19 December 2007 – United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today convened the first meeting of a group of 14 nations to assist him in his efforts to spur change in the troubled South-East Asian nation.
The “Group of Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar” will be “a consultative forum for developing a shared approach in support of the implementation of the Secretary-General’s good offices mandate,” UN spokesperson Michele Montas told reporters.
Consisting of Australia, Indonesia, Russia, United States, China, Japan, Singapore, Viet Nam, France, Norway, Thailand, India, Portugal and the United Kingdom, the Group will meet as needed in an informal format, she added.
Also attending today’s meeting was the Secretary-General’s Special Adviser Ibrahim Gambari, who has visited Myanmar twice since the Government used force to crack down on peaceful protesters just a few months ago.
Mr. Gambari told reporters yesterday that he expects to return to Myanmar by next month.
Thursday, 20 December 2007
Wednesday, 19 December 2007
Myanmar should take ‘bold steps’ to address national crisis – UN envoy
18 December 2007 – The Secretary-General’s Special Adviser for Myanmar has urged authorities in the South-East Asian country to take bold action to press ahead with an all-inclusive national reconciliation process.
Speaking to reporters in New York after briefing the General Assembly, Ibrahim Gambari emphasized that it is very important for Myanmar not to go backwards or stay still but to move forward and take “very bold steps” to address the concerns of the international community.
Mr. Gambari, who has visited Myanmar twice since the Government used force to crack down on peaceful protesters just a few months ago, stressed that the goal is an all-inclusive reconciliation process, as well as “a stable, prosperous, democratic Myanmar with full respect for the human rights of its people.”
As for specific steps the authorities should take, he cited the need for a time-bound and substantive dialogue between the Government and detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Once again calling for Ms. Suu Kyi’s release, he added that she should be allowed to meet with members of her party’s executive committee.
It is also necessary for the constitutional drafting process to be opened up so that those who are excluded from, or decided not to participate in, the current process can do so before the constitution is finally drafted, Mr. Gambari stated.
In addition, he urged the authorities to address the underlying socio-economic grievances of the people of Myanmar, adding that that was why the UN had proposed the establishment of a broad-based poverty alleviation commission to look into the root causes of discontent and address them.
The Special Adviser once again stressed that all detainees should be released since “it would be counter-productive not to release them or to arrest new people because the process of national reconciliation in an all-inclusive manner will not be served.”
He said he had been informed that some detainees had been released, including some monks, as recently as yesterday.
While a date for Mr. Gambari’s return to Myanmar is still being decided, he said he expected to be back in the country by next month.
Just last week, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged Myanmar’s authorities to step up their efforts towards democratization and the full respect of human rights, noting that the international community’s patience with the troubled nation is wearing thin.
17/12: Myanmar refugees face wretched existence in Malaysia
(AFP) - Living in miserable camps not far from the glittering Petronas Twin Towers, Myanmar refugees in Malaysia are some of the most wretched of the hundreds of thousands who have fled their homeland.
"We are living here like prisoners, we cannot go out anywhere because we are frightened," says 35-year-old James Munerlian, a Christian pastor from Myanmar's Chin state who fled persecution by the military regime.
Munerlian is the leader of a 100-strong group of men, women and children who live a precarious existence in a secret encampment in one of the patches of jungle that still remain among Kuala Lumpur's suburbs.
The half-hour trek there takes a visitor past an almost completed luxury housing project, over hilly and mosquito-infested terrain, through an illegal rubbish damp and across a riverbed reeking with sewage.
In a clearing, the Chin refugees huddle into eight huts made with sheets of zinc and cardboard, and draped with pieces of plastic.
They escaped Myanmar on foot in the hope of finding a better life, but instead are exploited by unscrupulous employers and harassed by Malaysia's controversial volunteer security corps which hunts down illegal migrants.
Michael Boak Tun Thang, a 26-year-old farmer from northern Chin state, came to Malaysia in early 2006 and has been hiding in various jungle camps ever since.
"The junta came to my village with rifles. Because there were only a few men, they ordered all the boys and also the women to become porters and carry their foods and boxes," he says.
"They raped all the women, even my sister, but I could not do anything. We carried the heavy things but they never paid us or gave us any meals."
Late one night, Tun Thang was freed by men from a nearby village, but the last time he saw his sister she was a walking skeleton and he has not heard from her since.
Refugee advocates say the camp is just one of hundreds in the capital and around the country that have sprung up in patches of jungles, near agricultural plantations and on the fringes of coastal villages.
Some luckier ones have managed to find cheap housing, and live packed a dozen to a room.
"Malaysia has become one of the worst places for Burmese asylum seekers because of the way the government and its enforcers have brutalised and abused refugees," says Debbie Stothard from human rights group Altsean Burma.
"Large groups of refugees are in hiding around the country and they are penniless and desperate," she adds, using Myanmar's former name.
United States data in 2006 listed Myanmar as the world's third largest source of refugees after Afghanistan and Iraq, with at least 700,000 people having fled the country.
"Ten years ago, Burmese refugees were unheard of in most Asian countries with the exception of Thailand which shares a very porous border with the country," Stothard says.
"But today, the situation is so bad that there are large numbers of refugees escaping to China, Bangladesh, India, Indonesia and Malaysia.
"Many of these refugees end up being illegal migrants because the Burmese government does not provide passports to most of its people and refuse to recognise them as citizens if they leave the country illegally."
The Malaysian government says there are about 25,644 Myanmar asylum-seekers in the country but refugee groups believe the real figure is more than double that.
The majority are Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar's Rakhine state while the rest are Christian Chins, Karens and Shan.
In the Chin jungle camp, they knew nothing of the massive September street protests, led by Buddhist monks, in Myanmar's main city Yangon which were violently suppressed by the regime, triggering international outrage.
Chin Refugee Centre coordinator Paul Lian says most Myanmar refugees in Malaysia work illegally on building sites or plantations and face beatings, extortion and exploitation from employers.
"The groups are in very bad shape as they have no money, no food and fear for their safety," he says, adding that as they have no rights they are either not paid at all or given a pittance.
Another camp dweller, 43-year-old Peter Thant Tum who has been on the run for the past three years, just wants a chance at leading a normal life.
"If the Malaysia government has consideration, please give us legal documents and allow us to work, to earn money and eat, our lives will be more happy," he says.
However, Malaysia is already fending off a mass influx of Indonesian workers -- both legal and illegal -- and has no intention of allowing Myanmar refugees to make their home here too.
"The impact on our country in many terms will be great if we open our doors and declare these foreigners as refugees," Parliamentary Secretary for Foreign Affairs Ahmad Shabery Cheek was quoted as saying recently.
"If we provide illegal immigrants... with jobs, our own people will lose out in employment opportunities."
Crackdowns on illegal migrants are carried out by the volunteer RELA corps, a notorious uniformed brigade accused of rampant human rights abuses.
"We don't have any security, our brothers they go to the market but then the RELA men, they stop us and they demand money," Thant Tum says.
"They don't want to arrest us because they know they will have to feed us and take care of us so they only demand money from us and beat us very badly."
Just days after speaking to AFP, Thant Tum says RELA officers stopped him at a market and demanded the money he had on him -- 100 ringgit (30 dollars) -- which was the camp's weekly food budget. He refused and was beaten senseless.
"It is outrageous and tragic that many of these refugees who fled brutality and torture in Burma should now have to put up with extortion from RELA. How can we accept this?" asks Stothard.
RELA's Kuala Lumpur director Mohammad Aminuddin Mohammad Yusof says the force does not condone acts of brutality and corruption.
"Our men are there to help immigration authorities detain illegal immigrants and overstayers so our first duty is to detain these individuals, not extort money from them," he told AFP.
"There might be such cases of abuse because RELA is a volunteer force but give us evidence of these corrupt acts and details and we will investigate and prosecute the offenders."
Tuesday, 18 December 2007
Anti-Government Graffiti in Arakan State
Narinjara News
Many anti-military government statements were spray painted on the streets of Taungup in southern Arakan State recently, said a teacher from the town.
Many anti-military government statements were spray painted on the streets of Taungup in southern Arakan State recently, said a teacher from the town.
"Many townspeople say the red scripts in the early morning of Thursday at several important places in our town, but we do not know who wrote the statements in spray paint on the streets," he said.
The unknown spray painters had written statements in Burmese that translate as, "All people are living in ready position because the battle against the military government will be restarted very soon," and "The power mad person Than Shwe must fall before 2008."
The teacher said, "Many walls and streets at the jetty, night market, cinema hall, hospital, bridges, and a crowded place called 'Nyung Pin Gri tree' were used by the unknown persons to display writing against the military government."
The police in Taungup, however, cleaned off the graffiti soon after they received information about it. Police reportedly spent at least two hours scrubbing the words from the streets and walls of the town.
Additionally, a number of anti-government posters and pamphlets were hung on walls and trees around town on the same day, in order to raise awareness about possible anti-government demonstrations in the future.
The anonymous dissidents wrote that if the Burmese military government does not change anything in regard to politics in Burma before 2008, they would stage demonstrations again by sacrificing their lives.
The teacher said the police are looking for evidence and clues about the anti-government activists in Taungup, and most of the NLD members in the town are being targeted by police after the incident.
Taungup is a small town in Arakan State, but is very against the military junta. During the monk-led demonstrations in September, nearly a dozen demonstrations broke out in the town and about 20 people were arrested by the military authority. Township NLD secretary Ko Min Aung was also sentenced to nine and a half years in prison for his involvement in the demonstrations there.
"The unity of people in Taungup is strong, and I hope the demonstrations will emerge again in Taungup if the military government doesn't change any politics in 2008," the teacher said.
UN Envoy on Burma Gives White House Briefing
| 17 December 2007 |
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| Ibrahim Gambari (r) meets at the White House with Laura Bush, 16 Dec 2007 |
Envoy Ibrahim Gambari met Monday at the White House with First Lady Laura Bush and National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley.
The United Nations says they discussed ongoing U.N. efforts to promote democratic change in Burma.
Gambari is scheduled to give a briefing on his efforts to a meeting of the U.N. General Assembly in New York on Tuesday.
In a resolution adopted last Friday, the U.N. Human Rights Commission in Geneva called on Burma's ruling military to lift restraints on peaceful political activity.
The 47-member Council also said it plans to send its special envoy, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, back to Burma to report on what has happened since the September crackdown.
Pinheiro told VOA last week that he was disappointed at the Burmese government's reaction to a report he presented to the UNHRC. In that report, he said at least 31 people were killed in the Burmese government's crackdown on demonstrators.
Burma has rejected Pinheiro's findings and claims that less than half that number of people were killed.
Some information for this report was provided by AP.
Sunday, 16 December 2007
U.S. lawmakers to vote on giving top honor to Suu Kyi
WASHINGTON -- The U.S. House of Representatives could vote as early as next week on whether to present Congress' highest civilian honor to Myanmar democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi with.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate kept under house arrest by her country's ruling military junta, should be recognized with the Congressional Gold Medal for "her courageous and unwavering commitment to peace," according to a bill authored by Democratic Rep. Joe Crowley and co-sponsored by 280 lawmakers.
Crowley's office said Friday that the House could vote early next week on the bill, which praises Suu Kyi's fight for democracy "despite an assassination attempt against her life, her prolonged illegal imprisonment, the constant public vilification of her character and her inability to see her children or to see her husband before his death."
Myanmar's junta received international condemnation for killing and arresting democracy protesters and Buddhist monks in September. Dissident groups put the death toll at about 200.
The country, also known as Burma, has been under military rule since 1962. The current junta came to power after snuffing out a 1988 pro-democracy movement against the previous military dictatorship, killing at least 3,000 people in the process.
Chinese officials lashed out at the United States this year after President George W. Bush presented the Dalai Lama, also a Nobel Peace Prize recipient, with the Congressional Gold Medal.
Bangladesh needs more international support: WB
Bangladesh needs more international support: WB
(Xinhua)
Updated: 2007-12-16 10:08
Updated: 2007-12-16 10:08
DHAKA - A top official of the World Bank pledged here Saturday the world body would provide additional US$25 million for cyclone-struck Bangladesh.
 Myanmar refugees near the Thai-Myanmar border, September 2007. The European Commission said Saturday it had boosted aid to Bangladesh to more than 10.5 million euros (US$15 million) with a new package to relocate thousands of Myanmar refugees. [Agencies] |
World Bank Vice President for South Asia Praful C. Patel said " More is needed, more is deserved by Bangladesh in the way of international community support as the magnitude of the devastation is huge and the challenge of rebuilding the lives of the victims is formidable."
Patel made the pledge after visiting some of the Cyclone Sidr- hit areas in Bangladesh. Previously, the World Bank made a commitment to provide US$250 million to Bangladesh to cover its immediate, mid and long-term needs.
Patel said that "The devastation caused by the cyclone was shocking," and he is convinced that the bank needs to do a bit more to help the Bangladeshi government.He would now recommend to the Board for a quick-disbursement amount to US$100 million which will be available by January. Out of the amount, US$50 million will be provided as grant from Global Disaster Reduction Fund.
Of the total amount, US$50 million would be available by April next year to help people to rebuild their livelihoods and remaining US$125 million is for supporting the long-term vision of disaster prevention and management.
Patel said the World Bank may further increase its assistance after the assessment mission submits its report by January.
The Cyclone Sidr, one of the fiercest cyclones hit Bangladesh in the last 131 years, slammed the country's southern and southwestern areas on November 15, affecting 30 out of total 64 districts and leaving thousands of people dead and millions homeless.
U.N. Human Rights Council Sending Expert To Burma On Follow-Up Mission
Siddique Islam - AHN South Asia Correspondent
Geneva, Switzerland (AHN) -The United Nations Human Rights Council concluded its sixth session on Friday in Geneva. During the session, the 47-member body it adopted 13 resolutions and decisions.
One of those resolutions was a request that the independent expert on Burma, officially known as Myanmar, return to the South-East Asian nation for further assessments.
The Myanmar resolution, which was adopted by consensus, asks Special Rapporteur Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro to conduct a follow-up mission to look into the ongoing human rights violations there resulting from the violent repression of recent peaceful demonstrations in Burma, before the Council's next session in March 2008.
"Several reports of killings indicate that the figure provided by the authorities may greatly underestimate the reality," he wrote in a report presented to the Council earlier this week. Adding that, with at least 31 people having died during the crackdown by the government on protesters a few months ago - that is 16 more than had been acknowledged by the authorities.
Regarding Sudan, the Council adopted a resolution to extend the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the African nation by one year. In a separate resolution, the body voiced concern that the country had not implemented the many recommendations of the Group of Experts, comprised of seven independent rights experts.
In particular, the Council said it was worried about the fact that perpetrators of past and ongoing human rights violations and international humanitarian law in the war-ravaged Darfur region have not been brought to justice.
More than 200,000 people have been killed in the area and at least 2.2 million others displaced since rebels began fighting government forces and allied militia known as the Janjaweed in 2003.
EU to help Myanmar refugees
DHAKA: The European Commission said yesterday it had boosted aid to Bangladesh to more than E10.5mn ($15mn) with a new package to relocate thousands of Myanmar refugees.
The latest amount of E$1.5mn is in addition to E2.5mn allocated for victims of floods earlier this year and E6.5mn to help survivors of last month’s Cyclone Sidr.
The funds from the European Commission Humanitarian Aid department (ECHO) will provide shelter, water, sanitation and access to healthcare for members of the Rohingya ethnic group living near Teknaf in Bangladesh’s southeastern Cox’s Bazar district, which borders Myanmar.
“In the region of Teknaf around 10,000 undocumented Rohingya refugees need to be relocated in order to empty over-crowded camps where living conditions are appalling,” an ECHO statement said.
“The commission funding will help this population resettle in a suitable place where their immediate needs will be met,” it said, adding that they were the victims of a “forgotten crisis”.
Those in the camps are among an estimated 28,000 Rohingyas still in Bangladesh who have fled persecution in Myanmar over many years. Bangladesh authorities insist the Teknaf refugees are illegal immigrants and should return to Myanmar.
Since the 1990s, some 236,000 Rohingyas have been repatriated to Myanmar. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has condemned the living conditions of the Teknaf refugees as “squalid” and called for them to be moved swiftly.–AFP
The latest amount of E$1.5mn is in addition to E2.5mn allocated for victims of floods earlier this year and E6.5mn to help survivors of last month’s Cyclone Sidr.
The funds from the European Commission Humanitarian Aid department (ECHO) will provide shelter, water, sanitation and access to healthcare for members of the Rohingya ethnic group living near Teknaf in Bangladesh’s southeastern Cox’s Bazar district, which borders Myanmar.
“In the region of Teknaf around 10,000 undocumented Rohingya refugees need to be relocated in order to empty over-crowded camps where living conditions are appalling,” an ECHO statement said.
“The commission funding will help this population resettle in a suitable place where their immediate needs will be met,” it said, adding that they were the victims of a “forgotten crisis”.
Those in the camps are among an estimated 28,000 Rohingyas still in Bangladesh who have fled persecution in Myanmar over many years. Bangladesh authorities insist the Teknaf refugees are illegal immigrants and should return to Myanmar.
Since the 1990s, some 236,000 Rohingyas have been repatriated to Myanmar. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has condemned the living conditions of the Teknaf refugees as “squalid” and called for them to be moved swiftly.–AFP
U Kovida's Speech at USF Ceremonty
Commencement Speech by Sayadaw U Kovidabhivamsa
Dear Venerable Sangha (monks) in Burma,
Today is the 5th waxing day of the month of Natdaw, B.E. 1369 [according to the Burmese calendar] and December 14, 2007 [according to the Gregorian calendar].
From the Commencement Ceremony for USF Graduate Students currently being conducted at the Saint Ignatius Church on the USF (Jesuit University of San Francisco) campus, I am letting all the monks – hundreds of thousands -- in Burma know that you have been collectively awarded an Honorary Degree in recognition of your courage, loving kindness, compassion and commitment to conduct non-violent protests against a brutal, repressive, military regime.
I am thrilled and honored to accept the Honorary Degree on your behalf.
You should feel extremely honored because USF has a long tradition of recognng the heroic efforts of people, who – like all of you -- are willing to give up possessions and make the supreme sacrifices in order to secure the human and democratic rights of people especially those living “in constant fear” under oppressive dictators.
USF honored six members of the Society of Jesus were killed in El Salvador – nearly twenty years ago -- for their courageous denunciations of a repressive government. In 2003, USF conferred an honorary degree to His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
USF is continuing the tradition by honoring you – all the courageous monks in Burma – for upholding your noble beliefs and actions. On your behalf, I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to USF.
Dear Members of the Board of Trustees, Faculty members, Family members of Students, and Honored Guests,
This honorary degree being conferred to the courageous monks of Burma is living proof that people all around the world do care about the plights of those being brutally tortured and killed by repressive military dictatorships that have no conscience about human and democratic rights.
This University is leading by example to other institutions in the free world – academic, religious, social, local, regional, global – that they should recognize the hardships of people “forced to be voiceless and suffer silently for decades” and that they could and should help the courageous people who have put their lives on line to lead non-violent protests against the heartless regimes especially those who consider “chanting of loving kindness a crime”.
The Burmese monks all over the world are unified under the recently formed International Buddhist Monks Association called Sasana Moli. To help the noble cause of the courageous monks inside Burma (who constantly face torture and death), the monks outside of Burma are working with people and organizations wishing to bring back peace and happiness to the world in general, and Burma in particular. The honorary degree given by USF definitely gives all of us – inside and outside Burma – much needed encouragement and conviction to carry on our noble tasks.
Dear Graduate Students attending Commencement,
On behalf of the monks of Burma, I would like to congratulate you for completing graduate studies from USF, which is known not only for its excellent academic and extracurricular programs, but also for its mantra: “educating minds and hearts to change the world.”
The University mantra is in complete agreement with the teachings of Buddha. He said, in “Thera” verse 141
A paraphrase is as follows:
If one studies [diligently] under a mentor, one gains bahusuta (general knowledge).
Bahusuta gives rise to nana (wisdom) and learning (education).
Wisdom and learning enables one to reason: differentiate the good and the bad, the right and the wrong.
An educated mind, then, is able to do good things not only for one, but for others as well.
May you be able to use the University mantra, the education provided by the University and the faculty, and words of wisdom provided by the monks and other religious practitioners to lead good lives and to help work for the benefit of your families, your organizations, your nation, and the world. May you have the courage to make sacrifices – if and when needed – to help bring peace on earth.
On behalf of the monks in Burma, I wish physical and spiritual well-being for all working or studying in USF, to all those attending this ceremony, and to the people all over the world.
I hope that in the not-too-distant future, the monks in Burma will be able to reciprocate the generosity of USF by inviting all of you over to Burma to attend a “Thanksgiving” ceremony.
Thanks.
Signed – U Kokida
The Role of Buddhism in the Wake of the Crackdown
By Shah Paung
December 14, 2007
Dhamma sermons are usually attended almost exclusively by elderly people; however, since the crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in September, more and more laypersons, especially youths, are turning up at monasteries to listen to Buddhist sermons. Attending dhamma
December 14, 2007
Dhamma sermons are usually attended almost exclusively by elderly people; however, since the crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in September, more and more laypersons, especially youths, are turning up at monasteries to listen to Buddhist sermons. Attending dhamma
sermons is now a way for Burmese people to vent their defiance against the military government.
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Pilgrims at the famous Kyaikhtiyo Pagoda of |
An ancient Sanskrit word meaning “justice” or “the law of nature,” dhamma is taught by monks to Buddhist devotees at monasteries. Recently, these sermons have become popular events in Burma and a series of dhamma talks is currently being held from December 11 to 15 in South Okkalapa Township in Rangoon.
An eyewitness said that about 1,000 people have been attending the sermons, including many young people. The roads around the monastery have been blocked between 7 p.m. and 8 p.m. each night because many people are finishing their work early to attend the sermons. Even former soldiers have been attending.
Sermons on dhamma are being given by well-known monks and abbots such as U Kawthala, Ashin Sundadhika, U Jotika, U Kovida, U Nyanithara and Ashin Say Keinda, who is currently a lecturer at the International Theravada Buddhist Missionary University in Rangoon.
In their talks, the monks often recount the words of Lord Buddha, telling their subjects that life is suffering and that, to atone for their sins, those who have committed evil acts would be committed to “ape-nga-ye” (the Buddhist version of “hell”).
“We feel sad about the recent crisis,” a former solider who requested anonymity told The Irrawaddy. “Until now we have felt nothing but pain when we think about [the crackdown on monks].”
He said that since he was a child, he had been taught that soldiers were here to protect the nation, the religion and the language. However, under current circumstances, the government’s actions have completely contradicted that moral.
The ex-soldier served the military for 10 years until 2001 and is now nearly 40. He said that he now works in social welfare and follows religious issues. He estimated that more and more people were listening to dhamma talks since the crackdown because the sermons remind people about the forces of good and evil.
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Buddhist monks at the Kyaikhtiyo Pagoda [Photo:AFP] |
From students at a grade 4 level upward, laypersons are flocking to monasteries and to dhamma talk events, he claimed. Close to 90% of the population of Burma is Buddhist.
He went on to say that dhamma sermon VCDs and tapes were selling well all over the country. The organizers of dhamma events were making the VCDs and tapes by themselves and distributing them quietly. The Burmese military government has banned the distribution of dhamma VCDs and tapes through the country’s censorship board. However, devotees have been making copies and sharing them with others.
Khin Oo, a woman resident in Rangoon, says the dhamma sermons are encouraging and she feels consoled when she listens to them. Often, she says, the sermons involve subtle jokes, indirectly criticizing the military government for oppressing and killing its own people.
She said that the most popular dhamma VCDs were the talks by U Kovida and U Nyanithara, which were recently banned by the authorities.
The title of the U Nyanithara VCD is “The Way of Dumb People,” a pointed criticism of people who believe in astrology and commit evil acts. It is supposedly dedicated to the junta’s leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who is known to be a strong believer in astrology. A second VCD featuring U Nyanithara is titled “The Ending of the King.”
At his recent dhamma talk in Rangoon U Kovida referred to the Burmese junta as the second “Azartathet.” (Azartathet is an infamous villain who killed his father for power in Buddhist folklore). His sermon also included commentary on the September demonstrations. U Kovida, a Buddhist PhD scholar, is an abbot at Mizzima Gon Yee Monastery in Rangoon’s Thakayta Township.
The Irrawaddy News
Burma: A Cry For Help
It was 1988 when the populace started to raise some glimmer of hope. Tired of the one-party rule, economic deprivation, and oppression, the people of Burma staged protests that eventually led to a popular uprising called the 8888 or the Four Eights Uprising.But in a classic move by the ruling class, a "faction" within the military led by General Sau Mung seized power and violently crushed the uprising and established a new order. It was more of a facelift to the old.
The Burmese people, ever hungry for liberty and in pursuit of their democratic ideals, tried. And so did the thousands of students, and monks, and other ordinary citizens that were killed in the process. More people eventually died in the purge by the so-called military intelligence.
It was a cry for help. And the world was not paying attention.
Perhaps until the people ran out of tears, and more blood came out of their sunken eyes, we would start to notice.
The main repercussion of the famous uprising was not so significant until it was somehow proved that it eventually gave way for parliamentary elections two years later. In 1990 pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy topped the national parliamentary elections, only to be annulled later by the regime.
And the military, in its effort to protect the country's "stability and security", placed Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. Even a Noble Peace Prize wouldn't deter the junta to change its mind.
Recently, thousands of Buddhist monks were on the streets again for days, defying the junta's call to do otherwise. It continues to attract a few thousands more. Once again, as they did in the past, they are trying to catch the world’s attention to their pitiful circumstance.
And as I watched in disbelief events in the country known as Myanmar, a protester running away from the men in uniform fell. He was just lying there in the pavement. Amidst the chaos in the background, I could see no movement. He was just there... dead.
The main repercussion of the famous uprising was not so significant until it was somehow proved that it eventually gave way for parliamentary elections two years later. In 1990 pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy topped the national parliamentary elections, only to be annulled later by the regime.
And the military, in its effort to protect the country's "stability and security", placed Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. Even a Noble Peace Prize wouldn't deter the junta to change its mind.
Recently, thousands of Buddhist monks were on the streets again for days, defying the junta's call to do otherwise. It continues to attract a few thousands more. Once again, as they did in the past, they are trying to catch the world’s attention to their pitiful circumstance.
And as I watched in disbelief events in the country known as Myanmar, a protester running away from the men in uniform fell. He was just lying there in the pavement. Amidst the chaos in the background, I could see no movement. He was just there... dead.
It was just like watching an amateur hunter in action. Aim for the flock and surely you'll hit a duck.
In probably the same scenario thirty or even ten years ago, a protester was murdered. On live broadcasts, murders are being committed, the victims helplessly evident and the perpetrators quite obvious. But justice, as it always was, will still remain quite an illusion.
In cold-blood, in broad daylight, without much of a twitch in the eye for the loss of human life, the military regime of Myanmar had done it yet again. Such arrogance.
Now the world is watching. But are we really?
In probably the same scenario thirty or even ten years ago, a protester was murdered. On live broadcasts, murders are being committed, the victims helplessly evident and the perpetrators quite obvious. But justice, as it always was, will still remain quite an illusion.
In cold-blood, in broad daylight, without much of a twitch in the eye for the loss of human life, the military regime of Myanmar had done it yet again. Such arrogance.
Now the world is watching. But are we really?
The Burmese people are endlessly crying for help. As much as they pray to their beloved Buddha, their tears are not just for their own people but ultimately, for the rest of the world.
And all we could do is watch.
We Can Help Burma
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Brian Palmer| BIO |
The word "issue" -- the Darfur issue, the Iraq issue, the homelessness issue -- is kind of irksome, but it hints at a vital fact: As Americans of a certain economic status and social class, our "issues" are other people's lives. As a journalist and as an American, I struggle to use my privilege, accorded me by birth and by experience, to unearth information and eyewitness testimony about such issues. But lately, with the Iraq occupation, Darfur, and the festering aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, this doesn't feel like nearly enough.
For a few months in 2002, Burma was my issue, my story. The country was in the news because the military junta, the State Peace and Development Council, had decided to release from prison several hundred members of the National League for Democracy, the party of Daw Aung Sang Suu Kyi, Nobel Peace Prize winner and usually imprisoned opposition figure. A United Nations special envoy, Razali Ismail, was due to visit Rangoon and have talks with the junta's leaders, Senior General Than Shwe, General Maung Aye, and General Khin Nyunt.
I traveled to Burma, ostensibly as a tourist, but actually as a freelance reporter, since the regime doesn't willingly host visits from journalists or others prone to scrutinizing its subjugation of its people. I knew that speaking directly to people -- interviewing -- might land them in jail. So I didn't do much of that. Instead, I observed. I also showed up dutifully at the headquarters of the NLD several days in a row, hoping for an audience with Aung Sang Suu Kyi. Each day I would arrive, make my request, and wait.
One day, while I waited to speak to an NLD official, there was a free, weekly health screening going on for indigent mothers and children. The tiny headquarters was full of women and infants.
I mentioned to a young man who sat next to me, a new NLD member, that I was surprised how little surveillance there was of the headquarters -- and of me. I had visited nearly a half a dozen times and never drawn any special scrutiny by police or other agents of the state. He smiled at me, then gestured with his head, almost imperceptibly, toward two casually dressed men lounging across the street and sipping tea. "Military intelligence," he said.
Eventually, I was granted an interview with U Lwin, a party spokesman. He was circumspect. He told me that many NLD members had been released, but others had been quietly jailed, too. Suu Kyi was being permitted to make low-key -- and heavily monitored -- visits to NLD offices in other parts of the country, but she wasn't allowed to speak with the press. So when The Lady, as Suu Kyi's supporters call her, made an appearance at the office and I asked her for permission to photograph her, she declined my request, gently.
"If we make one mistake, this will finish us," U Lwin told me. Indeed.
U Lwin and The Lady were right to be cautious. Nothing changed in 2002. UN envoy's Ismail's meeting with junta leaders lasted 15 minutes, "hardly long enough to sit down and pick up a cup of tea," Josef Silverstein, a scholar on Burma, told me.
"Per capita income, reported months ago to be about $300, is in free fall," I wrote in Newsweek International in November 2002. The UN had reported that Burma's HIV rate was one of the world's highest (1 in 50 adults infected). Human Rights Watch Report noted that an estimated 20% of active-duty soldiers in the army were under the age of 18. The price of rice had tripled outside Rangoon, according to the NLD.
The advocacy group Altsean was unequivocal about who was to blame for Burma's abject condition: "The humanitarian situation is man-made; the junta is directly responsible on numerous levels for inadequate access to basic needs." The junta's response? Hire an American public relations firm, DCI Associates, to burnish its international image.
I published a story. Then, the US invaded Iraq. Burma receded for me. I stopped paying attention.
Last month, along with so many others around the world, I watched the Burmese stand up to the junta. They took to the streets and were crushed by the military, the Tatmadaw, and then intimidated into silence. For now. The world now wrings its hands. We apparently have little leverage over the already isolated and brutal SPDC. So Burma fades from front pages.
But our powerless is an illusion. Yes, there are petitions to sign. We can lobby Congress and protest at the UN. That's not enough. I emailed a Burma activist and advocate for suggestions about concrete things to do.
She suggested donating to established organizations that provide aid and services to Burmese, inside and outside the country. She pointed me toward a number of groups working directly to alleviate the suffering of Burmese, particularly refugees. The Mae To Clinic in Mae Sot, Thailand, provides medical care to refugees and migrant workers. You can donate at www.maetaoclinic.org/donate.html
Global Health Access also runs health programs that keep Burmese healthy and alive. See what they do at www.ghap.org.
You can also contribute at: www.ghap.org/how_to_help/money/
All these groups accept -- and need -- volunteers, too.
You can also support Burmese women by shopping. WEAVE, Women's Education for Advancement and Empowerment, was started in 1990 to provide sustainable work for Burmese refugee women, particularly those from ethnic groups that are discriminated against inside the country. Go to www.weave-women.org to see what they do -- and to become a customer. WEAVE also runs an Early Childhood Development Program, a health education project, and other essential initiatives.
There are many advocacy, activist and media organizations focusing on Burma that one can visit online for information and suggestions for actions. The Women's League of Burma is an umbrella group comprised of 12 leading organizations: www.womenofburma.org.
Altsean is a human rights group that monitors Burma, publishes periodic reports and briefings, and advocates for change. You can buy copies of their reports -- and T-shirts -- via Pay Pal, at www.altsean.org/Store/Store.php.
Altsean is also spearheading an effort to pressure the UN Security Council to take action on Burma, www.unscburma.org
Subscriptions to the Irrawaddy, the excellent, informative, and courageous news magazine about Burma written by exiles, can be ordered at www.irrawaddymedia.com/shop/.
Even if the Burma "issue" recedes from our popular news media, the nation's people still need our support.
Saturday, 15 December 2007
EU warns may tighten Myanmar sanctions
BRUSSELS - EUROPEAN Union leaders said they were ready to tighten sanctions on Myanmar if its military rulers did not ease repression.
The statement, agreed at a summit in Brussels on Friday, said: 'The European Council reaffirms that the EU stands ready to review, amend or further reinforce restrictive measures against the government of Burma/Myanmar in the light of developments on the ground.'
It said the EU remained seriously concerned by the situation after the authorities staged a bloody crackdown in September on peaceful pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks.
The 27-nation bloc adopted sanctions on Nov 19 against 1,207 firms in Myanmar and expanded visa bans and asset freezes on the country's military rulers.
The sanctions target the key timber, metals and gemstone sectors. They include an investment ban on companies controlled by the regime or by people linked to it.
The EU also prohibited exports on equipment to sectors involving timber, metals, minerals, semi-precious and precious stones, as well as imports from these sectors.
The official death toll in the suppression of the most serious protests in 20 years is 31, but Western diplomats say the figure was much higher.
The EU has stressed that its trade - and therefore economic leverage - with Myanmar is limited, though it has so far steered clear of the energy sector, in which French oil giant Total is a big investor.
International sanctions against Myanmar hurt only ordinary people and have caused a rise in human trafficking, a senior Myanmar government minister and general said on Friday.
Interior Minister Major General Maung Oo, in rare comments to the foreign press made on the sidelines of an anti-human trafficking conference in Beijing, said: 'Because of economic sanctions on us, some factories have had to be closed.
'The women who work there are now jobless. This is one of the push factors in making them becoming trafficking victims.'
Rights groups say poverty has fuelled a rise in Myanmar nationals being trafficked or simply sold, some as prostitutes in neighbouring Thailand and China.
The former Burma has been under military control since 1962.
The army held elections in 1990, but refused to hand over power after being outvoted by Ms Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy.
Nobel Peace Prize winner Suu Kyi has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest or in jail. -- REUTERS
Repression unrelenting in Myanmar
10 December 2007
When the Elders meet in South Africa on Monday to begin marking the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, one of their number will not be in attendance.
The international trouble-shooting team of world-renowned figures - including Nelson Mandela and Mary Robinson - will use its substantial collective experience to tackle global crises. Yet one figure - who has campaigned tirelessly for human rights - will be unable to add her expertise.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest in Myanmar (formerly Burma), where she has been for 12 of the past 18 years.
Aung San Suu Kyi is one of a over 1,850 people detained in Myanmar for their peaceful activities, a number that increased just a few months ago in the most recent crackdown on protests in the country.
Thousands of people are believed to have been arrested during the crackdown and currently Amnesty International estimates that around 700 remain in detention. This is in stark contrast to claims by the Myanmar authorities that only 80 people—against whom legal action will be taken—remain behind bars. Detainees have been poorly treated, and in some cases tortured.
At least 20 people are believed to have been sentenced to up to nine and a half years imprisonment in connection with the demonstrations, in proceedings that were closed and grossly flawed.
While the number of arrests has declined since 29 September, state security personnel have continued to search for and detain individuals suspected of involvement in the pro-democracy protests, primarily through night raids on homes. Such actions go against the government's assurances in early November to the UN Special Representative Ibrahim Gambari that no more arrests would be carried out.
Amnesty International is urgently calling on the government of Myanmar to stop making further arrests and to release all those detained or imprisoned merely for the peaceful exercise of their rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association, including both long-term and recent prisoners of conscience.
The international trouble-shooting team of world-renowned figures - including Nelson Mandela and Mary Robinson - will use its substantial collective experience to tackle global crises. Yet one figure - who has campaigned tirelessly for human rights - will be unable to add her expertise.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest in Myanmar (formerly Burma), where she has been for 12 of the past 18 years.
Aung San Suu Kyi is one of a over 1,850 people detained in Myanmar for their peaceful activities, a number that increased just a few months ago in the most recent crackdown on protests in the country.
Thousands of people are believed to have been arrested during the crackdown and currently Amnesty International estimates that around 700 remain in detention. This is in stark contrast to claims by the Myanmar authorities that only 80 people—against whom legal action will be taken—remain behind bars. Detainees have been poorly treated, and in some cases tortured.
At least 20 people are believed to have been sentenced to up to nine and a half years imprisonment in connection with the demonstrations, in proceedings that were closed and grossly flawed.
While the number of arrests has declined since 29 September, state security personnel have continued to search for and detain individuals suspected of involvement in the pro-democracy protests, primarily through night raids on homes. Such actions go against the government's assurances in early November to the UN Special Representative Ibrahim Gambari that no more arrests would be carried out.
Amnesty International is urgently calling on the government of Myanmar to stop making further arrests and to release all those detained or imprisoned merely for the peaceful exercise of their rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association, including both long-term and recent prisoners of conscience.
UN Council backs new probe of Myanmar
Geneva, Dec 15: The UN Human Rights Council told Myanmar on Friday to prosecute those who committed abuses during a crackdown on peaceful monk-led protests and free Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners.
In a resolution adopted by consensus, the United Nations forum called on the ruling junta "to lift all restraints on the peaceful political activity of all persons" and "to release without delay those arrested and detained as a result of the repression of recent peaceful protests."
It also urged Myanmar "to ensure full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and to investigate and bring to justice perpetrators of human rights violations, including for the recent violations of the rights of peaceful protesters."
The 47-member-state Council said its special envoy for Myanmar, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, should revisit the country and report back in March on the fall-out from the September suppression that captured international attention.
Myanmar criticized the resolution, backed by 41 countries including Britain, Germany, Canada and Korea, as "politicized."
"This clearly shows that Myanmar has been put under pressure by influential and powerful countries who have their own political agenda," Wunna Maung Lwin, Myanmar's ambassador to the UN in Geneva, told the Friday session.
Human rights groups welcomed the censure by the Council.
"This is a very positive thing," Juliette de Rivero of Human Rights Watch told a news briefing in Geneva. She said it was important for Pinheiro to return to the country "to do a more in-depth investigation of violations he has already identified."
Amnesty International said a second and longer visit to Myanmar could help Pinheiro carry out a full investigation of the circumstances before and during the crackdown, as well as reported abuses against ethnic minorities there.
EXCESSIVE FORCE
In a report presented to the Council this week, denounced by Myanmar as "intrusive" and "misleading," Pinheiro said excessive force was used to quell the demonstrations, triggered by a 500 percent oil price rise in the former Burma.
The Brazilian professor, who visited Myanmar in November, said at least 31 people died and up to 4,000 were arrested in the clashes in which troops and riot police used tear gas, live ammunition, rubber bullets, smoke grenades and slingshots.
Pinheiro also reported accounts of bodies -- including those apparently of monks -- burned in suspicious circumstances during the crackdown, possibly in order to hide the total death toll.
Lwin said the independent envoy's report was based on unreliable sources, and flatly denied Pinheiro's suggestion that 1,000 people arrested during and after the clashes were still being detained, some in extremely difficult circumstances.
"We have been able to restore peace and stability and the situation is back to normalcy all over the country," he said.
Myanmar has repeatedly ignored calls for the release of Suu Kyi, whose opposition party won an election in 1990 by a landslide but was denied power by the military, which has ruled Myanmar since a 1962 coup. She has been detained for 12 of the last 18 years and many of her supporters have also been jailed.
Bureau Report
Canada enforces sanctions on Myanmar
(AFP)
15 December 2007
15 December 2007
OTTAWA - Canada bolstered its sanctions against Myamnar Friday to punish its military regime for failing to make reforms after its violent crackdown on pro-democracy protestors drew worldwide condemnation.
“Despite repeated calls by the international community to return democracy to Burma, the Burmese regime has been completely unwilling to undertake genuine reform,” said Foreign Minister Maxime Bernier, referring to Myanmar by its old name.
“With the new sanctions now in effect, we have the toughest sanctions in the world,” he added, in a statement announcing that the measures, drafted last month, had come into force.
“The regime continues to show a complete disregard for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Burma,” he added. ”We believe that sanctions are the means by which we can best exert pressure on the military junta.”
In September, Myanmar’s security forces violently repressed peaceful protests by the country’s Buddhist monks, leading to at least 13 deaths and thousands of arrests.
Canada responded by unveiling in November what it said were “the toughest sanctions in the world.”
The measures include bans on exports from Canada to Myanmar except humanitarian goods, and on Canadians investing and providing financial services there, and a freeze on assets in Canada of Myanmar nationals linked to the rulers.
It also bans Burmese ships and planes from docking or landing in Canada.
“Our sanctions show Canada’s commitment to promoting freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law, as well as our solidarity with the Burmese people,” said Bernier.
“Canada urges others to undertake the strongest possible measures against Burma until the Burmese authorities implement genuine reform.”
Aung Way’s Review - “The way to win the power within one year”
Original post in Burmese
Translated by Burmese Bloggers w/o Borders (with the help of MMM & TL)
INTRODUCTION
This review is from a poet for Burma Democracy Revolution. The poet has tried to mention his personal point of view on the Democracy Revolution. Hence it is named Aung Way’s Review. The main objective of this review is to win back the power within one year.
WHY DO WE NEED TO WIN THE POWER WITHIN ONE YEAR?
The Burmese people demonstrated in 1988 as the first time after 26 years of army regime. It was led by students. And then military junta took advantage on that demonstration and seized the power from the people and declared martial law under SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council). It has been 19 years since then. Hence, in September, the Burmese people again demonstrated against the military regime which has ruled the country for almost 20 years. The Monks took the lead in this peaceful demonstration. This time, (State Peace and Development Council) SPDC is trying to take advantage of the situation in Burma to tighten their power.
HOW ARE THEY TAKING ADVANTAGE?
It is very clear. SPDC can no longer ignore the people’s peaceful protests. They end up having to arrange for a dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Actually this dialogue is what all monks, students and people have been requesting through the peaceful protests. The fact that SPDC had to start talking about dialogue that they previously did not give serious consideration about, is the greatest achievement of this 2007 September movment. However, as usual SPDC is very tricky and they will try to hold on to the power as long as possible by pretending to make dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We, Burmese People, need to be aware of their trick , which plays an important role in successfully destroying the dictatorship forever on our land.
Therefore our Burmese people should not wait and expect much from this pretentious dialogue. We need to speed up our revolution to be able to win back the power within a short period of time.
HOW CAN WE FIGHT AND WIN THE POWER?
We, Burmese People, need to arrange The Third and The Last Democracy Revolution. There are some do’s and don’ts in such revolution to be able to win.
There are two facts to avoid. These are policies of non-violence and compromise.
Everyone knows that the military junta (SPDC) brutally cracked down on the monks-led peaceful protest. If the burmese people wanted to continue in the same peaceful way, the junta would surely carry out the same kind of brutal suppression against them. It would be as if we are sacrificing our lives unncessarily. We don’t want that to happen again.
Each and every protestor for democracy has their own right to defend for themselves. These people who are demonstrating peacefully must be protected under the law. But there is no such law in Burma.
Therefore, the protestors have to defend themselves from the brutal crackdown without affecting the main aim of the revolution.
The second one is the policy of compromise. This is akin to surrendering to the enemy and we must avoid this strategy. There were numerous records in Burma’s history that once the enemy gave in just a little bit, some politicians and activists would end up combining forces with the enemy and betrayed the public.
These are two factors that everyone, who is fighting for democracy, must avoid at all cost regardless of whether they are leaders or supporters.
The revolution that the Burmese people are conducting is not merely a protest just to reduce the prices. We all must bear in mind that this revolution has been going on for the last 45 years with the aim of ending the entire dictatorship and must prepare to continue our fight till we win.
DO IT LIKE A REVOLUTION
Important facts to keep in mind during this struggle
1) "Three sons" (meaning monks, students and soldiers) have to be united
2) In order to increase the momentum of the current protest, connection has to be made between struggles within and those outside Burma.
Students played the leading role during the protest for Democracy in 1988 while monks were the leaders in 2007. For coming 2008, during the third and final protest, soldiers will be persuaded to join with the civilians and fight against the brutal military generals. Then, we will definitely have an ideal movement of "three sons" joining hand in hand, with the soldiers leading the movement. It is indeed of utmost importance for activists fighting for democracy to cleverly pave the way for such ideal movement to happen.
The second fact, increasing the momentum of civilian participation, will need to be done as follows.
First of all, all the organizations (be it “undergroud” or “non-underground”) should come together to form a united front. The organizations include the National League for Democracy (NLD, which won nationwide landslide election in 1991 but was denied to take office by the military regime), All-Burma Monks Association, students' organizations, nonviolence, triple-colored and CNG youths, political activists, professionals, elected officials, workers, farmers, etc. All these non-underground forces need to form Mass's Alliances for Democracy.
As for the underground forces,there are also seventeen armed groups who signed cease fire agreement with the military government and student leaders, political activists and religious leaders, who have gone into hiding. These underground forces need to be linked with those non-underground forces.
As for the forces outside Burma, there are two different groups: armed and unarmed. The armed groups are mainly made up of KNU with its force (KNLA), and KNPP (including ABSDF, Karen Ni, Rhakhine, Shan, Chin, etc). Organizations, unarmed but outside Burma, consist of international organizations such as NLD (LA), NCUB, NCGUB, DAB, FDB, etc.
As civilian protests within Burma increase their intensity of protests, political activists along the borders, abroad and from the international community will have to work towards having more attention from the international community on the progress of Burma so that they can place more pressure on the military government for reforms. At the same time, armed groups also need to increase their pace in their fights against the military junta.
There are 17 armed ethnic groups who have Gentleman's agreement with the government to cease fire. They cannot go out and protest with the civilians. And they also cannot go back to the arm struggle against the government. Our democratic forces need to use this situation very carefully. The important thing is that these ethnic armed groups should be in synchrony with the aim of the civilians’ movement. Therefore, a good strategy is neded for every battle.
GOALS AND FORM OF THE BATTLE
First of all, it is important to analyze the situation between the enemy and ourselves. There are 3 types of situations in every battle.
1) Having a defensive strategy on our side
2) Having an equivalent situation for strategy on either sides
3) Having an offensive strategy on our side
Currently, in Burma, the civilians can be considered as being in the offensive mode. The fact that the military government generals are restlessly negotiating with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, indicates the junta having to adopt a defensive mode.
Now that we are in the offensive front, what strategy should we uphold to finish the battle? In other words, what are the goals of the final battle? The following 3 demands should be our goals.
1) All political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be set free.
2) There should be immediate triangle-meeting among opposition political parties (NLD, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, etc), military government representatives and ethnic armed groups.
3) The short-term government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be organized immediately.
In short, all political prisoners should be freed, the triangle-meeting should be held and the short-term government should be organized. These 3 statements should be carried out within a year and they are the basic of the battle.
What tactics should be used in this battle? How should the battle formation be shaped up? The form of the civilian protest is clear. For example, Mass's Alliances for Democracy, can lead and open an uprising centre at the Shwedagon Pagoda. Then, the peaceful demonstrations on the streets should follow, chanting the slogans to take over the military government's center "Napyidaw". Discipline shapes up the battle. Burmese and foreign bloggers and media, burmese people outside Burma, and buddhist monks can make up the other forms of the battle.
OTHER FORMS OF THE BATTLE
The Burmese people should also threaten the followers of SPDC by confronting and obstructing their actions so that they will not dare to remain in their assigned townships. The Burmese people in Burma should be united in carrying out whatever possible offensive action against the SPDC followers.
CONCLUSION
Without the belief for revolution, there will never be a revolution. Likewise, without a good leader, the revolution will not be successful.
The three demands mentioned above should be the goals of our revolution.
Mass’s Alliances for Democracy should take lead in this revolution.
In addition, I would like to add the following firmly:
- Do not blindly hold on to the policy of non-violence.
- Never compromise with the enemy.
- Must form a united, disciplined front who stands up for the truth.
- Never betray Daw Aung San Su Kyi and the revolution.
- Must win the revolution within a year.
Aung Way
[ From a temporary hiding place ]
Translated by Burmese Bloggers w/o Borders (with the help of MMM & TL)
INTRODUCTION
This review is from a poet for Burma Democracy Revolution. The poet has tried to mention his personal point of view on the Democracy Revolution. Hence it is named Aung Way’s Review. The main objective of this review is to win back the power within one year.
WHY DO WE NEED TO WIN THE POWER WITHIN ONE YEAR?
The Burmese people demonstrated in 1988 as the first time after 26 years of army regime. It was led by students. And then military junta took advantage on that demonstration and seized the power from the people and declared martial law under SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council). It has been 19 years since then. Hence, in September, the Burmese people again demonstrated against the military regime which has ruled the country for almost 20 years. The Monks took the lead in this peaceful demonstration. This time, (State Peace and Development Council) SPDC is trying to take advantage of the situation in Burma to tighten their power.
HOW ARE THEY TAKING ADVANTAGE?
It is very clear. SPDC can no longer ignore the people’s peaceful protests. They end up having to arrange for a dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Actually this dialogue is what all monks, students and people have been requesting through the peaceful protests. The fact that SPDC had to start talking about dialogue that they previously did not give serious consideration about, is the greatest achievement of this 2007 September movment. However, as usual SPDC is very tricky and they will try to hold on to the power as long as possible by pretending to make dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We, Burmese People, need to be aware of their trick , which plays an important role in successfully destroying the dictatorship forever on our land.
Therefore our Burmese people should not wait and expect much from this pretentious dialogue. We need to speed up our revolution to be able to win back the power within a short period of time.
HOW CAN WE FIGHT AND WIN THE POWER?
We, Burmese People, need to arrange The Third and The Last Democracy Revolution. There are some do’s and don’ts in such revolution to be able to win.
There are two facts to avoid. These are policies of non-violence and compromise.
Everyone knows that the military junta (SPDC) brutally cracked down on the monks-led peaceful protest. If the burmese people wanted to continue in the same peaceful way, the junta would surely carry out the same kind of brutal suppression against them. It would be as if we are sacrificing our lives unncessarily. We don’t want that to happen again.
Each and every protestor for democracy has their own right to defend for themselves. These people who are demonstrating peacefully must be protected under the law. But there is no such law in Burma.
Therefore, the protestors have to defend themselves from the brutal crackdown without affecting the main aim of the revolution.
The second one is the policy of compromise. This is akin to surrendering to the enemy and we must avoid this strategy. There were numerous records in Burma’s history that once the enemy gave in just a little bit, some politicians and activists would end up combining forces with the enemy and betrayed the public.
These are two factors that everyone, who is fighting for democracy, must avoid at all cost regardless of whether they are leaders or supporters.
The revolution that the Burmese people are conducting is not merely a protest just to reduce the prices. We all must bear in mind that this revolution has been going on for the last 45 years with the aim of ending the entire dictatorship and must prepare to continue our fight till we win.
DO IT LIKE A REVOLUTION
Important facts to keep in mind during this struggle
1) "Three sons" (meaning monks, students and soldiers) have to be united
2) In order to increase the momentum of the current protest, connection has to be made between struggles within and those outside Burma.
Students played the leading role during the protest for Democracy in 1988 while monks were the leaders in 2007. For coming 2008, during the third and final protest, soldiers will be persuaded to join with the civilians and fight against the brutal military generals. Then, we will definitely have an ideal movement of "three sons" joining hand in hand, with the soldiers leading the movement. It is indeed of utmost importance for activists fighting for democracy to cleverly pave the way for such ideal movement to happen.
The second fact, increasing the momentum of civilian participation, will need to be done as follows.
First of all, all the organizations (be it “undergroud” or “non-underground”) should come together to form a united front. The organizations include the National League for Democracy (NLD, which won nationwide landslide election in 1991 but was denied to take office by the military regime), All-Burma Monks Association, students' organizations, nonviolence, triple-colored and CNG youths, political activists, professionals, elected officials, workers, farmers, etc. All these non-underground forces need to form Mass's Alliances for Democracy.
As for the underground forces,there are also seventeen armed groups who signed cease fire agreement with the military government and student leaders, political activists and religious leaders, who have gone into hiding. These underground forces need to be linked with those non-underground forces.
As for the forces outside Burma, there are two different groups: armed and unarmed. The armed groups are mainly made up of KNU with its force (KNLA), and KNPP (including ABSDF, Karen Ni, Rhakhine, Shan, Chin, etc). Organizations, unarmed but outside Burma, consist of international organizations such as NLD (LA), NCUB, NCGUB, DAB, FDB, etc.
As civilian protests within Burma increase their intensity of protests, political activists along the borders, abroad and from the international community will have to work towards having more attention from the international community on the progress of Burma so that they can place more pressure on the military government for reforms. At the same time, armed groups also need to increase their pace in their fights against the military junta.
There are 17 armed ethnic groups who have Gentleman's agreement with the government to cease fire. They cannot go out and protest with the civilians. And they also cannot go back to the arm struggle against the government. Our democratic forces need to use this situation very carefully. The important thing is that these ethnic armed groups should be in synchrony with the aim of the civilians’ movement. Therefore, a good strategy is neded for every battle.
GOALS AND FORM OF THE BATTLE
First of all, it is important to analyze the situation between the enemy and ourselves. There are 3 types of situations in every battle.
1) Having a defensive strategy on our side
2) Having an equivalent situation for strategy on either sides
3) Having an offensive strategy on our side
Currently, in Burma, the civilians can be considered as being in the offensive mode. The fact that the military government generals are restlessly negotiating with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, indicates the junta having to adopt a defensive mode.
Now that we are in the offensive front, what strategy should we uphold to finish the battle? In other words, what are the goals of the final battle? The following 3 demands should be our goals.
1) All political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be set free.
2) There should be immediate triangle-meeting among opposition political parties (NLD, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, etc), military government representatives and ethnic armed groups.
3) The short-term government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be organized immediately.
In short, all political prisoners should be freed, the triangle-meeting should be held and the short-term government should be organized. These 3 statements should be carried out within a year and they are the basic of the battle.
What tactics should be used in this battle? How should the battle formation be shaped up? The form of the civilian protest is clear. For example, Mass's Alliances for Democracy, can lead and open an uprising centre at the Shwedagon Pagoda. Then, the peaceful demonstrations on the streets should follow, chanting the slogans to take over the military government's center "Napyidaw". Discipline shapes up the battle. Burmese and foreign bloggers and media, burmese people outside Burma, and buddhist monks can make up the other forms of the battle.
OTHER FORMS OF THE BATTLE
The Burmese people should also threaten the followers of SPDC by confronting and obstructing their actions so that they will not dare to remain in their assigned townships. The Burmese people in Burma should be united in carrying out whatever possible offensive action against the SPDC followers.
CONCLUSION
Without the belief for revolution, there will never be a revolution. Likewise, without a good leader, the revolution will not be successful.
The three demands mentioned above should be the goals of our revolution.
Mass’s Alliances for Democracy should take lead in this revolution.
In addition, I would like to add the following firmly:
- Do not blindly hold on to the policy of non-violence.
- Never compromise with the enemy.
- Must form a united, disciplined front who stands up for the truth.
- Never betray Daw Aung San Su Kyi and the revolution.
- Must win the revolution within a year.
Aung Way
[ From a temporary hiding place ]
Rage against the machine
by The Guardian
Three months after crushing pro-democracy demonstrations, Burma's military junta are in confident mood. Last week Senior General Than Shwe expelled Charles Petrie, the head of the United Nations' Development Programme in Burma, after he accused the government of failing to meet the basic human needs of its people.
The UNDP said the average household was forced to spend three quarters of its budget on food. One in three children under five suffered from malnutrition and fewer than half of all children were able to complete their primary education. Up to 700,000 people were suffering from malaria and 130,000 from tuberculosis, while 60,000 HIV sufferers were denied access to anti-retroviral drugs. This was not what the junta wanted to hear, intent as they are on rewriting the history of September's demonstrations as the work of foreign plotters. Last week the government summoned diplomats to its new capital Naypyidaw, claiming to have uncovered a plot to bring down the regime, involving bogus monks, a little known exile group and George Soros's Open Society.
But as the Guardian reports today from Mandalay, the grievances which fuelled the mass protest are still bubbling away below the surface. And the purges of the monastries are still continuing. Just before World Aids Day on December 1, Maggan monastery in Yangon which serves as a hospice for HIV/Aids patients was sealed by the military and all the monks were expelled. Most of the monks who have been arrested and released have returned to the villages, fearful that their families will suffer retribution. If the regime has scared the opposition into silence, it has done so at a cost. The 81-year-old former guerilla fighter Thet Pyin claims the conflict has changed. It is no longer between the government and its people, but between the religion and the government. As 80% of the population and all of the army are Buddhist, that will be its downfall.
No one can predict the next crisis. It could well be an internal one, if significant sections of the army do indeed support an increased role for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD). She is Burma's Nelson Mandela, the only figure with the moral authority to reunite the nation when the junta falls. But this will have to happen with the army's support and officers reluctant to carry out orders against the monks have been purged. The generals are skilled in terrorising a nation into submission. Many of their victims draw consolation from the prospect that they will face the Buddhist equivalent of divine retribution. One opposition leader in hiding told us the junta are in for a nasty surprise in their afterlife.
Three months after crushing pro-democracy demonstrations, Burma's military junta are in confident mood. Last week Senior General Than Shwe expelled Charles Petrie, the head of the United Nations' Development Programme in Burma, after he accused the government of failing to meet the basic human needs of its people.
The UNDP said the average household was forced to spend three quarters of its budget on food. One in three children under five suffered from malnutrition and fewer than half of all children were able to complete their primary education. Up to 700,000 people were suffering from malaria and 130,000 from tuberculosis, while 60,000 HIV sufferers were denied access to anti-retroviral drugs. This was not what the junta wanted to hear, intent as they are on rewriting the history of September's demonstrations as the work of foreign plotters. Last week the government summoned diplomats to its new capital Naypyidaw, claiming to have uncovered a plot to bring down the regime, involving bogus monks, a little known exile group and George Soros's Open Society.
But as the Guardian reports today from Mandalay, the grievances which fuelled the mass protest are still bubbling away below the surface. And the purges of the monastries are still continuing. Just before World Aids Day on December 1, Maggan monastery in Yangon which serves as a hospice for HIV/Aids patients was sealed by the military and all the monks were expelled. Most of the monks who have been arrested and released have returned to the villages, fearful that their families will suffer retribution. If the regime has scared the opposition into silence, it has done so at a cost. The 81-year-old former guerilla fighter Thet Pyin claims the conflict has changed. It is no longer between the government and its people, but between the religion and the government. As 80% of the population and all of the army are Buddhist, that will be its downfall.
No one can predict the next crisis. It could well be an internal one, if significant sections of the army do indeed support an increased role for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD). She is Burma's Nelson Mandela, the only figure with the moral authority to reunite the nation when the junta falls. But this will have to happen with the army's support and officers reluctant to carry out orders against the monks have been purged. The generals are skilled in terrorising a nation into submission. Many of their victims draw consolation from the prospect that they will face the Buddhist equivalent of divine retribution. One opposition leader in hiding told us the junta are in for a nasty surprise in their afterlife.
PRESS RELEASE - North American Campaign for Free Burma Road Trip
Photo: Si Thu at Atlanta GA, 6 Dec’07
Kyaw Sithu, a Burmese political refugee forced to flee his motherland after 1988 democracy uprising, will be in Los Angeles on December 16 as part of his North America Campaign for Free Burma Road Trip. We will be welcoming and joining him in LA as we drive around in strategic places of LA to raise awareness of horrific situation in Burma. We encourage everyone to join our caravan on Sunday December 16 at LaPuente Temple at 9.30 a.m . To quote SiThu, “Free Burma is definitely possible, only when people do their part to set her free”.
The “Driving for Burma” initiative was aimed to raise awareness of humanitarian crisis and brutality going on in military-ruled Burma. His solo driving journey started out on December 1, 2007 at Toronto, Canada where he lives. His car, emblazoned with the word “Free Burma”, pictures of Burma’s elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi among others, turns many heads as he drives through major cities in the U.S as part of a 15,436 kilometre drive across America stopping off at key cities to address politicians, dignitaries, campaigners and Burmese exiles.
His first stop was at Washington D.C where he met and received encouragement from Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister of the National Coalition Government Union of Burma (NCGUB) and he stopped to demonstrate outside the Burmese Embassy. From there, he drove west across the country to LA, making his return from LA to Canada along the Pacific coast through Vancouver and finally arriving in Toronto.
No one in the Burmese community has ever done this and SiThu finds the campaign challenging with his limited finances and yet rewarding at the same time as the driving campaign has picked up media attention on Burma’s ongoing human rights abuses. The most challenging part is he only has one month to do the whole trip which will end on January 1, 2008.
Meanwhile his internet blog, updated daily and detailing the progress of the journey is proving extremely popular with over 5131 hits (3878 International visitors) and over 200s well wishers leaving messages of support.
“This is amazing!” wrote Jason from UK “talk about drive and enthusiasm! This guy really is going the extra mile to stand up for what he believes in”, and Poeziwa said, “Following the Buddhist Monks protest in September and their subsequent brutal suppression it is vital that the international community maintains the pressure on the Military junta, who have ruled Burma since 1962 to finally embrace democracy and respect human rights.” Said Jeg for the Burma Global Action Network who are supporting the drive.
Si Thu is available for interviews along the route of the journey.
Contact:
Si Thu
Web blog: http://drivingforburma.blogspot.com/
(OR)
JEG
Yangon Hostel shut down and two Warden Monks kicked out
Yangon Hostel in the State Pariyatti Sasana University has been shut down and Ven. Tejobhasa and Ven. Khemasiri, Hostel Wardens, were kicked out.
Reportedly Ven. Tejobhasa has already left since October after the September Revolution due to the pressure of the authorities. He was the former Yangon Hostel Warden and he gave an interview to the media regarding the Poster Campaign occurred in the Yangon Sasana University. Soon after he left, Ven. Khemasiri became a warden of Yangon Hostel. He is the one under the suspicion of the SPDC in connection with 88 Generation Students.
The two monks will be M.A Degree Holders ,coming December 24th Convocation ,though, they are likely to be rejected accoding to the rules of Yangon Sasana University.
အာလံုးကို တိုက္တြန္းလိုက္ပါတယ္
ကမၻာအရပ္ရပ္မွာေရာက္ရွိေနၾကတဲ့ ၿမန္မာမ်ားအေနၿဖင့္ ေအာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ Pamphlet ပံုအား ေလဆိပ္ေတြ၊ ေလေယာဥ္ေတြေပၚမွာ အၿပင္ တစ္ၿခားလူစည္ကားတဲ့ေနရာေတြမွာ လုိက္ၿဖန္႔သြားၾကဖို႔ သီရိလကၤာေရာက္ၿမန္မာရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ား ကိုယ္စားတိုက္တြန္းလိုက္ပါရေစ။ အရွက္တရားေတြ အေၾကာက္တရားေတြကို ခဏထားၿပီး လြတ္လပ္ခ်င္တယ္ဆိုရင္ ကမၻာကိုပုိသိေအာင္လုပ္ၿပရမယ္။ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၃၁ အတြက္ ထို Pamphlet အားျဖန္႔ရန္ သီရိလကၤာေရာက္ၿမန္မာရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ား က မိန္႔ေတာ္မူထားပါသည္။
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Posted October 8, 2007 | 05:25 PM (EST)