Original report by Aye Aye Mon, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
25 January 2008
Thingungyun National League for Democracy Party (Youth) member Ko Mya Than Htike, who was shot in the back, appeared at Kyauk Tada magistrate court on 22 January, according to senior attorney U Aung Thein.
He was charged under sections 145: for refusing to obey riot police warning and 505b: acting to 'dishonour' the State, and prosecuted by Inspector Soe Naing of Kyauk Tada police station.
Soe Naing claimed that the troops were ordered to take over, and to use force to disperse demonstrators as they did not obey the order issued by 'authorities' under section 144, to disperse immediately, and to prevent riots. He also told the court that while military troops were using force to disperse the protesters, Ko Mya Than Htike was at the front of the demonstrations.
Then U Aun Thein, the defence lawyer asked," Do you have any knowledge that Ko Mya Than Htike was shot at as he was turning his back to the soldiers and walking away from them? So that the bullet went through his bottom then came out from his left thaigh ? He was not at the front, he was not facing the soldiers. He had turned his back to the soldiers and was walking away from them while the security forces shot him from the military truck. Did you know any thing of that?
The official then answered," I knew that he was in the hospital."
The next trial for the case is on 29th January and the defence lawyer said he looks forward to questioning the prosecution witnesses.
U Aung Thein has accepted at least 4 cases to represent the defendants who have been charged in connection with the September protests, in Kyauk Tada area.
Sunday 27 January 2008
Taunggok : Two Youths Charged
Original report by Naw Say Paw, DVB
Translation by Nay Chi U
25 January 2008
The two youths, who called out political slogans in Taunggok, Arakan have been prosecuted under movement restriction laws and will appear at court on 5 February, a resident reported.
Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing, who are from Chaung Kauk, Taunggok, called out," We Want Democracy !"," Release Aung San Suu Kyi!" as they were riding on bikes and and were subsequently arrested and detained in Taunggok police station.
While the security is still extremely tight in Taunggok, authorities are particularly focusing attention on particular area - Chaung Kauk.
After forcing protesters gathering for peaceful demonstrations in town to disperse, more armed security forces have been placed in Taunggok and members of the National League for Democracy Party are under surveillance.
Translation by Nay Chi U
25 January 2008
The two youths, who called out political slogans in Taunggok, Arakan have been prosecuted under movement restriction laws and will appear at court on 5 February, a resident reported.
Ko Than Htay and Ko Zaw Naing, who are from Chaung Kauk, Taunggok, called out," We Want Democracy !"," Release Aung San Suu Kyi!" as they were riding on bikes and and were subsequently arrested and detained in Taunggok police station.
While the security is still extremely tight in Taunggok, authorities are particularly focusing attention on particular area - Chaung Kauk.
After forcing protesters gathering for peaceful demonstrations in town to disperse, more armed security forces have been placed in Taunggok and members of the National League for Democracy Party are under surveillance.
Over 75 Burmese refugees left homeless in Malaysia
Mizzima News
January 25, 2008
New Delhi - At least 75 Burmese refugees have been rendered homeless after the Malaysian government-backed volunteer corps, RELA, raided their homes in Putra Jaya and burnt down their make-shift camp, a Human Rights group said.
The Chin Human Rights Organization today said the 75 Burmese refugees, belonging to the Zomi tribe of Chin ethnics, are left wandering in the jungles near Kuala Lumpur after the RELA stormed their campsite in the morning of January 20.
"Nothing is left for any of them. Nobody knows what they should do, where they should go for shelter, how they can overcome this...They are left with nothing," the CHRO cited a Zomi Chin leader, who recently visited the residents and their burnt out campsite, as saying.
CHRO said the incident was the latest of many well-documented acts of abuse committed by the authorities against the refugee community in Malaysia.
"We really don't understand why they [the RELA] are angry and what they want but what they do is very abusive, very harmful for the refugee communities and it is not the first time," Amy Alexander, Regional Advocacy and Campaigns Officer of CHRO said.
According to the CHRO, there are at least 23,000 Chin refugees out of about half a million Burmese refugees and they live in constant fear of being arrested, tortured and deported to Burma, from which they have fled in fear of government persecution.
While the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, does take the initiative to provide protection, even the small number of UNHCR recognized refugees are not spared by the baton-wielding RELA, the CHRO said.
"Not only the refugees who do not have UNHCR certificates, but also people who have certificates are facing the same problems. But the UNHCR document can help them at least get released from the detention camps. So the refugees need help from UNHCR," Alexander said.
According to the Malaysian Chin Refugee Committee, there are at least nine make-shift camps in the jungles of Putra Jaya, where hundreds of Chin refugees are hiding from the authorities.
However, Salai Khen Sang, the spokesperson of CRC, said with the RELA supposed to take charge of security of all the camps, from February 15, "the situation for refugees will be worse than in the past."
The only hope for Burmese refugees is to be recognized by the UNHCR and to be re-settled as soon as possible, Alexander said.
"There is only one way to help these people. They [UNHCR] should reopen general registration and every one can access UNHCR for protection and be able to resettle as soon as they can. Then we hope the situation will be processed," Alexander said.
January 25, 2008
New Delhi - At least 75 Burmese refugees have been rendered homeless after the Malaysian government-backed volunteer corps, RELA, raided their homes in Putra Jaya and burnt down their make-shift camp, a Human Rights group said.
The Chin Human Rights Organization today said the 75 Burmese refugees, belonging to the Zomi tribe of Chin ethnics, are left wandering in the jungles near Kuala Lumpur after the RELA stormed their campsite in the morning of January 20.
"Nothing is left for any of them. Nobody knows what they should do, where they should go for shelter, how they can overcome this...They are left with nothing," the CHRO cited a Zomi Chin leader, who recently visited the residents and their burnt out campsite, as saying.
CHRO said the incident was the latest of many well-documented acts of abuse committed by the authorities against the refugee community in Malaysia.
"We really don't understand why they [the RELA] are angry and what they want but what they do is very abusive, very harmful for the refugee communities and it is not the first time," Amy Alexander, Regional Advocacy and Campaigns Officer of CHRO said.
According to the CHRO, there are at least 23,000 Chin refugees out of about half a million Burmese refugees and they live in constant fear of being arrested, tortured and deported to Burma, from which they have fled in fear of government persecution.
While the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, does take the initiative to provide protection, even the small number of UNHCR recognized refugees are not spared by the baton-wielding RELA, the CHRO said.
"Not only the refugees who do not have UNHCR certificates, but also people who have certificates are facing the same problems. But the UNHCR document can help them at least get released from the detention camps. So the refugees need help from UNHCR," Alexander said.
According to the Malaysian Chin Refugee Committee, there are at least nine make-shift camps in the jungles of Putra Jaya, where hundreds of Chin refugees are hiding from the authorities.
However, Salai Khen Sang, the spokesperson of CRC, said with the RELA supposed to take charge of security of all the camps, from February 15, "the situation for refugees will be worse than in the past."
The only hope for Burmese refugees is to be recognized by the UNHCR and to be re-settled as soon as possible, Alexander said.
"There is only one way to help these people. They [UNHCR] should reopen general registration and every one can access UNHCR for protection and be able to resettle as soon as they can. Then we hope the situation will be processed," Alexander said.
Quote on Accountability
“The [Burmese military]
government’s chief priority is
to silence its citizens
who would hold them to account”
—Catherine Baber,
Director of Amnesty International
Asia-Pacific programme
High Tide Run [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
By Aung Naing Oo
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
We left the island about 5:30 p.m., before the evening tide, quietly walking past the house we had visited that morning. I saw the woman of the house and her family watching us sympathetically. Without looking back, I felt their collective gaze, as we descended into the deep ravine of the river.
There was only a small stream of water now flowing through the deep channel—perhaps just enough for a long-tailed boat. We waded through the water, sinking in the soft mud, and struggling with the supplies in our bags. There were many birds—mostly herons and seagulls —feeding on crabs and mudfish on the muddy sediment on the other side. The sun was setting slowly on the horizon.
To this day, I do not know what the river was called, but it was one of the many tributaries that flowed into the gulf. I could clearly see its estuary opening towards the gulf a few hundred meters to our left. With the tide out, it was like dry land—a strange spectacle for newcomers like me. The riverbed was so deep that from the middle we couldn’t even see on the opposite bank the small house that was our intended destination.
As we reached the other side, I heard the faint sound of an engine from around the river bend. I assumed it was a boat and turned around, expecting to see it appear, but there was nothing— just the sound of an engine seemingly louder by the second. I ignored the engine sound and followed my friends into the house a short distance from the riverbank. We said hello to our hosts, put down our heavy bags and washed our muddy sandals and feet.
Two shots suddenly rang out. They were very close and very loud. “They are shooting at us,” someone shouted in a panic. All of us looked around wildly, stunned and terrified. “The army!” Then, two more shots were fired—louder and even closer. “Run!” someone shouted urgently.
Run we did, without looking. I ran past the trees and into the open field away from the river. I saw my friends fleeing in all directions, away from the river, as fast as they could. More shots ran out. “They have found us,” I thought furiously, mentally cursing whoever had informed the army of our whereabouts.
After five minutes or so, I realized I was running along the bank of the gulf, and I could see the tide coming in fast. I also saw that I was not alone; there were several of us running in the same direction, including the two newcomers. They were right behind me. I didn’t know in which direction the rest of our group had fled.
Soon we came to a small creek that was filling up fast with the tidewater. It was only about 70 feet wide and right at the edge of the gulf. I jumped in and without thinking, started swimming. Just then I heard my name called. I turned around and saw one of the Pegu students shouting, “I can’t swim! I can’t swim!”
I wanted to keep swimming ahead, but saw all my friends standing agitatedly on the creek’s muddy bank. I swam back but didn’t know what to do. “Longi! Longi!,” someone shouted and I realized what we had to do do. We took our sarongs off and tied them into a rope. One friend swam to the other side of creek. I also jumped in the water; the idea was to pull the guy who could not swim to the other side.
Tense and afraid, he clung to the longyi rope so hard that at one point he pulled me beneath the water. I swallowed a large gulp of salt water, mud and sand, and was still coughing it up days later. Finally, though, we were able to pull the student to the other side.
With the Pegu student safely on the bank, I took off running again along the shore, which I knew would be submerged by the tide within a few minutes. I grew increasingly agitated about my prospects for escape. I saw a small boat, carrying two men and sailing in with the tide. They looked at me, puzzled. I waved at them, hoping that they could help me. But they couldn’t stop and soon the boat had gone.
I looked around for my friends but couldn’t see any of them. I was now alone, afraid of being engulfed by the rising water. I suddenly saw a small fishing hut on stilts and ran for it as fast as I could, as the water rose ever higher.
When I reached the hut, the water already reached above my knees. I saw a thin man in his mid-40s peeling green bamboo with his curved knife to make “Hnee,” thin slices of bamboo used for tying poles. I told him I was a student and quickly explained what had happened. He had heard the shots and realized why I was standing there in the middle of the flood water.
“Get in quickly!” he shouted. He held his knife if ready to defend himself or repel an intruder, and he handed me another. We hid from view, knives in our hands. When I finally looked out there was no soldier to be seen, just the submerged island and the trees in the distance.
As night came on, the fisherman offered to go and look for my friends, instructing me to stay put. He left on his small boat. For the next two hours, I waited alone, listening to the sounds of the water splashing and the wind howling.
When the fisherman returned at about 8 p.m., he had good news. All my friends were safe, and I was taken to a house inland to rejoin them.
The story end with an anticlimax, I’m afraid. It later transpired that the shots that had so alarmed us had not been fired by soldiers but by police—and they weren’t shooting at us, but at the mud flats where the birds were feeding on crabs and mudfish.
Also:
The Catapult Threat [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
We left the island about 5:30 p.m., before the evening tide, quietly walking past the house we had visited that morning. I saw the woman of the house and her family watching us sympathetically. Without looking back, I felt their collective gaze, as we descended into the deep ravine of the river.
There was only a small stream of water now flowing through the deep channel—perhaps just enough for a long-tailed boat. We waded through the water, sinking in the soft mud, and struggling with the supplies in our bags. There were many birds—mostly herons and seagulls —feeding on crabs and mudfish on the muddy sediment on the other side. The sun was setting slowly on the horizon.
To this day, I do not know what the river was called, but it was one of the many tributaries that flowed into the gulf. I could clearly see its estuary opening towards the gulf a few hundred meters to our left. With the tide out, it was like dry land—a strange spectacle for newcomers like me. The riverbed was so deep that from the middle we couldn’t even see on the opposite bank the small house that was our intended destination.
As we reached the other side, I heard the faint sound of an engine from around the river bend. I assumed it was a boat and turned around, expecting to see it appear, but there was nothing— just the sound of an engine seemingly louder by the second. I ignored the engine sound and followed my friends into the house a short distance from the riverbank. We said hello to our hosts, put down our heavy bags and washed our muddy sandals and feet.
Two shots suddenly rang out. They were very close and very loud. “They are shooting at us,” someone shouted in a panic. All of us looked around wildly, stunned and terrified. “The army!” Then, two more shots were fired—louder and even closer. “Run!” someone shouted urgently.
Run we did, without looking. I ran past the trees and into the open field away from the river. I saw my friends fleeing in all directions, away from the river, as fast as they could. More shots ran out. “They have found us,” I thought furiously, mentally cursing whoever had informed the army of our whereabouts.
After five minutes or so, I realized I was running along the bank of the gulf, and I could see the tide coming in fast. I also saw that I was not alone; there were several of us running in the same direction, including the two newcomers. They were right behind me. I didn’t know in which direction the rest of our group had fled.
Soon we came to a small creek that was filling up fast with the tidewater. It was only about 70 feet wide and right at the edge of the gulf. I jumped in and without thinking, started swimming. Just then I heard my name called. I turned around and saw one of the Pegu students shouting, “I can’t swim! I can’t swim!”
I wanted to keep swimming ahead, but saw all my friends standing agitatedly on the creek’s muddy bank. I swam back but didn’t know what to do. “Longi! Longi!,” someone shouted and I realized what we had to do do. We took our sarongs off and tied them into a rope. One friend swam to the other side of creek. I also jumped in the water; the idea was to pull the guy who could not swim to the other side.
Tense and afraid, he clung to the longyi rope so hard that at one point he pulled me beneath the water. I swallowed a large gulp of salt water, mud and sand, and was still coughing it up days later. Finally, though, we were able to pull the student to the other side.
With the Pegu student safely on the bank, I took off running again along the shore, which I knew would be submerged by the tide within a few minutes. I grew increasingly agitated about my prospects for escape. I saw a small boat, carrying two men and sailing in with the tide. They looked at me, puzzled. I waved at them, hoping that they could help me. But they couldn’t stop and soon the boat had gone.
I looked around for my friends but couldn’t see any of them. I was now alone, afraid of being engulfed by the rising water. I suddenly saw a small fishing hut on stilts and ran for it as fast as I could, as the water rose ever higher.
When I reached the hut, the water already reached above my knees. I saw a thin man in his mid-40s peeling green bamboo with his curved knife to make “Hnee,” thin slices of bamboo used for tying poles. I told him I was a student and quickly explained what had happened. He had heard the shots and realized why I was standing there in the middle of the flood water.
“Get in quickly!” he shouted. He held his knife if ready to defend himself or repel an intruder, and he handed me another. We hid from view, knives in our hands. When I finally looked out there was no soldier to be seen, just the submerged island and the trees in the distance.
As night came on, the fisherman offered to go and look for my friends, instructing me to stay put. He left on his small boat. For the next two hours, I waited alone, listening to the sounds of the water splashing and the wind howling.
When the fisherman returned at about 8 p.m., he had good news. All my friends were safe, and I was taken to a house inland to rejoin them.
The story end with an anticlimax, I’m afraid. It later transpired that the shots that had so alarmed us had not been fired by soldiers but by police—and they weren’t shooting at us, but at the mud flats where the birds were feeding on crabs and mudfish.
Also:
The Catapult Threat [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
Detained Activists Charged under Printing and Publishing Act
By Shah Paung
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 25, 2008
About 10 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group who were arrested in August were charged on Wednesday under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act. Meanwhile Amnesty International condemned the Burmese military government for the continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed concern for the detainees’ health.
Family members who had visited in prison said they were told that about 10 former student leaders were charged inside the prison.
Win Maung, the father of Pyone Cho, a leader who is being detained, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that they do not know the details of who was charged, but they heard it included well-known leaders of 88 Generation Students group Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Min Zeya.
According to various family members who have recently visited detainees, the student leaders were charged under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act at Insein Prison where they have been detained since their arrests during the protests against the hike in fuel prices in August.
Speaking alongside the sister of arrested student leader Panniek Tun, Win Maung said that they last visited Panniek Tun and Pyone Cho on Monday, but at that time the students said nothing about any formal charges.
The Burmese authorities arrested 13 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group on August 21 after they led a march protesting increased fuel prices.
On Tuesday, the Burmese authorities tried a member of the National League for Democracy, Mya Than Htike, who was arrested at a hospital while receiving medical treatment for a gunshot wound. He is currently being detained in Insein Prison.
According to Aung Thein, a lawyer in Rangoon, the police accused Mya Than Htike of being a prominent activist in September’s demonstrations. The trial was held at a court in Kyauktada Township in Rangoon.
Aung Thein said that Mya Than Htike was shot from behind on September 27 at the junction of Sule and Anawrahta roads by Burmese soldiers. On January 22 he was charged under sections 143 and 505(b) of the penal code, relating to involvement in the demonstrations.
Section 143 of the penal code carries a maximum sentence of two years, while 505(b) carries up to six months imprisonment. Mya Than Htike is now being detained at Insein Prison. His trial is due on January 29, the lawyer said.
Meanwhile, many of the detained political prisoners are in poor and deteriorating health, according to NLD spokesman Nyan Win, including: Win Mya Mya, an organizer of the Mandalay branch of the NLD; Than Lwin, vice-chairman of the NLD’s Mandalay Division and an elected candidate for Madaya Township in the 1990 elections; and Shwe Maung, a member of the NLD. All are currently being detained in Mandalay Prison.
International human rights group Amnesty International on Friday condemned the Burmese military government for its continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed its concern for the health of the detainees. In a statement released on January 25, AI said that since November 1, 2007, the military authorities had arrested no less than 96 activists.
“Four months on from the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, rather than stop its unlawful arrests, the Myanmar [Burma] government has actually accelerated them,” said Catherine Baber, director of Amnesty International’s Asia-Pacific programme.
She added: “Such prosecutions are politically motivated, imposed after proceedings that flagrantly abuse people’s rights to a free and fair trial and contravene international human rights standards.”
The group also urged the international community to press the Burmese military government to immediately invite Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the United Nations human rights envoy to Burma, to return to Burma “to conduct the full-fledged fact-finding mission he has requested.”
AI said that 1,850 political prisoners are currently detained in Burmese prisons while more than 80 persons remain unaccounted for since the September demonstrations.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 25, 2008
About 10 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group who were arrested in August were charged on Wednesday under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act. Meanwhile Amnesty International condemned the Burmese military government for the continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed concern for the detainees’ health.
Family members who had visited in prison said they were told that about 10 former student leaders were charged inside the prison.
Win Maung, the father of Pyone Cho, a leader who is being detained, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that they do not know the details of who was charged, but they heard it included well-known leaders of 88 Generation Students group Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Min Zeya.
According to various family members who have recently visited detainees, the student leaders were charged under Section 17/20 of Burma’s Printing and Publishing Act at Insein Prison where they have been detained since their arrests during the protests against the hike in fuel prices in August.
Speaking alongside the sister of arrested student leader Panniek Tun, Win Maung said that they last visited Panniek Tun and Pyone Cho on Monday, but at that time the students said nothing about any formal charges.
The Burmese authorities arrested 13 leading members of the 88 Generation Students group on August 21 after they led a march protesting increased fuel prices.
On Tuesday, the Burmese authorities tried a member of the National League for Democracy, Mya Than Htike, who was arrested at a hospital while receiving medical treatment for a gunshot wound. He is currently being detained in Insein Prison.
According to Aung Thein, a lawyer in Rangoon, the police accused Mya Than Htike of being a prominent activist in September’s demonstrations. The trial was held at a court in Kyauktada Township in Rangoon.
Aung Thein said that Mya Than Htike was shot from behind on September 27 at the junction of Sule and Anawrahta roads by Burmese soldiers. On January 22 he was charged under sections 143 and 505(b) of the penal code, relating to involvement in the demonstrations.
Section 143 of the penal code carries a maximum sentence of two years, while 505(b) carries up to six months imprisonment. Mya Than Htike is now being detained at Insein Prison. His trial is due on January 29, the lawyer said.
Meanwhile, many of the detained political prisoners are in poor and deteriorating health, according to NLD spokesman Nyan Win, including: Win Mya Mya, an organizer of the Mandalay branch of the NLD; Than Lwin, vice-chairman of the NLD’s Mandalay Division and an elected candidate for Madaya Township in the 1990 elections; and Shwe Maung, a member of the NLD. All are currently being detained in Mandalay Prison.
International human rights group Amnesty International on Friday condemned the Burmese military government for its continued imprisonment of political activists and expressed its concern for the health of the detainees. In a statement released on January 25, AI said that since November 1, 2007, the military authorities had arrested no less than 96 activists.
“Four months on from the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, rather than stop its unlawful arrests, the Myanmar [Burma] government has actually accelerated them,” said Catherine Baber, director of Amnesty International’s Asia-Pacific programme.
She added: “Such prosecutions are politically motivated, imposed after proceedings that flagrantly abuse people’s rights to a free and fair trial and contravene international human rights standards.”
The group also urged the international community to press the Burmese military government to immediately invite Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the United Nations human rights envoy to Burma, to return to Burma “to conduct the full-fledged fact-finding mission he has requested.”
AI said that 1,850 political prisoners are currently detained in Burmese prisons while more than 80 persons remain unaccounted for since the September demonstrations.
Burma Under Siege
By Min Zin
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
After the September uprising, the Burmese junta regained control over opposition groups and activists, but whether it achieved a stronger strategic position remains doubtful.
A series of bomb blasts in the past two weeks demonstrates one of two things: the security issue is still potentially troublesome for the military or, if opposition charges are true, the junta itself was the source of the bomb blasts, which can be used to blame powerful, disruptive organizations.
There were four explosions within one week, killing at least three civilians and injuring five others. The first blast occurred on January 11 at the railway station serving the country's capital, Naypyidaw. It was the first incident of a bombing in the new capital.
As the bombs were going off, the regime and ethnic, armed opposition groups traded allegations.
The junta accused the Karen National Union (KNU) and an unspecified "foreign organization" of sending "terrorist saboteurs with explosives across the border to perpetrate destructive acts inside the country." Many observers believe the "foreign organization" was a reference to the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
"They are not making this allegation lightly," said a well-informed source inside Burma. "No matter whether the allegation is true or not, it’s a well-calculated charge that is being interpreted within the military establishment in the context of U.S. Senator Joseph Lieberman's recent call for the US to use its military capabilities in Burma."
The influential senator wrote an opinion piece in October 2007, suggesting the Bush administration should actively investigate US military and intelligence capabilities could be used to put additional pressure on the regime. Lieberman said, "We should be examining how the junta's ability to command and control its forces throughout the country might itself be disrupted."
But opposition groups and the media dismissed the accusation of a "foreign organization" involvement as a ridiculous charge. The KNU also denied carrying out any attacks targeting civilians.
The opposition speculated that the regime itself could be behind the bombings in the hope of raising a perception of threat against the military, offering an excuse to continue its crack down against known democracy activists and the KNU.
Some exiled Burmese analysts even point to bitter military intelligence members who were purged in 2004 for orchestrating the bombings. Theories abound.
Meanwhile, security has been increased in Rangoon, Pegu and other major cities. Local authorities in some cities even reportedly detained and questioned residents who had recently returned from Thailand after working there as migrants.
In fact, the bombings underscore the vulnerability of the junta's leadership, no matter the source.
Even if the regime uses the bombings as a justification to continue its crackdown against opposition groups, it underscores its fear of the opposition. If the bombings were self-inflicted and meant to shore up unity within the Tatmadaw (armed forces), it’s a sign the junta is unsure of the loyalty of officers and soldiers
"It is less likely that the junta orchestrated the recent explosions," said Win Min, a Burmese analyst who studies civil-military relations in Burma. "I don't think the military would stage an attack in Naypyidaw, the capital they extol and take pride in. In fact, it is not necessary for them to use bombings to justify their crackdowns on the oppositions."
In fact, since 1988 the military’s image, in the eyes of the domestic public as well as abroad, has descended to rock bottom, while the opposition, including the armed ethnic groups, is seen as democratic freedom fighters.
The September demonstrations again allowed Burmese society to witness mindless killing and brutality directed against Buddhist monks and civilians. As result, the morale of the military, including some senior officers, is at its lowest ebb in years.
Moreover, the generals have pushed the limit of the international community including their regional supporters.
Under the current circumstances, the last thing the generals want is to be seen as weak.
An unfortunate consequence of this deep sense of vulnerability is that it hardens Snr-Gen Than Shwe's thinking. Under the spell of a bunker mentality, the military leadership will continue to dig in their heels and new reforms are less likely.
Than Shwe's regime is now determined to entrench its power in non-negotiable terms.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 26, 2008
After the September uprising, the Burmese junta regained control over opposition groups and activists, but whether it achieved a stronger strategic position remains doubtful.
A series of bomb blasts in the past two weeks demonstrates one of two things: the security issue is still potentially troublesome for the military or, if opposition charges are true, the junta itself was the source of the bomb blasts, which can be used to blame powerful, disruptive organizations.
There were four explosions within one week, killing at least three civilians and injuring five others. The first blast occurred on January 11 at the railway station serving the country's capital, Naypyidaw. It was the first incident of a bombing in the new capital.
As the bombs were going off, the regime and ethnic, armed opposition groups traded allegations.
The junta accused the Karen National Union (KNU) and an unspecified "foreign organization" of sending "terrorist saboteurs with explosives across the border to perpetrate destructive acts inside the country." Many observers believe the "foreign organization" was a reference to the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
"They are not making this allegation lightly," said a well-informed source inside Burma. "No matter whether the allegation is true or not, it’s a well-calculated charge that is being interpreted within the military establishment in the context of U.S. Senator Joseph Lieberman's recent call for the US to use its military capabilities in Burma."
The influential senator wrote an opinion piece in October 2007, suggesting the Bush administration should actively investigate US military and intelligence capabilities could be used to put additional pressure on the regime. Lieberman said, "We should be examining how the junta's ability to command and control its forces throughout the country might itself be disrupted."
But opposition groups and the media dismissed the accusation of a "foreign organization" involvement as a ridiculous charge. The KNU also denied carrying out any attacks targeting civilians.
The opposition speculated that the regime itself could be behind the bombings in the hope of raising a perception of threat against the military, offering an excuse to continue its crack down against known democracy activists and the KNU.
Some exiled Burmese analysts even point to bitter military intelligence members who were purged in 2004 for orchestrating the bombings. Theories abound.
Meanwhile, security has been increased in Rangoon, Pegu and other major cities. Local authorities in some cities even reportedly detained and questioned residents who had recently returned from Thailand after working there as migrants.
In fact, the bombings underscore the vulnerability of the junta's leadership, no matter the source.
Even if the regime uses the bombings as a justification to continue its crackdown against opposition groups, it underscores its fear of the opposition. If the bombings were self-inflicted and meant to shore up unity within the Tatmadaw (armed forces), it’s a sign the junta is unsure of the loyalty of officers and soldiers
"It is less likely that the junta orchestrated the recent explosions," said Win Min, a Burmese analyst who studies civil-military relations in Burma. "I don't think the military would stage an attack in Naypyidaw, the capital they extol and take pride in. In fact, it is not necessary for them to use bombings to justify their crackdowns on the oppositions."
In fact, since 1988 the military’s image, in the eyes of the domestic public as well as abroad, has descended to rock bottom, while the opposition, including the armed ethnic groups, is seen as democratic freedom fighters.
The September demonstrations again allowed Burmese society to witness mindless killing and brutality directed against Buddhist monks and civilians. As result, the morale of the military, including some senior officers, is at its lowest ebb in years.
Moreover, the generals have pushed the limit of the international community including their regional supporters.
Under the current circumstances, the last thing the generals want is to be seen as weak.
An unfortunate consequence of this deep sense of vulnerability is that it hardens Snr-Gen Than Shwe's thinking. Under the spell of a bunker mentality, the military leadership will continue to dig in their heels and new reforms are less likely.
Than Shwe's regime is now determined to entrench its power in non-negotiable terms.
Arroyo rallies Asean leaders: Let’s free Suu Kyi now
TJ Burgonio
Philippine Daily Inquirer
January 27, 2008
DAVOS, SWITZERLAND -- President Macapagal-Arroyo on Friday urged the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to make a difference in the region by working to bring about the release of the jailed Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
“We must work together to make the tough choices to make Asean real and Aung San Suu Kyi free,” the President said in a strongly worded message she delivered at the Asean session of the World Economic Forum here.
The President said the regional grouping would attain a “level of democratization” on the issue of human rights “if we are to work collaboratively for the common good.”
“We must see political reform. We must see Aung San Suu Kyi released and now,” she told Asean leaders and dignitaries during the high-level session called “The Emerging Asian Community: Role of Asean.”
She warned that the Philippine Senate would not ratify the Asean Charter unless the legislators saw “real political reform” take place in Burma (Myanmar).
The charter, signed during the November 2007 Asean Leaders’ Summit in Singapore, seeks to create a human rights body in the region.
Policy of noninterference
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, however, stressed that the 10-member Asean must always abide by its policy of “noninterference.”
“It’s important to respect the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of member countries. [That’s why there’s] a problem on how to deal with the Myanmar issue,” he said.
Also present at the session were Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Asean Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan, officials from other Asean member-countries, and Stephen Green, chair of HSBC Holdings.
Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace laureate, has been held under house arrest by Burma’s ruling military junta since 2003.
Same, strong message
The junta, which took power in 1988, called elections in 1990, but refused to recognize the results when Suu Kyi’s party won a resounding victory.
President Arroyo delivered the same message when she addressed the Gender Parity Group minutes later.
“What should we do? We stand up and call for Aung San Suu Kyi’s freedom,” she said.
Ms Arroyo has consistently advocated that Asean take a more active role in introducing reforms in Burma. At the 13th Asean summit last November, she called on her fellow Asian leaders to work for the release of Suu Kyi.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
January 27, 2008
DAVOS, SWITZERLAND -- President Macapagal-Arroyo on Friday urged the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to make a difference in the region by working to bring about the release of the jailed Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
“We must work together to make the tough choices to make Asean real and Aung San Suu Kyi free,” the President said in a strongly worded message she delivered at the Asean session of the World Economic Forum here.
The President said the regional grouping would attain a “level of democratization” on the issue of human rights “if we are to work collaboratively for the common good.”
“We must see political reform. We must see Aung San Suu Kyi released and now,” she told Asean leaders and dignitaries during the high-level session called “The Emerging Asian Community: Role of Asean.”
She warned that the Philippine Senate would not ratify the Asean Charter unless the legislators saw “real political reform” take place in Burma (Myanmar).
The charter, signed during the November 2007 Asean Leaders’ Summit in Singapore, seeks to create a human rights body in the region.
Policy of noninterference
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, however, stressed that the 10-member Asean must always abide by its policy of “noninterference.”
“It’s important to respect the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of member countries. [That’s why there’s] a problem on how to deal with the Myanmar issue,” he said.
Also present at the session were Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Asean Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan, officials from other Asean member-countries, and Stephen Green, chair of HSBC Holdings.
Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace laureate, has been held under house arrest by Burma’s ruling military junta since 2003.
Same, strong message
The junta, which took power in 1988, called elections in 1990, but refused to recognize the results when Suu Kyi’s party won a resounding victory.
President Arroyo delivered the same message when she addressed the Gender Parity Group minutes later.
“What should we do? We stand up and call for Aung San Suu Kyi’s freedom,” she said.
Ms Arroyo has consistently advocated that Asean take a more active role in introducing reforms in Burma. At the 13th Asean summit last November, she called on her fellow Asian leaders to work for the release of Suu Kyi.
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