By Kachin
february 16, 2008 - A Kachin student activist has been kept under surveillance and confined for over a week in a controlled area on the Sino-Burma border by Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) for making a comment on the Burmese ruling junta's National Convention (NC), local sources said.
Kyang Ying has been kept in the Alen Bum military base of KIO headquarters in Laiza since February 6. He is allowed to travel within Laiza controlled areas but not outside Laiza, KIO insiders told KNG.
KIO officials said Mr. Kyang Ying has not been allowed to go back to his home in Myitkyina Township, capital of Kachin State because the KIO is keeping him under protection and guarding him from being chased by the junta's security agents in Myitkyina.
However, the KIO's explanation was contradicted today by family members of Kyang Ying in Jan Mai Kawng quarter in Myitkyina. They told KNG, "No police and security agents of the ruling junta in the township had visited and asked them anything so far".
Source: Kachin News
Sunday, 17 February 2008
How to Stop Human Rights Violations against Rohingyas
By - Ahmedur Rahman Farooq
February 17, 2008 - The Rohingya community of Arakan, Burma is one of the most down-trodden ethnic minorities of the world.They are victim of political oppression, economic exploitation, cultural slavery and communal violence in their ancestral land Arakan where they have been living centuries after centuries.
Arakan which is a land of one of the most fertile regions in Asia with great variety of unexplored resources, has turned into a land of bloods and tears since the beginning of the 20th century where the Rohingyas have been groaning under the crushing wheels of either state sponsored terrorists or the religious fanatics decades after decades.
Restoration of Democracy in Burma:
There is no denying the fact that it is the lack of democratic atmosphere which has closed all the doors for the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas. Despite the continuous outcries of the international peace loving community to restore peace and democracy in Burma, the military regime has been continuously playing game to defuse the international outrage and to trample the people of Burma under the military boots for an indefinite period. Refusing to hand over power to the overwhelmingly elected representatives of the people of Burma during the General Election of 1990, detaining the national icon of democracy, peace and liberty, Daw Aung San Suu Kyie and all other popular leaders of democratic movement and ethnic minorities years after years and brutally cracking down all anti military protests, the Generals have demonstrated the world that there is no words like "human rights" in their vocabulary and they have no interest to learn what democracy or civil liberty means. So, the restoration of democracy in Burma is a precondition to stop human rights violations against the Rohingyas.
Restoration of Citizenship of Rohingyas:
Nevertheless, as a part of groundwork for any sort of human rights violations against Rohingyas under the aegis of law, the most notorious action which the military rulers have done is the amendment to the country's Citizenship Law in 1982 which has reduced the Rohingyas to the status of a Stateless Gypsy Community of the world, depriving them of citizenship and making them illegal immigrants in their ancestral motherland where they have been living for centuries having a long history, a language, a heritage, a culture and a tradition of their own that they had built up in their motherland through the ages of existence which can be traced back to the 7th Century.
Under the aegis of this notorious law, the military rulers have adopted all sorts of mechanism to turn Arakan into a "Rohingyaless" land through the series of genocidal operations and all other sorts of human rights violations. Through this act, the military regime has incited racism, xenophobia, inequality, intolerance and discrimination against the Rohingya, depriving them of their fundamental rights to citizenship, movement, education, job, marriage, property, healthcare and other civic liberty. So, in order to restore human rights of Rohingyas, it is the foremost need for the government of Burma to annul the black amendment of citizenship law of 1982 and to sign and ratify the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and to remove all the obstacles in the way to let the Rohingyas enjoy the right to citizenship as well as for all their children who were born in exile as both documented or undocumented refugees.
Restoration of Communal Harmony in Arakan:
Another heinous tactics that the military rulers have been engaged in since the military take over of Gen. Ne Win in 1962 to exterminate Rohingyas from Arakan, is to fuel extreme communal frenzy among the Rakhines and Rohingyas in Arakan. The people of Arakan who had been once living in peace and perfect amity, have to witness many often recurrent phenomenon of communal violence, social anarchy and widespread unrest goaded by the despotic military rulers.
Today, Arakan is a land of communal enmity and hatred which has reached at such a scale that the Rohingyas can hardly pass through the Rakhine localities. The movement of Rohingyas from one place to another by buses, launches or steamers is always full of risks and hazards. Thousands of highly Rohingya educated personalities have fallen victims of assassination at the hands of a section of the Rakhine communalists. In fact, it is the military regime which has turned the land into an earthly hell where tens of thousands of innocent human beings are being offered as the requiem of the communal conflagration with a notion "Kill a Rohingya first if a cobra and a Rohingya are found together". So, without restoration of communal harmony between the two sister communities of Arakan, the Rohingyas and Rakhines, any effort to stop human rights violations against the Rohingyas, is bound to end in debacle. Peace can prevail in Arakan only when these two communities will be able to create an atmosphere where they can live in peaceful coexistence like two petals of a flower.
Presence of International Agencies in Arakan:
However, in Arakan which has been tormented decades after decades by the military rulers during the long 46 years of Reign of Terror, the matter of restoration of human rights of Rohingyas can not be imagined without the presence of monitoring agencies of international bodies including the UNHCR and ILO who must have full access to each and every corner of Arakan to see for themselves what is going on on the people of Arakan as well as the Rohingyas. They must have full freedom to carry out their international mandate and also to monitor all the situations which have been going on in reality.
Furthermore, the authorities must abrogate all black laws which serve as the tools for the violations of human rights against the civilians including the Rohingyas and they must fully comply with the UN Declaration of Human Rights and other covenants like Health ICESCR (International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) where as per Article 12.1: everyone has the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, Shelter ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) where as per Article 12.1: everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within that territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence and Livelihood ICESCR where as per Article 6.1: everyone has the right to work, which includes the right of everyone to the opportunity to gain his living by work which he freely chooses or accepts, and will take appropriate steps to safeguard this right.
Most importantly, the authority must abolish the practice of forced labor in compliance with the 1930 International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention on Forced Labor and as per the recommendation of the ILO, the government must repeal the sections of the Village and Towns Acts that legally sanctions the conscription of labor. The government also must protect the Children's rights in accordance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991.Children must not be forced to work under any circumstances and they must abrogate all written or unwritten rules which stand as the stumbling block for Rohingya students to get education. They must give up all practices which compel Rohingyas to go gradually away from their ethnic culture, heritage as well as language. All Rohingya students must have their right to retain their own Rohingya name and no Rohingya student will be compelled to adopt a Burmese name which, in fact, has been serving as a tool for the military rulers in their way to Burmanization.
Presence of NGOs in Arakan:
Arakan which has turned out to be a land of restlessness, antagonism, discrimination, persecution, anarchy and disappointment during the long military rule and where the peace-loving people pass their life in utmost grief and distress, fear and frustration, the voice of restoration of human rights of Rohingyas can be a far cry there, if the NGOs are not allowed to work for alleviation of sufferings of all the hapless people including the Rohingyas.
It is the NGOs which can heal at least some level of scars caused by despotic rule over the decades pushing tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children towards disasters. Through their grassroot level activities, the NGOs can play a significant role in changing the life of the distressed human beings from the wounds caused by the systemic oppression, socio-economic and political exploitation and social anarchy as well as the havocs of the communal violence.
The NGOs can play a major role in restoration of human rights of Rohingyas if they are allowed to work in Arakan through multidimensional programmes like emergency relief, food security and agriculture, infrastructure and health and education. Under the emergency relief programme, the NGOs can concentrate to the internally displaced Rohingyas. They can pay special attention and concentration to reduce mortality and morbidity and help the distressed people to return to normalcy and let them understand the fact that human rights are not the mercy of a state and that as per Vienna Conference on Human Rights in 1993 which clearly states that "States declare that human rights are the legitimate concern of the international community", human rights obligations are voluntarily confirmed obligations of states or nations towards populations within their jurisdiction, and this obligates States or nations to have consistent efforts and strive towards a complete spectrum of human rights - starting from an effective 'right to health,' within the availability of States resources to the absolute prohibition of torture.
Presence of human rights groups in Arakan:
Another important aspect for the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas is to allow different human rights organizations to be present in Arakan where human rights violations have turned out to be a common phenomenon during the decades long military rule.
In fact, Human Rights and Human Survival are inalienably linked. In concrete terms, the endurance of the society is a human right. But this basic human right to live with peace and security, liberty and equality and prosperity cannot be rejuvenated by any govemment faced with all those factors which endanger the peaceful living of human society. Violence can be termed as one sort of violation of norms of human behaviour recognised by all civilised people of the world. By spreading violence and panic among people, it hits the very roots of democracy. So every society cherishing the democratic way of life is bound to fight any sort of violence and cause panic. Therefore, the implementation of human rights had come to be acknowledged internationally as a major concern and essential in the development of not only the individual but also the nation and, ultimately the world.
So, there can be no meaningful improvement in the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas without the presence of human rights organizations in Arakan who can serve as the watchdogs of all sorts of violations of human rights, whether that violation comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion.
Presence of News Media in Arakan:
Robert Heinlein said, secrecy is the beginning of tyranny. It is the news media which mainly bring most of the secrets to the surface. A journalist witnesses an incident, films it and releases it and thus opens the eye of people, organizations and governments as well as the international community through his report, his video and other online technologies about the human rights violations and thus, he brings a change in the society and in a nation.
The news media play an immense role in the restoration of human rights of a community or a nation. It has an unimaginable power to organize the "people power" against any injustice and tyranny and build a culture of freedom. Moreover, the role that the broadcast media plays in changing the face of a society is beyond description. Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one "global village" as Marshall McLuhan said or as the famous line of Shakespeare "all the world's a stage".
Nevertheless, in a country which the military rulers have turned into a secret state of terror where human rights are constantly violated and where the guns of the army point out the way of life of the people, the voice for the presence of human rights groups or news media organizations in Arakan is a far cry. It is only a democratic atmosphere which can pave the way to stop human rights violations against Rohingyas and bring an end to the chapter of genocide and ethnic cleansing operations against them.
Ahmedur Rahman Farooq, Chairman, Rohingya Human Rights Council (RHRC).
Source: Asian Tribune
February 17, 2008 - The Rohingya community of Arakan, Burma is one of the most down-trodden ethnic minorities of the world.They are victim of political oppression, economic exploitation, cultural slavery and communal violence in their ancestral land Arakan where they have been living centuries after centuries.
Arakan which is a land of one of the most fertile regions in Asia with great variety of unexplored resources, has turned into a land of bloods and tears since the beginning of the 20th century where the Rohingyas have been groaning under the crushing wheels of either state sponsored terrorists or the religious fanatics decades after decades.
Restoration of Democracy in Burma:
There is no denying the fact that it is the lack of democratic atmosphere which has closed all the doors for the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas. Despite the continuous outcries of the international peace loving community to restore peace and democracy in Burma, the military regime has been continuously playing game to defuse the international outrage and to trample the people of Burma under the military boots for an indefinite period. Refusing to hand over power to the overwhelmingly elected representatives of the people of Burma during the General Election of 1990, detaining the national icon of democracy, peace and liberty, Daw Aung San Suu Kyie and all other popular leaders of democratic movement and ethnic minorities years after years and brutally cracking down all anti military protests, the Generals have demonstrated the world that there is no words like "human rights" in their vocabulary and they have no interest to learn what democracy or civil liberty means. So, the restoration of democracy in Burma is a precondition to stop human rights violations against the Rohingyas.
Restoration of Citizenship of Rohingyas:
Nevertheless, as a part of groundwork for any sort of human rights violations against Rohingyas under the aegis of law, the most notorious action which the military rulers have done is the amendment to the country's Citizenship Law in 1982 which has reduced the Rohingyas to the status of a Stateless Gypsy Community of the world, depriving them of citizenship and making them illegal immigrants in their ancestral motherland where they have been living for centuries having a long history, a language, a heritage, a culture and a tradition of their own that they had built up in their motherland through the ages of existence which can be traced back to the 7th Century.
Under the aegis of this notorious law, the military rulers have adopted all sorts of mechanism to turn Arakan into a "Rohingyaless" land through the series of genocidal operations and all other sorts of human rights violations. Through this act, the military regime has incited racism, xenophobia, inequality, intolerance and discrimination against the Rohingya, depriving them of their fundamental rights to citizenship, movement, education, job, marriage, property, healthcare and other civic liberty. So, in order to restore human rights of Rohingyas, it is the foremost need for the government of Burma to annul the black amendment of citizenship law of 1982 and to sign and ratify the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and to remove all the obstacles in the way to let the Rohingyas enjoy the right to citizenship as well as for all their children who were born in exile as both documented or undocumented refugees.
Restoration of Communal Harmony in Arakan:
Another heinous tactics that the military rulers have been engaged in since the military take over of Gen. Ne Win in 1962 to exterminate Rohingyas from Arakan, is to fuel extreme communal frenzy among the Rakhines and Rohingyas in Arakan. The people of Arakan who had been once living in peace and perfect amity, have to witness many often recurrent phenomenon of communal violence, social anarchy and widespread unrest goaded by the despotic military rulers.
Today, Arakan is a land of communal enmity and hatred which has reached at such a scale that the Rohingyas can hardly pass through the Rakhine localities. The movement of Rohingyas from one place to another by buses, launches or steamers is always full of risks and hazards. Thousands of highly Rohingya educated personalities have fallen victims of assassination at the hands of a section of the Rakhine communalists. In fact, it is the military regime which has turned the land into an earthly hell where tens of thousands of innocent human beings are being offered as the requiem of the communal conflagration with a notion "Kill a Rohingya first if a cobra and a Rohingya are found together". So, without restoration of communal harmony between the two sister communities of Arakan, the Rohingyas and Rakhines, any effort to stop human rights violations against the Rohingyas, is bound to end in debacle. Peace can prevail in Arakan only when these two communities will be able to create an atmosphere where they can live in peaceful coexistence like two petals of a flower.
Presence of International Agencies in Arakan:
However, in Arakan which has been tormented decades after decades by the military rulers during the long 46 years of Reign of Terror, the matter of restoration of human rights of Rohingyas can not be imagined without the presence of monitoring agencies of international bodies including the UNHCR and ILO who must have full access to each and every corner of Arakan to see for themselves what is going on on the people of Arakan as well as the Rohingyas. They must have full freedom to carry out their international mandate and also to monitor all the situations which have been going on in reality.
Furthermore, the authorities must abrogate all black laws which serve as the tools for the violations of human rights against the civilians including the Rohingyas and they must fully comply with the UN Declaration of Human Rights and other covenants like Health ICESCR (International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) where as per Article 12.1: everyone has the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, Shelter ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) where as per Article 12.1: everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within that territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence and Livelihood ICESCR where as per Article 6.1: everyone has the right to work, which includes the right of everyone to the opportunity to gain his living by work which he freely chooses or accepts, and will take appropriate steps to safeguard this right.
Most importantly, the authority must abolish the practice of forced labor in compliance with the 1930 International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention on Forced Labor and as per the recommendation of the ILO, the government must repeal the sections of the Village and Towns Acts that legally sanctions the conscription of labor. The government also must protect the Children's rights in accordance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991.Children must not be forced to work under any circumstances and they must abrogate all written or unwritten rules which stand as the stumbling block for Rohingya students to get education. They must give up all practices which compel Rohingyas to go gradually away from their ethnic culture, heritage as well as language. All Rohingya students must have their right to retain their own Rohingya name and no Rohingya student will be compelled to adopt a Burmese name which, in fact, has been serving as a tool for the military rulers in their way to Burmanization.
Presence of NGOs in Arakan:
Arakan which has turned out to be a land of restlessness, antagonism, discrimination, persecution, anarchy and disappointment during the long military rule and where the peace-loving people pass their life in utmost grief and distress, fear and frustration, the voice of restoration of human rights of Rohingyas can be a far cry there, if the NGOs are not allowed to work for alleviation of sufferings of all the hapless people including the Rohingyas.
It is the NGOs which can heal at least some level of scars caused by despotic rule over the decades pushing tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children towards disasters. Through their grassroot level activities, the NGOs can play a significant role in changing the life of the distressed human beings from the wounds caused by the systemic oppression, socio-economic and political exploitation and social anarchy as well as the havocs of the communal violence.
The NGOs can play a major role in restoration of human rights of Rohingyas if they are allowed to work in Arakan through multidimensional programmes like emergency relief, food security and agriculture, infrastructure and health and education. Under the emergency relief programme, the NGOs can concentrate to the internally displaced Rohingyas. They can pay special attention and concentration to reduce mortality and morbidity and help the distressed people to return to normalcy and let them understand the fact that human rights are not the mercy of a state and that as per Vienna Conference on Human Rights in 1993 which clearly states that "States declare that human rights are the legitimate concern of the international community", human rights obligations are voluntarily confirmed obligations of states or nations towards populations within their jurisdiction, and this obligates States or nations to have consistent efforts and strive towards a complete spectrum of human rights - starting from an effective 'right to health,' within the availability of States resources to the absolute prohibition of torture.
Presence of human rights groups in Arakan:
Another important aspect for the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas is to allow different human rights organizations to be present in Arakan where human rights violations have turned out to be a common phenomenon during the decades long military rule.
In fact, Human Rights and Human Survival are inalienably linked. In concrete terms, the endurance of the society is a human right. But this basic human right to live with peace and security, liberty and equality and prosperity cannot be rejuvenated by any govemment faced with all those factors which endanger the peaceful living of human society. Violence can be termed as one sort of violation of norms of human behaviour recognised by all civilised people of the world. By spreading violence and panic among people, it hits the very roots of democracy. So every society cherishing the democratic way of life is bound to fight any sort of violence and cause panic. Therefore, the implementation of human rights had come to be acknowledged internationally as a major concern and essential in the development of not only the individual but also the nation and, ultimately the world.
So, there can be no meaningful improvement in the restoration of human rights of Rohingyas without the presence of human rights organizations in Arakan who can serve as the watchdogs of all sorts of violations of human rights, whether that violation comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion.
Presence of News Media in Arakan:
Robert Heinlein said, secrecy is the beginning of tyranny. It is the news media which mainly bring most of the secrets to the surface. A journalist witnesses an incident, films it and releases it and thus opens the eye of people, organizations and governments as well as the international community through his report, his video and other online technologies about the human rights violations and thus, he brings a change in the society and in a nation.
The news media play an immense role in the restoration of human rights of a community or a nation. It has an unimaginable power to organize the "people power" against any injustice and tyranny and build a culture of freedom. Moreover, the role that the broadcast media plays in changing the face of a society is beyond description. Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one "global village" as Marshall McLuhan said or as the famous line of Shakespeare "all the world's a stage".
Nevertheless, in a country which the military rulers have turned into a secret state of terror where human rights are constantly violated and where the guns of the army point out the way of life of the people, the voice for the presence of human rights groups or news media organizations in Arakan is a far cry. It is only a democratic atmosphere which can pave the way to stop human rights violations against Rohingyas and bring an end to the chapter of genocide and ethnic cleansing operations against them.
Ahmedur Rahman Farooq, Chairman, Rohingya Human Rights Council (RHRC).
Source: Asian Tribune
The Irrawaddy's weekly business roundup
By WILLIAM BOOT / BANGKOK
The Irrawaddy News
Burma Uses Singapore Banks to Dodge Sanctions
Burmese businesses are exporting large quantities of rice to neighboring Bangladesh using a payment system through Singapore that seeks to avoid economic sanctions, according to reports.
The military regime has given the green light to the export of up to 400,000 tones of rice. Much of it will be transported by sea from Sittwe on the Arakan coast to the Bangladesh port of Chittagong.
Burma is cashing in on the ongoing food shortages suffered by its neighbor in the wake of the devastating cyclone which wrecked large swathes of Bangladeshi rice cropland.
However, the exporters have told Bangladeshi buyers they will not accept letters of credit as payment, according to The Nation newspaper in Dhaka. This is because they fear interference from extended financial sanctions imposed by the United States and European Union countries, the paper said.
Burma’s ministry of commerce has told the Bangladeshi authorities that payments for rice should be made by bank transfers via Singapore—illustrating that the squeaky clean city state is still condoning business with the Burmese junta.
Bangladesh has recently made overtures to the Burmese regime to improve relations, including business links. Dhaka last month approached Naypyidaw about buying Burmese gas to make up for looming energy shortages in Bangladesh and said in return it could barter agricultural fertilizer.
Money Laundering Warning Issued on Tay Za
Reports that Burmese tycoon Tay Za may have been buying ships in South Korea have surfaced as a leading regional anti- money laundering expert urged caution in dealing with the businessman or his companies.
No one should deal with Tay Za—labeled by the U.S. Treasury Department as a “key financial front man” for the Burmese regime—without “seeking appropriate professional advice as a matter of some urgency” says Peter Gallo, who heads Pacific Risk, a Hong Kong-based consultancy on countering money laundering activities.
Tay Za heads up a list of businesses and associates put on a sanctions list earlier this month by the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control.
The new sanctions against Tay Za, who heads up the Htoo Group, and seven other Burmese named as close to the military regime—including Khin Lay Thet, the wife of the No.3 in the hierarchy, Gen. Shwe Mann—“could have further implications for any companies continuing to deal with Tay Za’s known associates, particularly in relation to his interests in aviation and the supply of aircraft parts.”
Thai Govt Moving Forward on Burma Hydro Dams
Suggestions that Thailand’s new government is having second thoughts about supporting major hydro-electric projects on key Burmese rivers are “rather unlikely,” according to energy industry analysts.
The Bangkok Post and some news agencies reported that the government of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej had “put on hold” two large controversial hydroelectric schemes on the Salween River in northeast Burma.
The multibillion dollar projects, involving Chinese companies, have been mired in controversy over environmental damage risks and human rights abuses including forced evictions of people. Most of the anticipated 8,000 megawatt generating capacity— more than five times Burma’s current total capacity—is earmarked for Thailand.
“Thailand has already programmed these projects into its future energy needs,” said industry analyst Sar Watana in Bangkok this week. “And this government is more pro-business and less environmentally concerned than its predecessor.
The new prime minister has already stirred environmental controversy by proposing to siphon off water from the Mekong River to irrigate Thailand’s northeast.
Gold Prospectors Probe Deeper into Kachin
Along with news of yet another gems auction planned for Rangoon—the third in the last six months—comes disclosure that elements of the Burmese military are expanding gold mining in northern Kachin state.
Environmentally damaging gold prospecting has been going on around the town of Putao, but reports now say that possible rogue officers of the Northern Command have sanctioned digging higher up the Kasang River.
Methods of gold prospecting in Burma generally cause water and land pollution through the use of mercury to flush out the precious metal.
A report last year said that the number of gold mining sites in Kachin’s Hugawng Valley had increased to 31.
Now, new sites are being prospected within about 60 kilometers of the Chinese border in the vicinity of Naw Mung, says the Kachin News Group.
The report named a Col. Khaing Soe as heading up what it termed “illegal prospecting.”
The human rights NGO Alternative Asean Network on Burma says in an earlier report: “Large areas of land are deforested in order to make way for mining and building necessary infrastructure. The gold mining industry exposes local people to serious long-term risks from mercury poisoning.”
The Irrawaddy News
Burma Uses Singapore Banks to Dodge Sanctions
Burmese businesses are exporting large quantities of rice to neighboring Bangladesh using a payment system through Singapore that seeks to avoid economic sanctions, according to reports.
The military regime has given the green light to the export of up to 400,000 tones of rice. Much of it will be transported by sea from Sittwe on the Arakan coast to the Bangladesh port of Chittagong.
Burma is cashing in on the ongoing food shortages suffered by its neighbor in the wake of the devastating cyclone which wrecked large swathes of Bangladeshi rice cropland.
However, the exporters have told Bangladeshi buyers they will not accept letters of credit as payment, according to The Nation newspaper in Dhaka. This is because they fear interference from extended financial sanctions imposed by the United States and European Union countries, the paper said.
Burma’s ministry of commerce has told the Bangladeshi authorities that payments for rice should be made by bank transfers via Singapore—illustrating that the squeaky clean city state is still condoning business with the Burmese junta.
Bangladesh has recently made overtures to the Burmese regime to improve relations, including business links. Dhaka last month approached Naypyidaw about buying Burmese gas to make up for looming energy shortages in Bangladesh and said in return it could barter agricultural fertilizer.
Money Laundering Warning Issued on Tay Za
Reports that Burmese tycoon Tay Za may have been buying ships in South Korea have surfaced as a leading regional anti- money laundering expert urged caution in dealing with the businessman or his companies.
No one should deal with Tay Za—labeled by the U.S. Treasury Department as a “key financial front man” for the Burmese regime—without “seeking appropriate professional advice as a matter of some urgency” says Peter Gallo, who heads Pacific Risk, a Hong Kong-based consultancy on countering money laundering activities.
Tay Za heads up a list of businesses and associates put on a sanctions list earlier this month by the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control.
The new sanctions against Tay Za, who heads up the Htoo Group, and seven other Burmese named as close to the military regime—including Khin Lay Thet, the wife of the No.3 in the hierarchy, Gen. Shwe Mann—“could have further implications for any companies continuing to deal with Tay Za’s known associates, particularly in relation to his interests in aviation and the supply of aircraft parts.”
Thai Govt Moving Forward on Burma Hydro Dams
Suggestions that Thailand’s new government is having second thoughts about supporting major hydro-electric projects on key Burmese rivers are “rather unlikely,” according to energy industry analysts.
The Bangkok Post and some news agencies reported that the government of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej had “put on hold” two large controversial hydroelectric schemes on the Salween River in northeast Burma.
The multibillion dollar projects, involving Chinese companies, have been mired in controversy over environmental damage risks and human rights abuses including forced evictions of people. Most of the anticipated 8,000 megawatt generating capacity— more than five times Burma’s current total capacity—is earmarked for Thailand.
“Thailand has already programmed these projects into its future energy needs,” said industry analyst Sar Watana in Bangkok this week. “And this government is more pro-business and less environmentally concerned than its predecessor.
The new prime minister has already stirred environmental controversy by proposing to siphon off water from the Mekong River to irrigate Thailand’s northeast.
Gold Prospectors Probe Deeper into Kachin
Along with news of yet another gems auction planned for Rangoon—the third in the last six months—comes disclosure that elements of the Burmese military are expanding gold mining in northern Kachin state.
Environmentally damaging gold prospecting has been going on around the town of Putao, but reports now say that possible rogue officers of the Northern Command have sanctioned digging higher up the Kasang River.
Methods of gold prospecting in Burma generally cause water and land pollution through the use of mercury to flush out the precious metal.
A report last year said that the number of gold mining sites in Kachin’s Hugawng Valley had increased to 31.
Now, new sites are being prospected within about 60 kilometers of the Chinese border in the vicinity of Naw Mung, says the Kachin News Group.
The report named a Col. Khaing Soe as heading up what it termed “illegal prospecting.”
The human rights NGO Alternative Asean Network on Burma says in an earlier report: “Large areas of land are deforested in order to make way for mining and building necessary infrastructure. The gold mining industry exposes local people to serious long-term risks from mercury poisoning.”
Mahn Sha: “Sixty Years in Vain”
By Aye Lae
Days before his assassination on February 14, Karen National Union leader Mahn Sha spoke to Irrawaddy reporter Aye Lae about Burma’s prospects for peace.
Speaking on February 11, the day before the 61st Union Day—a holiday intended to celebrate unity among Burma’s ethnic peoples—Mahn Sha argued that after sixty years of efforts to impose unity by force, the country must restore democracy and introduce a federal system of government to halt its ongoing disintegration.
Question: Tomorrow is Union Day, but it is said that there is still no solidarity among Burma’s ethnic nationalities. As a Karen leader, what would you like to say about that?
Answer: Before independence was declared [in 1948], all ethnic nationalities, all people and politicians representing them, tried very hard to gain genuine independence. But when the time came, we did not get what we expected.
After gaining independence, the people of Burma, including ethnic minorities, did not gain any freedom. People with power just used it as they liked. As a result, the country has become one of the poorest and least secure in the world.
So sixty years have been wasted in vain, and instead of prosperity, we have fallen into poverty because of the military dictatorship. There is no security. That’s why we want to establish a democracy and federal union, which is the best form of government to bring all the ethnic nationalities together.
We want a government elected by the people that can guarantee that kind of system. In other words, we want political change. We want to establish a truly independent, truly united country. The country will never prosper if it continues like this.
There is no [economic] security. There is only unemployment. There are many who must leave the country to find jobs. Educated people go abroad and workers abandon their homes to find jobs in neighboring countries. There is no development at all. So I think political change must come at once.
Q: But ethnic minorities are also disunited, as we can see within ceasefire groups, armed resistance groups and political organizations. It is also said that there is no solidarity among different ethnic groups.
A: The country has disintegrated because of the ethnic chauvinism of the military dictatorship. If there were no military dictatorship and no ethnic chauvinism, and the country adopted democracy and a federal system, it would be peaceful, united and developed like other countries. I can say that for sure.
The military dictatorship has caused the whole country to disintegrate. But many ethnic nationalities are working together in opposition. We have a lot of political agreements with other peoples and their representatives.
As we cannot wait for the regime to act, we have been drafting a federal constitution. We are cooperating with one another to abolish the dictatorship. The main cause of the country’s disintegration is the dictatorship. If it fell from power today, the country would be united today. We believe that.
Q: Do you mean that the regime is the cause of all the disunity among ethnic nationalities?
A: Yes. They create disunity so they can continue to rule the country by force. They think that if the country is peaceful and stable, there will lose their rationale for holding onto power.
[Some have argued that] the country would fall apart if the junta was no longer in power—that Burma would be like Bosnia. But it is totally untrue. It is totally unfounded. In fact, the opposite is true: if the dictatorship lost its power, the country would be more united.
Q: As a representative of the Karen people, do you have any other comments you would like to make on the occasion of Union Day?
A: We cannot count on the regime to bring democracy or a federal system. To achieve a genuine union, all the peoples of Burma, and the politicians and organizations representing them, must work together with firm spirit and unity.
We must abolish the dictatorship and its policy of ethnic chauvinism. We must establish a genuine democracy and federal system by ourselves, with our own hands.
We must be determined, and we must take practical measures to achieve our goal.
Source: The Irrawaddy News - February 15, 2008
Days before his assassination on February 14, Karen National Union leader Mahn Sha spoke to Irrawaddy reporter Aye Lae about Burma’s prospects for peace.
Speaking on February 11, the day before the 61st Union Day—a holiday intended to celebrate unity among Burma’s ethnic peoples—Mahn Sha argued that after sixty years of efforts to impose unity by force, the country must restore democracy and introduce a federal system of government to halt its ongoing disintegration.
Question: Tomorrow is Union Day, but it is said that there is still no solidarity among Burma’s ethnic nationalities. As a Karen leader, what would you like to say about that?
Answer: Before independence was declared [in 1948], all ethnic nationalities, all people and politicians representing them, tried very hard to gain genuine independence. But when the time came, we did not get what we expected.
After gaining independence, the people of Burma, including ethnic minorities, did not gain any freedom. People with power just used it as they liked. As a result, the country has become one of the poorest and least secure in the world.
So sixty years have been wasted in vain, and instead of prosperity, we have fallen into poverty because of the military dictatorship. There is no security. That’s why we want to establish a democracy and federal union, which is the best form of government to bring all the ethnic nationalities together.
We want a government elected by the people that can guarantee that kind of system. In other words, we want political change. We want to establish a truly independent, truly united country. The country will never prosper if it continues like this.
There is no [economic] security. There is only unemployment. There are many who must leave the country to find jobs. Educated people go abroad and workers abandon their homes to find jobs in neighboring countries. There is no development at all. So I think political change must come at once.
Q: But ethnic minorities are also disunited, as we can see within ceasefire groups, armed resistance groups and political organizations. It is also said that there is no solidarity among different ethnic groups.
A: The country has disintegrated because of the ethnic chauvinism of the military dictatorship. If there were no military dictatorship and no ethnic chauvinism, and the country adopted democracy and a federal system, it would be peaceful, united and developed like other countries. I can say that for sure.
The military dictatorship has caused the whole country to disintegrate. But many ethnic nationalities are working together in opposition. We have a lot of political agreements with other peoples and their representatives.
As we cannot wait for the regime to act, we have been drafting a federal constitution. We are cooperating with one another to abolish the dictatorship. The main cause of the country’s disintegration is the dictatorship. If it fell from power today, the country would be united today. We believe that.
Q: Do you mean that the regime is the cause of all the disunity among ethnic nationalities?
A: Yes. They create disunity so they can continue to rule the country by force. They think that if the country is peaceful and stable, there will lose their rationale for holding onto power.
[Some have argued that] the country would fall apart if the junta was no longer in power—that Burma would be like Bosnia. But it is totally untrue. It is totally unfounded. In fact, the opposite is true: if the dictatorship lost its power, the country would be more united.
Q: As a representative of the Karen people, do you have any other comments you would like to make on the occasion of Union Day?
A: We cannot count on the regime to bring democracy or a federal system. To achieve a genuine union, all the peoples of Burma, and the politicians and organizations representing them, must work together with firm spirit and unity.
We must abolish the dictatorship and its policy of ethnic chauvinism. We must establish a genuine democracy and federal system by ourselves, with our own hands.
We must be determined, and we must take practical measures to achieve our goal.
Source: The Irrawaddy News - February 15, 2008
Ban Ki-moon Briefs Bush on Burma
By LALIT K JHA / UNITED NATIONS
The Irrawaddy News
The United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon briefed US President George W Bush on Friday on the latest developments in Burma following the military government’s announcement of a constitutional referendum and general elections in the country.
February 16, 2008 - UN diplomatic sources told The Irrawaddy that Burma was one of the topics discussed on Friday during the meeting of the two leaders at the White House in Washington.
“On Myanmar [Burma], the secretary-general briefed President Bush on the work of his special adviser, Ibrahim Gambari,” said Marie Okabe, a spokesperson for the secretary-general.
In brief remarks to reporters after the meeting, Bush said: “I appreciate your [Ban’s] tireless work to help solve some of the real humanitarian crises that we face, such as the crisis in Sudan, [and] the issues in Burma.”
In an October statement, the UN Security Council urged the military junta to release all political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, start a dialogue with pro-democracy groups and include opposition groups in the constitution drafting process. None of the criteria has been met by the military junta so far.
This was the first discussion between the two leaders since Burma announced last week its decision to hold a referendum in May and multi-party general elections in 2010.
Last week, the Bush Administration imposed additional sanctions on supporters of the military government in Burma.
The Irrawaddy News
The United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon briefed US President George W Bush on Friday on the latest developments in Burma following the military government’s announcement of a constitutional referendum and general elections in the country.
February 16, 2008 - UN diplomatic sources told The Irrawaddy that Burma was one of the topics discussed on Friday during the meeting of the two leaders at the White House in Washington.
“On Myanmar [Burma], the secretary-general briefed President Bush on the work of his special adviser, Ibrahim Gambari,” said Marie Okabe, a spokesperson for the secretary-general.
In brief remarks to reporters after the meeting, Bush said: “I appreciate your [Ban’s] tireless work to help solve some of the real humanitarian crises that we face, such as the crisis in Sudan, [and] the issues in Burma.”
In an October statement, the UN Security Council urged the military junta to release all political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, start a dialogue with pro-democracy groups and include opposition groups in the constitution drafting process. None of the criteria has been met by the military junta so far.
This was the first discussion between the two leaders since Burma announced last week its decision to hold a referendum in May and multi-party general elections in 2010.
Last week, the Bush Administration imposed additional sanctions on supporters of the military government in Burma.
Don't Push NLD into a Corner
By MIN ZIN
The Irrawaddy News
February 16, 2008 - The present political crisis in Burma could be a model from William L. Ury and Richard Smoke’s political science thesis, “Anatomy of a Crisis”—a situation of “high stakes, short time, high uncertainty and narrowing options.”
In the pragmatic world of realpolitik, it means the opposition movement in Burma is now facing a serious predicament.
When the military regime made the surprise announcement to set a timeline for a referendum in May and a general election in 2010, the opposition groups were caught off guard.
The junta decisively moved ahead with its own “Road Map” and ignored the persistent calls of opposition groups and the UN-led international community to modify the draft constitution and make the political process inclusive.
The political moral ground of the opposition movement, inside the country as well as in exile, has been based on the legitimacy of the 1990 election results in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory that has never been honored.
The opposition activists are now forced to prove the victory of 1990 election remains relevant in upcoming months. The stakes rise, indeed.
Several grassroots opposition groups, including the influential 88 Generation Students group and the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks, recently vowed to launch a "Vote No” campaign against the regime's constitution. But many activists privately admit that the time crunch makes it difficult for them to mobilize a nationwide movement.
The military government's statement regarding the referendum and subsequent elections was vague and shrouded with uncertainties.
Furthermore, the regime has not revoked Law 5/96 of 1996, which provides for up to 20 years imprisonment for anyone who criticizes the government’s national convention and its constitution drafting effort.
To add to the dilemma, many ordinary people do not understand what a “Vote No” campaign really means—whether they are expected to boycott the referendum by shunning the poll stations or they have to physically vote against the constitution.
At the end of the day, no one knows what the regime will do if the public votes against their draft constitution.
"Will they spend another 20 years rewriting another constitution?” questioned a private tutor in Rangoon. "If so, enough is enough. I would rather just go for the flawed constitution."
The high level of uncertainty appears to weaken the opposition's message and game plan.
Even with such high stakes, the time crunch and all the uncertainties, the crisis would be less severe if the opposition had options.
"People must stand up against the referendum and say no to the regime's constitution," said Aung Thu Nyein, a Burmese analyst in exile. "I support the actions of the grassroots organizations, but they must make it clear that it is not a boycott against the referendum. The public must go to the polling stations and vote ‘No.’”
Several opposition activists and journalists have taken it a step further. They have called on the NLD to announce a clear policy to direct the public on the referendum issue and to take the initiative in the "Vote No” campaign.
Aung Thu Nyein disagrees. “It is not feasible to urge the NLD to lead the public in mobilizing a Vote No” campaign. The NLD must be flexible,” he said.
However, as long as the opposition activists and media view the NLD as the vanguard of the democracy movement, they will continually push the party to lead with a resolution at every turn.
But whether or not the NLD's current leadership—not forgetting the implications of Aung San Suu Kyi's long absence—remains at the forefront of the democracy movement will be called into question. The nature of the September uprising indicated that the NLD was not playing a leading role.
More importantly, it is a time for different political forces to play significant positions with a mature understanding of one another. The NLD should not run the risk of staking their political future on viewing the referendum—step four of the seven-step “Road Map”—as the final battleground.
“We have stated clearly from the beginning that we are against the undemocratic nature of the national convention and the draft constitution," Nyan Win, the NLD spokesman, announced in the wake of the government’s statement. “We will probably release our policy by the end of this month. But we don't think the referendum is the final fight for us.”
The NLD will continue to condemn the regime's draft constitution as unacceptable and to demand a free and fair referendum, but at the same time they want to appear to keep all options open, instead of totally rejecting the government’s Road Map or openly advocating a “Vote No” campaign.
Short of a better alternative, it seems to be the most pragmatic policy the party can adopt.
If the NLD sees the referendum as a final showdown and walks away from the Road Map, the party will very likely be sidelined from mainstream politics in future. If the NLD decide to engage in a “do or die” fight, the regime will gladly get into the ring and work at putting the opposition party out of action for good.
In truth, the NLD seems to be aware of this scenario and are determined to remain on legal ground.
"If the public approves the draft constitution in a credible referendum, we will respect the public's decision," said Nyan Win.
The NLD spokesman even hinted that the party does not reject the possibility of running for a fresh election in 2010, if the public decides to go ahead with the Road Map.
“Burma's road to democracy would be long term, independent of our activists' wishes for radical change," said Tin Maung Than, a well-known Burmese writer and analyst in exile. "The military, as a whole and as an institution, is not in a position to accept such a change. Burma needs some structural adjustment to lure a significant part of the military to cooperate with the people."
Naturally, the public—led by grassroots activists—must push in that direction. A mass movement will always be needed to bring about that change.
The people of Burma should support the “Vote No” campaign against the draft constitution. If the fight is won, it may prompt a shake up in Naypyidaw. The military government would be forced to reconfigure their options. Combined with international pressure, a new opportunity for dialogue might present itself.
Whether this particular fight is won or not, the NLD must prepare to go on. In politics, a crisis can be cleverly managed with a well calculated strategic move.
The Irrawaddy News
February 16, 2008 - The present political crisis in Burma could be a model from William L. Ury and Richard Smoke’s political science thesis, “Anatomy of a Crisis”—a situation of “high stakes, short time, high uncertainty and narrowing options.”
In the pragmatic world of realpolitik, it means the opposition movement in Burma is now facing a serious predicament.
When the military regime made the surprise announcement to set a timeline for a referendum in May and a general election in 2010, the opposition groups were caught off guard.
The junta decisively moved ahead with its own “Road Map” and ignored the persistent calls of opposition groups and the UN-led international community to modify the draft constitution and make the political process inclusive.
The political moral ground of the opposition movement, inside the country as well as in exile, has been based on the legitimacy of the 1990 election results in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory that has never been honored.
The opposition activists are now forced to prove the victory of 1990 election remains relevant in upcoming months. The stakes rise, indeed.
Several grassroots opposition groups, including the influential 88 Generation Students group and the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks, recently vowed to launch a "Vote No” campaign against the regime's constitution. But many activists privately admit that the time crunch makes it difficult for them to mobilize a nationwide movement.
The military government's statement regarding the referendum and subsequent elections was vague and shrouded with uncertainties.
Furthermore, the regime has not revoked Law 5/96 of 1996, which provides for up to 20 years imprisonment for anyone who criticizes the government’s national convention and its constitution drafting effort.
To add to the dilemma, many ordinary people do not understand what a “Vote No” campaign really means—whether they are expected to boycott the referendum by shunning the poll stations or they have to physically vote against the constitution.
At the end of the day, no one knows what the regime will do if the public votes against their draft constitution.
"Will they spend another 20 years rewriting another constitution?” questioned a private tutor in Rangoon. "If so, enough is enough. I would rather just go for the flawed constitution."
The high level of uncertainty appears to weaken the opposition's message and game plan.
Even with such high stakes, the time crunch and all the uncertainties, the crisis would be less severe if the opposition had options.
"People must stand up against the referendum and say no to the regime's constitution," said Aung Thu Nyein, a Burmese analyst in exile. "I support the actions of the grassroots organizations, but they must make it clear that it is not a boycott against the referendum. The public must go to the polling stations and vote ‘No.’”
Several opposition activists and journalists have taken it a step further. They have called on the NLD to announce a clear policy to direct the public on the referendum issue and to take the initiative in the "Vote No” campaign.
Aung Thu Nyein disagrees. “It is not feasible to urge the NLD to lead the public in mobilizing a Vote No” campaign. The NLD must be flexible,” he said.
However, as long as the opposition activists and media view the NLD as the vanguard of the democracy movement, they will continually push the party to lead with a resolution at every turn.
But whether or not the NLD's current leadership—not forgetting the implications of Aung San Suu Kyi's long absence—remains at the forefront of the democracy movement will be called into question. The nature of the September uprising indicated that the NLD was not playing a leading role.
More importantly, it is a time for different political forces to play significant positions with a mature understanding of one another. The NLD should not run the risk of staking their political future on viewing the referendum—step four of the seven-step “Road Map”—as the final battleground.
“We have stated clearly from the beginning that we are against the undemocratic nature of the national convention and the draft constitution," Nyan Win, the NLD spokesman, announced in the wake of the government’s statement. “We will probably release our policy by the end of this month. But we don't think the referendum is the final fight for us.”
The NLD will continue to condemn the regime's draft constitution as unacceptable and to demand a free and fair referendum, but at the same time they want to appear to keep all options open, instead of totally rejecting the government’s Road Map or openly advocating a “Vote No” campaign.
Short of a better alternative, it seems to be the most pragmatic policy the party can adopt.
If the NLD sees the referendum as a final showdown and walks away from the Road Map, the party will very likely be sidelined from mainstream politics in future. If the NLD decide to engage in a “do or die” fight, the regime will gladly get into the ring and work at putting the opposition party out of action for good.
In truth, the NLD seems to be aware of this scenario and are determined to remain on legal ground.
"If the public approves the draft constitution in a credible referendum, we will respect the public's decision," said Nyan Win.
The NLD spokesman even hinted that the party does not reject the possibility of running for a fresh election in 2010, if the public decides to go ahead with the Road Map.
“Burma's road to democracy would be long term, independent of our activists' wishes for radical change," said Tin Maung Than, a well-known Burmese writer and analyst in exile. "The military, as a whole and as an institution, is not in a position to accept such a change. Burma needs some structural adjustment to lure a significant part of the military to cooperate with the people."
Naturally, the public—led by grassroots activists—must push in that direction. A mass movement will always be needed to bring about that change.
The people of Burma should support the “Vote No” campaign against the draft constitution. If the fight is won, it may prompt a shake up in Naypyidaw. The military government would be forced to reconfigure their options. Combined with international pressure, a new opportunity for dialogue might present itself.
Whether this particular fight is won or not, the NLD must prepare to go on. In politics, a crisis can be cleverly managed with a well calculated strategic move.
KNU: More Leaders Targeted for Assassination
By SAW YAN NAING - The Irrawaddy News
February 16, 2008 - Two more senior military leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU) are on Karen splinter groups’ hit lists, according to KNU sources.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy by phone on Friday and Saturday, a KNU senior officer said that Gen Mu Tu, commander in chief of the KNU’s military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), and Brig-Gen Jonny, commander of KNLA Brigade 7, were targets for assassination by both the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council.
The claims follow the assassination of Mahn Sha, general secretary of the KNU, on Thursday.
“Ever since Htain Maung defected, he has always planned to kill the KNU’s top leaders,” said a KNU source who works closely with the KNU leadership.
Maj-Gen Htain Maung led some 300 soldiers from Brigade 7 in defecting to the Burmese army in February 2007. His splinter group is now known as KNU/KNLA Peace Council.
Another KNU source said that speculation had been rife that Mahn Sha was assassinated by the DKBA, which who split from the rebel coalition in 1995.
Mahn Sha was secretary general of the KNU, an ethnic rebel group that has been fighting for independence since 1949.
The source said that two days ago before Mahn Sha’s assassination, a DKBA member named Soe Myint, also known as San Pyote, called a friend of hers who was living in the same house as Mahn Sha and asked for the address of his home. San Pyote said that he was interested in buying Mahn Sha's car.
San Pyote belongs to the DKBA Battalion 999.
However, a DKBA source has denied the accusation.
He said, “It is not possible—the DKBA split from the KNU more than 10 years ago. After Mahn Sha was killed, even some of the DKBA’s leadership called me and asked me what happened.”
Mahn Sha had received phone threats before his assassination, said Blooming Night Zar, an acting contact person regarding the death of Mahn Sha.
She said, “On Karen Revolution Day, an unknown man phoned Mahn Sha and said to him, ‘I will come and shoot you!’”
KNU sources claim that prior to Thursday’s assassination, about 20 spies from the DKBA were assigned and deployed in the Mae Sot area for purposes of assassination. Sources believe the plot to kill Mahn Sha was well planned weeks in advance.
Assassinations among the KNU, the DKBA and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council have increased since the defection of Htain Maung’s faction.
After the assassinations of Lt-Col Kyi Linn, a commander of the KNLA, in August 2007, who met secretly with Lt-Col Min Chit Oo of the Burmese Southeast Military Affairs Security department, and Col Ler Moo, the son-in-law of Htain Maung, who was killed last month, Mahn Sha and Jonny were blamed for masterminding the plots and were targeted for assassination, a KNU source said.
Meanwhile, opposition groups in exile have accused the Burmese military regime of being responsible for Mahn Sha’s assassination.
In November 2007, San Pyote tried to kill Brig-Gen Jonny, a KNU official from Brigade 7.
“All this is enough to make the Burmese government very happy,” Brig-Gen Jonny told The Irrawaddy. “We Karen people should be unified. If we are divided, we will never achieve self-determination and the rights we demand.”
February 16, 2008 - Two more senior military leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU) are on Karen splinter groups’ hit lists, according to KNU sources.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy by phone on Friday and Saturday, a KNU senior officer said that Gen Mu Tu, commander in chief of the KNU’s military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), and Brig-Gen Jonny, commander of KNLA Brigade 7, were targets for assassination by both the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council.
The claims follow the assassination of Mahn Sha, general secretary of the KNU, on Thursday.
“Ever since Htain Maung defected, he has always planned to kill the KNU’s top leaders,” said a KNU source who works closely with the KNU leadership.
Maj-Gen Htain Maung led some 300 soldiers from Brigade 7 in defecting to the Burmese army in February 2007. His splinter group is now known as KNU/KNLA Peace Council.
Another KNU source said that speculation had been rife that Mahn Sha was assassinated by the DKBA, which who split from the rebel coalition in 1995.
Mahn Sha was secretary general of the KNU, an ethnic rebel group that has been fighting for independence since 1949.
The source said that two days ago before Mahn Sha’s assassination, a DKBA member named Soe Myint, also known as San Pyote, called a friend of hers who was living in the same house as Mahn Sha and asked for the address of his home. San Pyote said that he was interested in buying Mahn Sha's car.
San Pyote belongs to the DKBA Battalion 999.
However, a DKBA source has denied the accusation.
He said, “It is not possible—the DKBA split from the KNU more than 10 years ago. After Mahn Sha was killed, even some of the DKBA’s leadership called me and asked me what happened.”
Mahn Sha had received phone threats before his assassination, said Blooming Night Zar, an acting contact person regarding the death of Mahn Sha.
She said, “On Karen Revolution Day, an unknown man phoned Mahn Sha and said to him, ‘I will come and shoot you!’”
KNU sources claim that prior to Thursday’s assassination, about 20 spies from the DKBA were assigned and deployed in the Mae Sot area for purposes of assassination. Sources believe the plot to kill Mahn Sha was well planned weeks in advance.
Assassinations among the KNU, the DKBA and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council have increased since the defection of Htain Maung’s faction.
After the assassinations of Lt-Col Kyi Linn, a commander of the KNLA, in August 2007, who met secretly with Lt-Col Min Chit Oo of the Burmese Southeast Military Affairs Security department, and Col Ler Moo, the son-in-law of Htain Maung, who was killed last month, Mahn Sha and Jonny were blamed for masterminding the plots and were targeted for assassination, a KNU source said.
Meanwhile, opposition groups in exile have accused the Burmese military regime of being responsible for Mahn Sha’s assassination.
In November 2007, San Pyote tried to kill Brig-Gen Jonny, a KNU official from Brigade 7.
“All this is enough to make the Burmese government very happy,” Brig-Gen Jonny told The Irrawaddy. “We Karen people should be unified. If we are divided, we will never achieve self-determination and the rights we demand.”
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