.
Instead, Samak advised the Special Envoy on Monday that the international community "should talk about how to bring democracy to Burma and focus on the constitution and the elections,'' instead of focusing on the incorporation of the Nobel Laureate into the process.
It is expected that Gambari will discuss his latest trip to Burma with Ban during a stopover in Italy in the upcoming days.
As for ASEAN, with Burma continuing to loom as decisive as ever, the ten nation consortium is poised to hold its summit this December in Bangkok, as Thailand currently holds the chair.
Speaking in Jakarta, Indonesian presidential spokesperson Dino Patti Djalal told reporters that Gambari refused to divulge details of his visit last week to Burma, maintaining that he must first brief U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
According to Dino, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudyohono informed the Special Envoy of Indonesia's desire that he increase the frequency of his visits to Burma in the run-up to the 2010 general elections, as this would assist in enhancing Burma's credibility in the view of the international community.
Also, with Gambari having failed yet again to meet with the top leaders of the junta, Dino added that, "The President also promised to maintain correspondence with Myanmar's Senior General Shwe."
However, Gambari has recently received mixed messages from ASEAN members Indonesia and Thailand as to what Burma's political landscape – and specifically the 2010 general elections – should look like going forward.
Meeting yesterday with Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda, the Special Envoy was again apprised of Indonesia's belief that opposition and National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi must be involved in the 2010 general elections.
Yet, Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, in meeting with Gambari ahead of the latter's stop in Jakarta, was quite clear in his remarks to the Special Envoy that insistence on the inclusion of Aung San Suu Kyi only hinders the process, referring to the opposition leader as a "political tool" of the West.
Instead, Samak advised the Special Envoy on Monday that the international community "should talk about how to bring democracy to Burma and focus on the constitution and the elections,'' instead of focusing on the incorporation of the Nobel Laureate into the process.
It is expected that Gambari will discuss his latest trip to Burma with Ban during a stopover in Italy in the upcoming days.
As for ASEAN, with Burma continuing to loom as decisive as ever, the ten nation consortium is poised to hold its summit this December in Bangkok, as Thailand currently holds the chair.
Ad industry in a spot over Mayor's order
Mizzima News
New Delhi — Chaos laced with loss of revenue prevails following a new order by Rangoon's Mayor where outdoor advertising companies are being forced to remove all advertising hoardings that have 'provocative' pictures.
Rangoon's City Mayor Brig. Gen Aung Thein Linn at a meeting on Tuesday told advertising companies to remove all 'provocative' outdoor advertising, including billboards, causing panic among advertising firms.
A proprietor of Burma's leading advertising company told Mizzima that the Mayor gave a deadline of a week to replace all outdoor advertisements that have indecent pictures as it is against Burmese tradition and culture.
According to the proprietor, who requested anonymity for fear of reprisal, the Mayor's order has to do with removing all pictures that reveals much of women's bodies, women dressed in night gowns, and sensual postures of couples.
"The Mayor showed us pictures of some of the billboards with a projector and told us to replace them," the proprietor said.
The Mayor's presentation included pictures of model Moe Hay Ko in black leather shorts revealing her cleavage that is used in Rangoon's famous lottery shop, Moe Yan Shwe Lamin, the proprietor said.
It also included Nivea's body lotion advertisement in which a woman in a mini-skirt reveals much of her back as well as other parts of her torso, he added.
The Mayor was silent on compensating the companies for the removal and replacement of pictures and designs on outdoor hoardings.
Burma's amateur advertising industry, according to proprietors and marketing executives, has been struggling to survive amidst the agonizing procedures of getting permission from the Yangon City Development Committee, a civic body that oversees development of the city.
Advertising companies, before they can set up outdoor advertising such as billboards or light boxes, have to seek permission from the YCDC, which then checks and scrutinizes the contents of the advertisement before granting permission.
A marketing executive in Rangoon said, in order to obtain permission smoothly the palms of officials at the YCDC have to be greased heavily. And most businesses maintain a relationship, where they regularly pay the officials, to operate smoothly.
But the latest hurdle, according to another advertising business proprietor, impacts not only the advertising firms but the client companies that are advertising as it will require re-designing of the advertisements.
"As for us, we will not charge clients anything but incur all the expenses ourselves because they will be incurring expenses while redesigning the advertisements," said the proprietor.
He added that the new order entails taking pictures of outdoor advertisements and submitting it to the YCDC for fresh scrutiny.
"We will have to change whatever the YCDC finds unacceptable," he added.
A marketing executive of another advertising company said her company will bear all the expenses relating to the removal and change of the billboards, while the advertisers will incur expenses relating to changing the design or re-designing the advertisement.
"This means a loss for both, but we have to give priority to the clients because relationship with them is important," she added.
New Delhi — Chaos laced with loss of revenue prevails following a new order by Rangoon's Mayor where outdoor advertising companies are being forced to remove all advertising hoardings that have 'provocative' pictures.
Rangoon's City Mayor Brig. Gen Aung Thein Linn at a meeting on Tuesday told advertising companies to remove all 'provocative' outdoor advertising, including billboards, causing panic among advertising firms.
A proprietor of Burma's leading advertising company told Mizzima that the Mayor gave a deadline of a week to replace all outdoor advertisements that have indecent pictures as it is against Burmese tradition and culture.
According to the proprietor, who requested anonymity for fear of reprisal, the Mayor's order has to do with removing all pictures that reveals much of women's bodies, women dressed in night gowns, and sensual postures of couples.
"The Mayor showed us pictures of some of the billboards with a projector and told us to replace them," the proprietor said.
The Mayor's presentation included pictures of model Moe Hay Ko in black leather shorts revealing her cleavage that is used in Rangoon's famous lottery shop, Moe Yan Shwe Lamin, the proprietor said.
It also included Nivea's body lotion advertisement in which a woman in a mini-skirt reveals much of her back as well as other parts of her torso, he added.
The Mayor was silent on compensating the companies for the removal and replacement of pictures and designs on outdoor hoardings.
Burma's amateur advertising industry, according to proprietors and marketing executives, has been struggling to survive amidst the agonizing procedures of getting permission from the Yangon City Development Committee, a civic body that oversees development of the city.
Advertising companies, before they can set up outdoor advertising such as billboards or light boxes, have to seek permission from the YCDC, which then checks and scrutinizes the contents of the advertisement before granting permission.
A marketing executive in Rangoon said, in order to obtain permission smoothly the palms of officials at the YCDC have to be greased heavily. And most businesses maintain a relationship, where they regularly pay the officials, to operate smoothly.
But the latest hurdle, according to another advertising business proprietor, impacts not only the advertising firms but the client companies that are advertising as it will require re-designing of the advertisements.
"As for us, we will not charge clients anything but incur all the expenses ourselves because they will be incurring expenses while redesigning the advertisements," said the proprietor.
He added that the new order entails taking pictures of outdoor advertisements and submitting it to the YCDC for fresh scrutiny.
"We will have to change whatever the YCDC finds unacceptable," he added.
A marketing executive of another advertising company said her company will bear all the expenses relating to the removal and change of the billboards, while the advertisers will incur expenses relating to changing the design or re-designing the advertisement.
"This means a loss for both, but we have to give priority to the clients because relationship with them is important," she added.
Cambodian MP urges UN, ASEAN to fulfill Burma promise
Mungpi
27 August 2008, New Delhi (Mizzima)- A Cambodian Parliamentarian on Wednesday called on the Secretary Generals of the United Nations and Association of Southeast Asian Nations to fulfill their promise on Burma by initiating a new approach to finding a political solution for the country.
Son Chhay, Chairperson of Committee on Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Media of the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia, in separate letters on Wednesday reminded both the Secretary Generals of UN and ASEAN the need for them to abide by their promises on Burma.
"They have both promised to look into the sufferings of the Burmese people and find a solution to the crisis. But till date there is no solid evidence that the promise has been kept or put into practice," Son Chhay told Mizzima over telephone.
Son Chhay, who is also the Chairperson of ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) Cambodia Chapter, said it is a matter of deep concern for the international community to hear reports about detained Burmese democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi living without food.
"I believe that she [Aung San Suu Kyi] is on hunger strike… I think it is the right time to remind them [UN and ASEAN General Secretaries], that they must abide to their promise," Son Chhay.
Reports said Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under detention for the last 12 of 18 years, has refused to accept food supplies since mid-August, though the reason for her refusal is still not known.
A Burmese political party in exile told Mizzima earlier that Aung San Suu Kyi might be on hunger strike demanding direct talks with the ruling generals with regard to the ensuing 2010 general elections.
But spokesperson of her party – the National League for Democracy – Nyan Win said they could not confirm the information as they lack communication with their detained leader.
Son Chhay said Ban Ki-moon should realize that the current process of interaction with the Burmese military junta is not leading to a solution but is strengthening their rule.
Though Gambari had visited military-ruled country several times, there has been no productive outcome, Son Chhay said, adding that he agrees with Aung San Suu Kyi's decision not to meet the UN envoy during his last visit.
"We want a more serious action. Perhaps, the UN Secretary General should appoint somebody else," he added.
He said, Gambari had not been very effective or capable of producing any positive solution to the problems of Burma.
"I think it is about time that we find someone who is more capable," Son Chhay added.
And similarly, Son Chhay urged the ASEAN Secretary General, Surin Pitsuwan, to pay a personal visit to Burma and find a realistic solution to the political crisis in the country.
Meanwhile, the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), in a press statement released on Wednesday expressed its concern over reports of Aung San Suu Kyi refusing food.
The AIPMC called on the UN and ASEAN to intervene and to ensure that Aung San Suu Kyi is given necessary attention.
The group urged the ASEAN Secretary-General to personally visit Aung San Suu Kyi and conduct a comprehensive assessment on her health.
"The Secretary General should also look into the reasons as to why she is refusing her food supply," the statement said.
The group also said Aung San Suu Kyi's refusal to meet visiting UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week is "an indication that his mandate is failing."
27 August 2008, New Delhi (Mizzima)- A Cambodian Parliamentarian on Wednesday called on the Secretary Generals of the United Nations and Association of Southeast Asian Nations to fulfill their promise on Burma by initiating a new approach to finding a political solution for the country.
Son Chhay, Chairperson of Committee on Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Media of the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia, in separate letters on Wednesday reminded both the Secretary Generals of UN and ASEAN the need for them to abide by their promises on Burma.
"They have both promised to look into the sufferings of the Burmese people and find a solution to the crisis. But till date there is no solid evidence that the promise has been kept or put into practice," Son Chhay told Mizzima over telephone.
Son Chhay, who is also the Chairperson of ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) Cambodia Chapter, said it is a matter of deep concern for the international community to hear reports about detained Burmese democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi living without food.
"I believe that she [Aung San Suu Kyi] is on hunger strike… I think it is the right time to remind them [UN and ASEAN General Secretaries], that they must abide to their promise," Son Chhay.
Reports said Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under detention for the last 12 of 18 years, has refused to accept food supplies since mid-August, though the reason for her refusal is still not known.
A Burmese political party in exile told Mizzima earlier that Aung San Suu Kyi might be on hunger strike demanding direct talks with the ruling generals with regard to the ensuing 2010 general elections.
But spokesperson of her party – the National League for Democracy – Nyan Win said they could not confirm the information as they lack communication with their detained leader.
Son Chhay said Ban Ki-moon should realize that the current process of interaction with the Burmese military junta is not leading to a solution but is strengthening their rule.
Though Gambari had visited military-ruled country several times, there has been no productive outcome, Son Chhay said, adding that he agrees with Aung San Suu Kyi's decision not to meet the UN envoy during his last visit.
"We want a more serious action. Perhaps, the UN Secretary General should appoint somebody else," he added.
He said, Gambari had not been very effective or capable of producing any positive solution to the problems of Burma.
"I think it is about time that we find someone who is more capable," Son Chhay added.
And similarly, Son Chhay urged the ASEAN Secretary General, Surin Pitsuwan, to pay a personal visit to Burma and find a realistic solution to the political crisis in the country.
Meanwhile, the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), in a press statement released on Wednesday expressed its concern over reports of Aung San Suu Kyi refusing food.
The AIPMC called on the UN and ASEAN to intervene and to ensure that Aung San Suu Kyi is given necessary attention.
The group urged the ASEAN Secretary-General to personally visit Aung San Suu Kyi and conduct a comprehensive assessment on her health.
"The Secretary General should also look into the reasons as to why she is refusing her food supply," the statement said.
The group also said Aung San Suu Kyi's refusal to meet visiting UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari last week is "an indication that his mandate is failing."
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