February 11, 2008, Sittwe: Burmese authorities in Arakan State's capital Sittwe forced residents on Sunday to welcome a monk who was awarded a high title by the military government for his religious studies, but many townspeople were opposed to the welcome program, said a town elder on condition of anonymity.
"Many people including monks in Sittwe were opposed to the welcoming of the abbot because the authority brought him to Sittwe to give the appearance to Burmese people that residents in Sittwe are now cooperating with the authority, and that there are no longer any boycotts by the monks against the military authority in the city," he said.
The authority in Sittwe ordered all households to send at least one person to welcome the monk at the airport and along the roadside.
Abbot Saradaw Tipidakara U Indapala is a prominent Arakanese monk who has received high educational qualifications from the military government in recent years for his study of Buddhist religious scriptures.
"We respected the monk, but it is not the right time for him to come to Sittwe with the authorities' plan, because many monks are still conducting their religious mission against the government, as they cracked down on the peaceful demonstrations of monks in Burma in September 2007," he said.
Many monks in Sittwe are still not cooperating with the military authorities and are still refusing to accept any alms from government officials, including food, robes, and other goods.
The town elder said, "The authority wants to organize monks in Sittwe to give up their boycott of the government, and the authority hopes this prominent monk can persuade monks to cooperate with the authorities by coming to Sittwe."
However, many monks did not join in yesterday's welcome ceremony for the abbot.
"Not only monks, but also lay citizens did not join the welcome ceremony, and many people were avoiding participating in the welcoming to show their opposition to the military government," he said.
The high authority ordered the Arakan Rice Merchant Association to organize the welcome ceremony, and the merchant group complied in hopes of being handed business opportunities in the rice trade in Arakan State.
Some family of the association's members and government civil servants participated in the welcome ceremony while most ordinary people avoided the event.
Tuesday, 12 February 2008
Arbitrary arrest for extortion in Maungdaw
Kaladan Press
Monday, 11 February 2008 - The police in Maungdaw Town, Arakan State have been making arbitrary arrests for extortion by planting Bangladeshi mobile phones in the victims' house and shops. On February 7 and 10, police arrested two men on the accusation of keeping Bangladeshi mobile phones. It is illegal in Burma to have phones without permission of the authorities.
The victims have been identified as Abul Kasim (55), son of Motu Chadar, hailing from Naya Para village and Abdullah (20), son of Abdul Matalab, belonging to Ward No.4 in Maungdaw Town, according to village a elder who requated anonymity.
Since last year, arbitrary extortion for money has been increased significantly in the Rohingya community by the police on false and fabricated cases. The victims complained to the higher authorities, but they paid no heed, so the police personnel are emboldened to commit more such crimes against the Rohingya community.
On February 7, Abul Kasim was arrested by police on the accusation of having a Bangladeshi mobile phone. It had been planted secretly in his house through a police agent before his arrest. He was brought to Maungdaw police station and kept in police custody and asked to pay kyat 600,000 for his release. But the victim was unable to pay, according to a close relative of the victim.
Similarly, on February 8 at about noon, Abdullah was arrested on the accusation of keeping a Bangladeshi mobile phone in his shop. At about 11 am, two police personnel in civilian dress went to his tea shop for tea. After having tea, one of them went to the cash counter to pay while another one secretly put a mobile phone on the owner's carton of condensed milk tins, a relative of the victim said.
It is learnt that most of tea-shop owners in Maungdaw town, keep cartons of condensed milk tins near the cashier to provide it to workers to keep a check on use and misuse.
After 15 minute, a police officer Nyi Nyi Hlwin Soe accompanied by three other policemen went to the Abdullah's tea shop and asked the tea-shop owner Abdullah why he had a Bangladesh mobile phone in his shop. He told themthat he had no phone. After hearing this, the police officer along with three others searched the cartons and found a mobile phone. Abdullah was brought to Maungdaw police station and is still in police custody.
The victim passed matriculation examinations but could not study further so he set up a tea-shop at Maungdaw market. He is innocent. However, the police officer demanded kyat 50,000 from the victim's father for his release. But his father refused to pay for his son's release, said a neighbour of the victim.
A friend of the victim said, "The victim's father doesn't want to compromise with the police as his son is innocent. He will raise the issue to with the higher authorities for justice."
According to sources, in Maungdaw Township, a gang of policemen has been extorting money from the Rohingya community since last year on false and fabricated cases. The charges are numerous like having a Bangladeshi mobile phone, involvement in human trafficking, Yaba tablet business and crossing the Burma- Bangladesh border r--- and have extorted at least kyat O.5 million to 3 million per head.
The police gang is identified has been identified as Major Aung Htwe, the SP of Maungdaw district, U Thin Tin, the ASP of Maungdaw police station and also head of the police surveillance group and Khin Maung police personnel among others, said sources.
In Maungdaw police station, the daily income is at least one crore. Every policeman has a motorcycle, and their wives have a lot of gold ornaments because they became rich very quickly. The SP and ASP of Maungdaw town have to pay kyat 5 million each to the district police officer per month as well as kyat 5 million to the state officer of police, said a close aide of police officer.
Monday, 11 February 2008 - The police in Maungdaw Town, Arakan State have been making arbitrary arrests for extortion by planting Bangladeshi mobile phones in the victims' house and shops. On February 7 and 10, police arrested two men on the accusation of keeping Bangladeshi mobile phones. It is illegal in Burma to have phones without permission of the authorities.
The victims have been identified as Abul Kasim (55), son of Motu Chadar, hailing from Naya Para village and Abdullah (20), son of Abdul Matalab, belonging to Ward No.4 in Maungdaw Town, according to village a elder who requated anonymity.
Since last year, arbitrary extortion for money has been increased significantly in the Rohingya community by the police on false and fabricated cases. The victims complained to the higher authorities, but they paid no heed, so the police personnel are emboldened to commit more such crimes against the Rohingya community.
On February 7, Abul Kasim was arrested by police on the accusation of having a Bangladeshi mobile phone. It had been planted secretly in his house through a police agent before his arrest. He was brought to Maungdaw police station and kept in police custody and asked to pay kyat 600,000 for his release. But the victim was unable to pay, according to a close relative of the victim.
Similarly, on February 8 at about noon, Abdullah was arrested on the accusation of keeping a Bangladeshi mobile phone in his shop. At about 11 am, two police personnel in civilian dress went to his tea shop for tea. After having tea, one of them went to the cash counter to pay while another one secretly put a mobile phone on the owner's carton of condensed milk tins, a relative of the victim said.
It is learnt that most of tea-shop owners in Maungdaw town, keep cartons of condensed milk tins near the cashier to provide it to workers to keep a check on use and misuse.
After 15 minute, a police officer Nyi Nyi Hlwin Soe accompanied by three other policemen went to the Abdullah's tea shop and asked the tea-shop owner Abdullah why he had a Bangladesh mobile phone in his shop. He told themthat he had no phone. After hearing this, the police officer along with three others searched the cartons and found a mobile phone. Abdullah was brought to Maungdaw police station and is still in police custody.
The victim passed matriculation examinations but could not study further so he set up a tea-shop at Maungdaw market. He is innocent. However, the police officer demanded kyat 50,000 from the victim's father for his release. But his father refused to pay for his son's release, said a neighbour of the victim.
A friend of the victim said, "The victim's father doesn't want to compromise with the police as his son is innocent. He will raise the issue to with the higher authorities for justice."
According to sources, in Maungdaw Township, a gang of policemen has been extorting money from the Rohingya community since last year on false and fabricated cases. The charges are numerous like having a Bangladeshi mobile phone, involvement in human trafficking, Yaba tablet business and crossing the Burma- Bangladesh border r--- and have extorted at least kyat O.5 million to 3 million per head.
The police gang is identified has been identified as Major Aung Htwe, the SP of Maungdaw district, U Thin Tin, the ASP of Maungdaw police station and also head of the police surveillance group and Khin Maung police personnel among others, said sources.
In Maungdaw police station, the daily income is at least one crore. Every policeman has a motorcycle, and their wives have a lot of gold ornaments because they became rich very quickly. The SP and ASP of Maungdaw town have to pay kyat 5 million each to the district police officer per month as well as kyat 5 million to the state officer of police, said a close aide of police officer.
Karen refugee camps warned of attack rumours
Maung Too
Democratic Voice of Burma
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–Karen refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border have been placed on high alert amid rumours of a possible attack by government troops and a Karen National Union breakaway group.
A coordinator from the Karen Refugee Committee said that security has been tightened in response to rumours that State Peace and Development Council troops are planning an attack along with the KNU Peace Council, a group led by former KNU brigade 7 commander Saw Htay Maung.
The coordinator said that they had taken precautions against a possible attack.
"We have tightened security in the refugee camps and imposed restrictions on people going out after 9pm,” he said.
“We have to put these measures in place in case these rumours are true."
General Saw Htay Maung’s son-in-law was killed by a bomb on 30 January in what was believed to have been a targeted assassination.
It has not yet been established who carried out the attack.
Democratic Voice of Burma
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–Karen refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border have been placed on high alert amid rumours of a possible attack by government troops and a Karen National Union breakaway group.
A coordinator from the Karen Refugee Committee said that security has been tightened in response to rumours that State Peace and Development Council troops are planning an attack along with the KNU Peace Council, a group led by former KNU brigade 7 commander Saw Htay Maung.
The coordinator said that they had taken precautions against a possible attack.
"We have tightened security in the refugee camps and imposed restrictions on people going out after 9pm,” he said.
“We have to put these measures in place in case these rumours are true."
General Saw Htay Maung’s son-in-law was killed by a bomb on 30 January in what was believed to have been a targeted assassination.
It has not yet been established who carried out the attack.
USDA member found headless
by Naw Say Phaw
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–The body of a Union Solidarity and Development Association was found beheaded in Htantabin township, Rangoon division, on 4 February, local residents said.
The USDA member, whose name was not given, was from Thone Thate ward in Hlaing Tharyar township, Rangoon division.
A resident of Hlaing Tharyar said that the USDA member had been decapitated and his skin partially removed.
“All the nerves on his body were exposed and his head was stuck up on a bamboo pole,” the resident said.
The USDA member was reportedly known for treating people in the township badly when he was alive.
Other USDA members in the area were said to be shaken by news of the circumstances of the killing.
“It seems other that USDA members who have heard about this murder are so scared they might face the same fate that they have been much quieter recently and have not been harassing local people,” the resident said.
Residents have not heard of any arrests made so far in connection with the case.
Htantabin township police station was unavailable for comment.
Feb 11, 2008 (DVB)–The body of a Union Solidarity and Development Association was found beheaded in Htantabin township, Rangoon division, on 4 February, local residents said.
The USDA member, whose name was not given, was from Thone Thate ward in Hlaing Tharyar township, Rangoon division.
A resident of Hlaing Tharyar said that the USDA member had been decapitated and his skin partially removed.
“All the nerves on his body were exposed and his head was stuck up on a bamboo pole,” the resident said.
The USDA member was reportedly known for treating people in the township badly when he was alive.
Other USDA members in the area were said to be shaken by news of the circumstances of the killing.
“It seems other that USDA members who have heard about this murder are so scared they might face the same fate that they have been much quieter recently and have not been harassing local people,” the resident said.
Residents have not heard of any arrests made so far in connection with the case.
Htantabin township police station was unavailable for comment.
Burmese Exile Leader Calls for Referendum Boycott
By LALIT K JHA / NEW YORK
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - The leader of Burma’s US-based government in exile has called for a boycott of the junta-announced referendum on a draft constitution and of elections planned for 2010.
Sein Win, prime minister of the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB), told The Irrawaddy neither a referendum nor an election would solve Burma’s problems and would only legitimize authoritarian military rule.
Sein Win said the announcement of a referendum, to be followed by an election in 2010, could not be accepted while opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi remained under house arrest. The regime hadn’t even started talks with opposition leaders and ethnic groups, he said.
By unilaterally announcing the planned referendum and election, Sein Win said, the junta had sent a message that it was moving ahead with its seven point road map. “This means that they do not want to take the opposition into confidence, and they are totally ignoring the 1990 elections. As such we are not confident of the next election,” he said.
The Washington-based NCGUB was constituted and endorsed by representatives elected in the 1990 elections in Burma. Sein Win, a cousin of Suu Kyi, has led it since 1990.
Sein Win said the NCGUB also opposed the regime’s plan for a referendum and election “because of the present situation when there is no freedom of media, and no rule of law. Under these circumstances, people should not take part in any of those processes.”
The regime should hold talks with Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, and with ethnic leaders, Sein Win said. Then, he added, “we will have our solution.”
Sein Win said it was also time for the UN Security Council to give a stronger mandate to the UN Secretary-General’s Office and the UN Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, allowing them to play an effective mediatory role in bringing about an equitable solution to the political deadlock in Burma.
Some observers have speculated that Saturday’s announcement may have been the result of pressure from China, concerned about a small but vocal movement to boycott the Beijing Olympics in August.
In a broadcast interview at the weekend, US first lady Laura Bush said China had not brought enough pressure to bear on the Burmese junta.
“They [China] have not pressed them enough to—for the regime to show any sort of movement,” Bush told PBS.
“And, of course, they have continued to support Burma financially by buying natural resources,” said Bush, who has taken a personal interest in the pro-democracy movement in Burma, especially since the September demonstrations.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - The leader of Burma’s US-based government in exile has called for a boycott of the junta-announced referendum on a draft constitution and of elections planned for 2010.
Sein Win, prime minister of the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB), told The Irrawaddy neither a referendum nor an election would solve Burma’s problems and would only legitimize authoritarian military rule.
Sein Win said the announcement of a referendum, to be followed by an election in 2010, could not be accepted while opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi remained under house arrest. The regime hadn’t even started talks with opposition leaders and ethnic groups, he said.
By unilaterally announcing the planned referendum and election, Sein Win said, the junta had sent a message that it was moving ahead with its seven point road map. “This means that they do not want to take the opposition into confidence, and they are totally ignoring the 1990 elections. As such we are not confident of the next election,” he said.
The Washington-based NCGUB was constituted and endorsed by representatives elected in the 1990 elections in Burma. Sein Win, a cousin of Suu Kyi, has led it since 1990.
Sein Win said the NCGUB also opposed the regime’s plan for a referendum and election “because of the present situation when there is no freedom of media, and no rule of law. Under these circumstances, people should not take part in any of those processes.”
The regime should hold talks with Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, and with ethnic leaders, Sein Win said. Then, he added, “we will have our solution.”
Sein Win said it was also time for the UN Security Council to give a stronger mandate to the UN Secretary-General’s Office and the UN Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, allowing them to play an effective mediatory role in bringing about an equitable solution to the political deadlock in Burma.
Some observers have speculated that Saturday’s announcement may have been the result of pressure from China, concerned about a small but vocal movement to boycott the Beijing Olympics in August.
In a broadcast interview at the weekend, US first lady Laura Bush said China had not brought enough pressure to bear on the Burmese junta.
“They [China] have not pressed them enough to—for the regime to show any sort of movement,” Bush told PBS.
“And, of course, they have continued to support Burma financially by buying natural resources,” said Bush, who has taken a personal interest in the pro-democracy movement in Burma, especially since the September demonstrations.
The Long Road to Liberation - [Beyond 1988—Reflections]
By AUNG NAING OO
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
October 1988: We left at dawn as villagers moved about in semi-darkness preparing for a new day. Our guide was a burly Mon man, about 45 years old, who had agreed to take us to the Karen rebel-held territory.
I walked right behind him. Another 15 people, including a well-known boxer, a former Burmese army corporal from Kayah [Karenni] State and other students, trailed behind me, like a train. The villagers remained silent, familiar with the spectacle of youthful, would-be rebels heading for the distant jungle. The soldiers we had spotted the previous day were nowhere to be seen; perhaps still in bed. Luck was on our side.
The sun rose as we crossed the Moulmein highway. Before us loomed a massive mountain, which we began to climb. Initially, I could not see any footpath, just rocks and dirt. We negotiated the boulders and the small sparse trees. After a while, I realized there was a faint, little-used path, seemingly perfect for clandestine purposes. It was reassuring, given our need to avoid military patrols or checkpoints.
When we reached the summit at about 7:30 am, our guide pointed to buildings on the distant plain and said, “Military.” I shivered with anxiety at the prospect of encountering patrols once we descended. But as we slowly climbed down, my creeping concern for military patrols was abruptly replaced by the more immediate fear of falling on the steep and rocky path.
By around 9 am, we reached the foot of the mountain and stood on the outskirts of a village. I was suddenly worried: villages were to be avoided. I stopped and looked back at my friends. They too had stopped. The guide sensed our hesitation but insisted: “No problem; we are safe.” I was wary, but had no choice than to trust him. I resumed walking and the whole gang followed silently.
Villagers glanced at us wordlessly, continuing about their business. Soon, we were on a road pitted with puddles of mud with traces of September rain. We kept on walking quietly, passing another two villages.
Then at around 11 am, on a dirt road outside a village, we suddenly ran head-on into a patrol of about 10 men, who were just coming out of a shop. My heart skipped a beat when I saw their police rifles slung over their shoulders. They were not wearing the green uniform of Burmese soldiers though. Their uniforms, which I had never seen before, were gold colored and decorated with a drake insignia—a symbol of the ethnic Mon minority. I realized they could be from a government-controlled Mon militia.
The men motioned us to stop. We did, terrified. The leader, a well-built man of about 40, spoke to our guide in Mon. I could not detect any emotion in his face. Then he suddenly turned and addressed me in Mon. I shook my head and mumbled something in Burmese, possibly about us being students.
I was consumed by fear, with thoughts of possible detention and torture in a military prison racing through my mind. The militia leader inspected us, stopping in front of one of my colleagues whose face was pale with terror. He spoke to the patrolman, though it was inaudible to me. I tried to assess our options, but realized there was no escape. There was no nearby forest to run into; rice fields surrounded us as far as I could see. I fixed my eyes on the patrolman, a cruel smugness on his face as he surveyed us, his captives.
Finally, the militia leader spoke to our guide again in Mon. Then he turned to me: “Don’t worry,” he said in Burmese. “We are Mon militia. We are not going to arrest you. You are going to do something that we can’t do. Now go on.”
Suddenly, he turned and walked away. Shaking with a combination of residual fear and relief, my feet started to move, following the guide as I tried to absorb what had just happened. Later, I regretted that I was too stunned to thank the patrolman.
We stopped for lunch at the next village. Then we hired a second guide, who we were told knew the terrain so well he could even lead us at night. We continued quickly and quietly, heading east. Soon there was no more road, not even a dirt track. We walked alongside or across rice paddies carved out of depleted forest, passing a few lonely huts. No one talked. The silence was broken only by the sound of our flip-flops.
When dinnertime came, there was still no hut or village where we could stop for food and so, without our own cooking utensils, we just kept walking. Then it started raining. In the moonless, pitch-black night, it was hard to see someone even from two feet away. Only the occasional flashes of lightning gave us a fleeting sense of our surroundings.
Our guides had flashlights but refused to use them, fearing they would be spotted by military patrols. Eventually, we took off our longyi, or sarongs, using them to form a human chain and hang on to in the black night.
We waded across fast-flowing rivers in complete darkness. The rain never stopped, just alternated between drizzle and heavy downpours. The guide seemed lost and could not find shelter. Then at about 2 am, we realized that our second guide, who was behind us, had disappeared. The remaining guide said he would go and look for shelter and asked us to wait, but we refused to let him go, following him wherever he went.
By 3 am we finally found a clearing at the edge of the forest with a hut and pagoda. Exhausted, cold and drained, we made a fire and tried to dry our clothes, without heeding the risk of being spotted.
At dawn we set off again, reaching a Karen village at midday. Our guide introduced us to an old Karen man, around 70, and then took his leave. After lunch, we continued our journey with our new Karen guide walking very fast, despite his age.
Finally, we arrived at the Karen National Union’s first security checkpoint, called Moe Wah, at around 4 pm. We gave the Karen officers our names, and they gave us food and a place to stay for the night.
In a “liberated” area, we felt safe and had a good night’s sleep. We did not realize that a long road toward liberation still lay ahead.
Aung Naing Oo left Burma after the 1988 uprising and went to Thailand, joining the All Burma Students' Democratic Front and becoming the organization’s longest serving foreign affairs secretary. He was camp secretary of the Thay Baw Boe camp, Karen State and head of the "Jungle University." Based now in Thailand, he writes about Burmese politics.
Source: The Irrawaddy News
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
October 1988: We left at dawn as villagers moved about in semi-darkness preparing for a new day. Our guide was a burly Mon man, about 45 years old, who had agreed to take us to the Karen rebel-held territory.
I walked right behind him. Another 15 people, including a well-known boxer, a former Burmese army corporal from Kayah [Karenni] State and other students, trailed behind me, like a train. The villagers remained silent, familiar with the spectacle of youthful, would-be rebels heading for the distant jungle. The soldiers we had spotted the previous day were nowhere to be seen; perhaps still in bed. Luck was on our side.
The sun rose as we crossed the Moulmein highway. Before us loomed a massive mountain, which we began to climb. Initially, I could not see any footpath, just rocks and dirt. We negotiated the boulders and the small sparse trees. After a while, I realized there was a faint, little-used path, seemingly perfect for clandestine purposes. It was reassuring, given our need to avoid military patrols or checkpoints.
When we reached the summit at about 7:30 am, our guide pointed to buildings on the distant plain and said, “Military.” I shivered with anxiety at the prospect of encountering patrols once we descended. But as we slowly climbed down, my creeping concern for military patrols was abruptly replaced by the more immediate fear of falling on the steep and rocky path.
By around 9 am, we reached the foot of the mountain and stood on the outskirts of a village. I was suddenly worried: villages were to be avoided. I stopped and looked back at my friends. They too had stopped. The guide sensed our hesitation but insisted: “No problem; we are safe.” I was wary, but had no choice than to trust him. I resumed walking and the whole gang followed silently.
Villagers glanced at us wordlessly, continuing about their business. Soon, we were on a road pitted with puddles of mud with traces of September rain. We kept on walking quietly, passing another two villages.
Then at around 11 am, on a dirt road outside a village, we suddenly ran head-on into a patrol of about 10 men, who were just coming out of a shop. My heart skipped a beat when I saw their police rifles slung over their shoulders. They were not wearing the green uniform of Burmese soldiers though. Their uniforms, which I had never seen before, were gold colored and decorated with a drake insignia—a symbol of the ethnic Mon minority. I realized they could be from a government-controlled Mon militia.
The men motioned us to stop. We did, terrified. The leader, a well-built man of about 40, spoke to our guide in Mon. I could not detect any emotion in his face. Then he suddenly turned and addressed me in Mon. I shook my head and mumbled something in Burmese, possibly about us being students.
I was consumed by fear, with thoughts of possible detention and torture in a military prison racing through my mind. The militia leader inspected us, stopping in front of one of my colleagues whose face was pale with terror. He spoke to the patrolman, though it was inaudible to me. I tried to assess our options, but realized there was no escape. There was no nearby forest to run into; rice fields surrounded us as far as I could see. I fixed my eyes on the patrolman, a cruel smugness on his face as he surveyed us, his captives.
Finally, the militia leader spoke to our guide again in Mon. Then he turned to me: “Don’t worry,” he said in Burmese. “We are Mon militia. We are not going to arrest you. You are going to do something that we can’t do. Now go on.”
Suddenly, he turned and walked away. Shaking with a combination of residual fear and relief, my feet started to move, following the guide as I tried to absorb what had just happened. Later, I regretted that I was too stunned to thank the patrolman.
We stopped for lunch at the next village. Then we hired a second guide, who we were told knew the terrain so well he could even lead us at night. We continued quickly and quietly, heading east. Soon there was no more road, not even a dirt track. We walked alongside or across rice paddies carved out of depleted forest, passing a few lonely huts. No one talked. The silence was broken only by the sound of our flip-flops.
When dinnertime came, there was still no hut or village where we could stop for food and so, without our own cooking utensils, we just kept walking. Then it started raining. In the moonless, pitch-black night, it was hard to see someone even from two feet away. Only the occasional flashes of lightning gave us a fleeting sense of our surroundings.
Our guides had flashlights but refused to use them, fearing they would be spotted by military patrols. Eventually, we took off our longyi, or sarongs, using them to form a human chain and hang on to in the black night.
We waded across fast-flowing rivers in complete darkness. The rain never stopped, just alternated between drizzle and heavy downpours. The guide seemed lost and could not find shelter. Then at about 2 am, we realized that our second guide, who was behind us, had disappeared. The remaining guide said he would go and look for shelter and asked us to wait, but we refused to let him go, following him wherever he went.
By 3 am we finally found a clearing at the edge of the forest with a hut and pagoda. Exhausted, cold and drained, we made a fire and tried to dry our clothes, without heeding the risk of being spotted.
At dawn we set off again, reaching a Karen village at midday. Our guide introduced us to an old Karen man, around 70, and then took his leave. After lunch, we continued our journey with our new Karen guide walking very fast, despite his age.
Finally, we arrived at the Karen National Union’s first security checkpoint, called Moe Wah, at around 4 pm. We gave the Karen officers our names, and they gave us food and a place to stay for the night.
In a “liberated” area, we felt safe and had a good night’s sleep. We did not realize that a long road toward liberation still lay ahead.
Aung Naing Oo left Burma after the 1988 uprising and went to Thailand, joining the All Burma Students' Democratic Front and becoming the organization’s longest serving foreign affairs secretary. He was camp secretary of the Thay Baw Boe camp, Karen State and head of the "Jungle University." Based now in Thailand, he writes about Burmese politics.
Source: The Irrawaddy News
Shan Activists Call for Release of Political Prisoners
By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - Shan people all over the world held prayer ceremonies and candlelit vigils on Sunday calling for the immediate release of all political prisoners in Burma, including pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and prominent Shan leader, Hkun Htun Oo.
Campaigners held ceremonies in ten different countries, including Thailand, Singapore, Japan, the United States, Great Britain and Australia.
Shan activists also urged the international community to pressurize the Burmese military government to release all political prisoners immediately, implement a nationwide ceasefire and enhance tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and representatives of the ethnic nationalities.
In the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, about 80 people—mostly ethnic Shan—participated in a prayer ceremony and candlelight vigil at Wat Ku Tao monastery on Sunday.
Hkun Htun Oo is currently detained in Putao prison in northern Kachin State, upper Burma, and his health has seriously deteriorated in the past few months. According to a joint statement by Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) and Shan Youth Power, Hkun Htun Oo is suffering from diabetes, high blood pressure and prostate problems.
Hkun Htun Oo, 64, an elected leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, was arrested in February 2005 with other Shan State leaders for their advocacy of political reform.
Sai Awn Tai, one of the organizers of the Chiang Mai vigil, said, “A genuine federal union should be built on principles of justice and equality. Yet the regime, by imprisoning elected ethnic leaders and proceeding with its own coercive constitution-drafting process, has shown its complete contempt for these principles.”
Shan activists also expressed concerned about the health of seven other detained Shan leaders who were arrested with Hkun Htun Oo. One of those leaders, Myint Than, died in Sandoway prison in Arakan state in May 2006, according to Shan Women’s Action Network.
Hkun Htun Oo was sentenced to 93 years in jail for treason and defamation of the state, while the other Shan leaders received sentences of between 75 and 106 years, according to a statement issued by SWAN.
There are at least 1,864 political prisoners currently detained in Burmese prisons, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
The Irrawaddy
www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008 - Shan people all over the world held prayer ceremonies and candlelit vigils on Sunday calling for the immediate release of all political prisoners in Burma, including pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and prominent Shan leader, Hkun Htun Oo.
Campaigners held ceremonies in ten different countries, including Thailand, Singapore, Japan, the United States, Great Britain and Australia.
Shan activists also urged the international community to pressurize the Burmese military government to release all political prisoners immediately, implement a nationwide ceasefire and enhance tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and representatives of the ethnic nationalities.
In the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, about 80 people—mostly ethnic Shan—participated in a prayer ceremony and candlelight vigil at Wat Ku Tao monastery on Sunday.
Hkun Htun Oo is currently detained in Putao prison in northern Kachin State, upper Burma, and his health has seriously deteriorated in the past few months. According to a joint statement by Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN) and Shan Youth Power, Hkun Htun Oo is suffering from diabetes, high blood pressure and prostate problems.
Hkun Htun Oo, 64, an elected leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, was arrested in February 2005 with other Shan State leaders for their advocacy of political reform.
Sai Awn Tai, one of the organizers of the Chiang Mai vigil, said, “A genuine federal union should be built on principles of justice and equality. Yet the regime, by imprisoning elected ethnic leaders and proceeding with its own coercive constitution-drafting process, has shown its complete contempt for these principles.”
Shan activists also expressed concerned about the health of seven other detained Shan leaders who were arrested with Hkun Htun Oo. One of those leaders, Myint Than, died in Sandoway prison in Arakan state in May 2006, according to Shan Women’s Action Network.
Hkun Htun Oo was sentenced to 93 years in jail for treason and defamation of the state, while the other Shan leaders received sentences of between 75 and 106 years, according to a statement issued by SWAN.
There are at least 1,864 political prisoners currently detained in Burmese prisons, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).
USDA to Organize Referendum, Election
By WAI MOE
February 11, 2008, (Irrawaddy): The Union Solitary and Development Association (USDA) will organize the Burmese referendum on the constitution in May and the 2010 general election, including the selection of some candidates across the country, say USDA sources.
Sources close to the USDA told The Irrawaddy on Monday that USDA members at the township and district levels will form local commissions to oversee the referendum voting and general election process.
The USDA will also recruit respected local people to serve on the referendum and election commissions, said a source who requested anonymity.
Later, the USDA will play a role in the selection of what appears to be state-backed candidates in the general election, he said.
“Some people will be selected to serve as commissioners,” said one USDA member. “Some will be selected to be candidates in the 2010 election.”
“The association is now looking for well-educated, respected, wealthy people to be candidates in the election,” he said.
According to Khin Maung Gyi, the secretary general of the National Unity Party (NUP), the pro-junta USDA will transform itself into a political party in time to contest the 2010 elections.
The NUP secretary general told DPA news agency that he believed the 2010 elections would be free and fair, and could lead to an amnesty and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Sources said most USDA members were surprised when the junta announced on Saturday that general dates had been set for the referendum on the junta-backed constitution and general election.
Htay Aung, a Burmese researcher in Thailand, said the regime originally created the USDA to serve eventually as a junta-backed political party. In addition, he said, the USDA has been a source for junta-backed thugs who were used most recently to suppress the pro-democracy uprising in 2007.
“The military junta will use the USDA as a political tool during the referendum and the election,” said Htay Aung. “In November 2005, U Htay Oo, the secretary-general of the USDA, publicly said that if it is necessary, the association will be turned into a political party.”
Senior USDA members recently met with grassroots members, in what may have been preparations for the referendum and election, said the researcher.
According to official documents, the USDA, formed in 1993, has 24 million members or almost half of the population of Burma.
“The military regime is confident it can win the referendum and election,” said Htay Aung. “The regime thinks votes by USDA members alone can keep the generals in power.”
According to The New Light of Myanmar, a state-run newspaper, the USDA’s Htay Oo and Brig-Gen Kyaw Swe, the commander of the armed forces’ southwest command, recently met with local members in Bassein as well as in Ngapudaw and Labutta in Irrawaddy Division.
Htay Oo also attended a USDA meeting on youth affairs in Naypyidaw on February 10.
In what is seen as a privileged perk for USDA members, the authorities recently gave the green light for state-approved cell phone licenses to be purchased by USDA members. The USDA also has been active in local state water supply projects and the registration process for identity cards across the country, work that is seen as enhancing its grassroots image.
USDA members held 633 seats, or 58 percent, at the National Convention which was convened in 1993 to prepare guidelines for the new constitution. The guidelines were finally approved in 2007.
Opposition group observers say that most USDA members are civil servants who were recruited by harassment and intimidation. It also includes teachers, students, business people and political activists.
Many Burmese view the USDA as principally an instrument of the regime that carries out violent acts against opposition activists and civilians. The group has paramilitary members who perform surveillance and search for dissidents in hiding.
USDA members played a key role in the bloody crackdowns during the 2007 uprising and in a deadly attack on Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade in 2003, in which about 100 people were killed.
Source: The Irrawaddy News - www.irrawaddy.org
February 11, 2008, (Irrawaddy): The Union Solitary and Development Association (USDA) will organize the Burmese referendum on the constitution in May and the 2010 general election, including the selection of some candidates across the country, say USDA sources.
Sources close to the USDA told The Irrawaddy on Monday that USDA members at the township and district levels will form local commissions to oversee the referendum voting and general election process.
The USDA will also recruit respected local people to serve on the referendum and election commissions, said a source who requested anonymity.
Later, the USDA will play a role in the selection of what appears to be state-backed candidates in the general election, he said.
“Some people will be selected to serve as commissioners,” said one USDA member. “Some will be selected to be candidates in the 2010 election.”
“The association is now looking for well-educated, respected, wealthy people to be candidates in the election,” he said.
According to Khin Maung Gyi, the secretary general of the National Unity Party (NUP), the pro-junta USDA will transform itself into a political party in time to contest the 2010 elections.
The NUP secretary general told DPA news agency that he believed the 2010 elections would be free and fair, and could lead to an amnesty and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Sources said most USDA members were surprised when the junta announced on Saturday that general dates had been set for the referendum on the junta-backed constitution and general election.
Htay Aung, a Burmese researcher in Thailand, said the regime originally created the USDA to serve eventually as a junta-backed political party. In addition, he said, the USDA has been a source for junta-backed thugs who were used most recently to suppress the pro-democracy uprising in 2007.
“The military junta will use the USDA as a political tool during the referendum and the election,” said Htay Aung. “In November 2005, U Htay Oo, the secretary-general of the USDA, publicly said that if it is necessary, the association will be turned into a political party.”
Senior USDA members recently met with grassroots members, in what may have been preparations for the referendum and election, said the researcher.
According to official documents, the USDA, formed in 1993, has 24 million members or almost half of the population of Burma.
“The military regime is confident it can win the referendum and election,” said Htay Aung. “The regime thinks votes by USDA members alone can keep the generals in power.”
According to The New Light of Myanmar, a state-run newspaper, the USDA’s Htay Oo and Brig-Gen Kyaw Swe, the commander of the armed forces’ southwest command, recently met with local members in Bassein as well as in Ngapudaw and Labutta in Irrawaddy Division.
Htay Oo also attended a USDA meeting on youth affairs in Naypyidaw on February 10.
In what is seen as a privileged perk for USDA members, the authorities recently gave the green light for state-approved cell phone licenses to be purchased by USDA members. The USDA also has been active in local state water supply projects and the registration process for identity cards across the country, work that is seen as enhancing its grassroots image.
USDA members held 633 seats, or 58 percent, at the National Convention which was convened in 1993 to prepare guidelines for the new constitution. The guidelines were finally approved in 2007.
Opposition group observers say that most USDA members are civil servants who were recruited by harassment and intimidation. It also includes teachers, students, business people and political activists.
Many Burmese view the USDA as principally an instrument of the regime that carries out violent acts against opposition activists and civilians. The group has paramilitary members who perform surveillance and search for dissidents in hiding.
USDA members played a key role in the bloody crackdowns during the 2007 uprising and in a deadly attack on Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade in 2003, in which about 100 people were killed.
Source: The Irrawaddy News - www.irrawaddy.org
Burma: Proposed roadmap to democracy will rubber-stamp regime authority
Asian Tribune
London, 12 February 2008: Numerous international organizations including Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) has called the ‘roadmap to democracy’ announced by the Burmese military regime on Saturday a sham, which will serve only to ‘rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime’.
The announcement was made on the evening news for state radio and television on Saturday 9 February 2008, and outlined plans to hold a referendum on the proposed constitution in May 2008 and a general election in 2010. This is the first timetable that has been outlined for a constitution and elections.
The draft constitution is being written by the National Convention, where the overwhelming majority of delegates are handpicked by the regime. None of the nine pro-democracy parties which took part in the 1990 elections and won 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats are included in the constitution drafting process. In addition no major representatives from the ethnic nationalities which make up 40 per cent of the population of Burma are included. Questioning or criticising the National Convention and communicating with the international media about the process are crimes under the regime’s Order 5/96 and carry a 20-year jail sentence.
CSW is currently in the region on a fact-finding visit and has obtained fresh evidence of systematic and widespread human rights violations including forced labour, rape and torture. First-hand testimonies were obtained from Burmese monks who fled as a result of the September crackdown, Shan and Karen internally displaced people and refugees.
CSW’s Chief Executive, Mervyn Thomas, said: "Far from being a positive development, this timetable will simply rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime. For there to be real change in Burma the regime must immediately release Aung San Suu Kyi and all the political prisoners, open all parts of the country to unhindered access for international humanitarian and human rights organisations and enter into meaningful tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and ethnic nationalities. We call on the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki- Moon, to go in person to Burma to facilitate these steps as a matter of urgency. The world must not be conned by this sham."
London, 12 February 2008: Numerous international organizations including Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) has called the ‘roadmap to democracy’ announced by the Burmese military regime on Saturday a sham, which will serve only to ‘rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime’.
The announcement was made on the evening news for state radio and television on Saturday 9 February 2008, and outlined plans to hold a referendum on the proposed constitution in May 2008 and a general election in 2010. This is the first timetable that has been outlined for a constitution and elections.
The draft constitution is being written by the National Convention, where the overwhelming majority of delegates are handpicked by the regime. None of the nine pro-democracy parties which took part in the 1990 elections and won 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats are included in the constitution drafting process. In addition no major representatives from the ethnic nationalities which make up 40 per cent of the population of Burma are included. Questioning or criticising the National Convention and communicating with the international media about the process are crimes under the regime’s Order 5/96 and carry a 20-year jail sentence.
CSW is currently in the region on a fact-finding visit and has obtained fresh evidence of systematic and widespread human rights violations including forced labour, rape and torture. First-hand testimonies were obtained from Burmese monks who fled as a result of the September crackdown, Shan and Karen internally displaced people and refugees.
CSW’s Chief Executive, Mervyn Thomas, said: "Far from being a positive development, this timetable will simply rubber-stamp the authority of this brutal regime. For there to be real change in Burma the regime must immediately release Aung San Suu Kyi and all the political prisoners, open all parts of the country to unhindered access for international humanitarian and human rights organisations and enter into meaningful tripartite dialogue with the National League for Democracy and ethnic nationalities. We call on the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki- Moon, to go in person to Burma to facilitate these steps as a matter of urgency. The world must not be conned by this sham."
Opposition questions Myanmar election plan
February 9, 2008 -(CNN) -- Pro-democracy opposition leaders from Myanmar have reacted with skepticism and concern about the ruling military junta's announced plan to hold a referendum on a new constitution in May and national elections in 2010.e.
State-run media from Myanmar -- also known as Burma -- reported Saturday that decrees issued by the regime said the constitutional referendum was the fourth step of a "seven-step road map to democracy." It said the 2010 elections would choose a representative government to replace the military junta.
The Irrawaddy, an online newspaper published by Burmese exiles, quoted a spokesman of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) as noting that the new constitution was drawn up by a committee chosen by the junta and that opposition groups were left out of the process.
"If the junta only does this kind of one-sided proposal, it will mean the military junta will continue its rule in Burma," Nyan Win told Irrawaddy.
A leader of the 88 Generation Students, an opposition coalition group, questioned how there could be a free and fair referendum since the junta issued a decree in 1996 outlawing any criticism of the national convention.
"That means the Burmese people could face a bloodbath in the future because there is no meaningful resolution in the junta's plans, and there will be mass protests again if the people do not get a real democracy," Tun Myint Aung said.
Myanmar last held multiparty elections in 1990, but the military junta ignored the results. The regime has come under intense international pressure, especially after using force last year to suppress a pro-democracy movement.
The junta last September suppressed the biggest pro-democracy protests in two decades. At least 30 people are believed to have been killed, according to The Associated Press. Thousands more were detained, though most have since been released.
After violently quelling the protests, the junta came under increased international pressure to work toward political reconciliation and quickly return to democracy. At least 30 people died in the crackdown, according to a U.N. estimate.
The country's most prominent human rights activist, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been held in varying degrees of detention for 12 of the past 18 years. A Nobel peace Prize winner, Suu Kyi remains under house arrest.
Her National League for Democracy won the country's first free multiparty elections in 1990 -- the first in 30 years -- but the military junta refused to hand over power.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, when the army brutally put down earlier pro-democracy demonstrations.
State-run media from Myanmar -- also known as Burma -- reported Saturday that decrees issued by the regime said the constitutional referendum was the fourth step of a "seven-step road map to democracy." It said the 2010 elections would choose a representative government to replace the military junta.
The Irrawaddy, an online newspaper published by Burmese exiles, quoted a spokesman of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) as noting that the new constitution was drawn up by a committee chosen by the junta and that opposition groups were left out of the process.
"If the junta only does this kind of one-sided proposal, it will mean the military junta will continue its rule in Burma," Nyan Win told Irrawaddy.
A leader of the 88 Generation Students, an opposition coalition group, questioned how there could be a free and fair referendum since the junta issued a decree in 1996 outlawing any criticism of the national convention.
"That means the Burmese people could face a bloodbath in the future because there is no meaningful resolution in the junta's plans, and there will be mass protests again if the people do not get a real democracy," Tun Myint Aung said.
Myanmar last held multiparty elections in 1990, but the military junta ignored the results. The regime has come under intense international pressure, especially after using force last year to suppress a pro-democracy movement.
The junta last September suppressed the biggest pro-democracy protests in two decades. At least 30 people are believed to have been killed, according to The Associated Press. Thousands more were detained, though most have since been released.
After violently quelling the protests, the junta came under increased international pressure to work toward political reconciliation and quickly return to democracy. At least 30 people died in the crackdown, according to a U.N. estimate.
The country's most prominent human rights activist, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been held in varying degrees of detention for 12 of the past 18 years. A Nobel peace Prize winner, Suu Kyi remains under house arrest.
Her National League for Democracy won the country's first free multiparty elections in 1990 -- the first in 30 years -- but the military junta refused to hand over power.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, when the army brutally put down earlier pro-democracy demonstrations.
Dissidents line up to fight Myanmar constitution
By Ed Cropley
Editing by
Michael Battye and
Alex Richardson
Reuters
February 11, 2008 - MAE SOT, Thailand (Reuters) - A referendum on an army-made constitution in Myanmar will be a "major battlefield" between the junta and a people wanting to be rid of military rule, the country's biggest dissident group said on Monday.
In a statement given to Reuters in the Myanmar-Thai border town of Mae Sot, the "88 Generation Students" -- named after a brutally suppressed 1988 uprising -- called on the former Burma's 53 million people to reject the charter in the May vote.
"The regime is attempting to legalize the military dictatorship with a sham constitution," said the group, whose leaders were jailed in last year's protests.
"This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma."
The army, which has run Myanmar under various guises since 1962, announced the referendum on Saturday, saying it would be followed by "multi-party, democratic elections" two years later.
The elections would be the first since 1990, when opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a huge landslide only to see the generals ignore the result. Suu Kyi has spent most of the interim under house arrest.
The NLD has called the junta's proposal -- part of a seven-step "roadmap to democracy" unveiled in 2003 -- "erratic" and highlighted the irony of announcing an election even before the result of the referendum.
Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner now living in Thailand, said that having been denied any chance of contributing to its creation, the NLD would be forced to reject a charter that appears to yield little ground to civilian rule.
Although not yet completed -- let alone published -- snippets in state-controlled media suggest the army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful figure in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power "in times of emergency".
Bo Kyi said the 88 Generation and, in all probability, the NLD would campaign for a no vote to tell the generals they could not get away with introducing reform on their terms only, to the exclusion of all other points of view.
"The main thing we want is to work together to solve the problems. We need dialogue. We want dialogue," he said. "We can conduct a campaign very easily. People who want change will help us."
UNDERGROUND "NO" CAMPAIGN
The timing of the announcement is particularly ironic given the generals' unrelenting crackdown on dissent in the wake of September's monk-led pro-democracy demonstrations which evolved from small protests against massive fuel price increases.
"If they are truly committed to democratic change, then they should create a democratic environment -- allow freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and freedom for all political prisoners," Bo Kyi said.
Given the constraints of campaigning in one of the world's most repressive states, most of the work will be done by word of mouth, distribution of leaflets and CDs, and dissident radio and television, he added.
According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), nearly 700 people are still in detention as a result of the crackdown, in which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed.
The whereabouts of around 300 prisoners are known, Bo Kyi said, but the others have simply disappeared into the Myanmar gulag. Rumors abound of internment camps on remote tropical islands in the Andaman Sea or the swamps of the Irrawaddy delta.
"If they are in prison, at least we know where they are. If they are in a secret place, they could be being tortured or even killed," Bo Kyi said.
Editing by
Michael Battye and
Alex Richardson
Reuters
February 11, 2008 - MAE SOT, Thailand (Reuters) - A referendum on an army-made constitution in Myanmar will be a "major battlefield" between the junta and a people wanting to be rid of military rule, the country's biggest dissident group said on Monday.
In a statement given to Reuters in the Myanmar-Thai border town of Mae Sot, the "88 Generation Students" -- named after a brutally suppressed 1988 uprising -- called on the former Burma's 53 million people to reject the charter in the May vote.
"The regime is attempting to legalize the military dictatorship with a sham constitution," said the group, whose leaders were jailed in last year's protests.
"This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma."
The army, which has run Myanmar under various guises since 1962, announced the referendum on Saturday, saying it would be followed by "multi-party, democratic elections" two years later.
The elections would be the first since 1990, when opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a huge landslide only to see the generals ignore the result. Suu Kyi has spent most of the interim under house arrest.
The NLD has called the junta's proposal -- part of a seven-step "roadmap to democracy" unveiled in 2003 -- "erratic" and highlighted the irony of announcing an election even before the result of the referendum.
Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner now living in Thailand, said that having been denied any chance of contributing to its creation, the NLD would be forced to reject a charter that appears to yield little ground to civilian rule.
Although not yet completed -- let alone published -- snippets in state-controlled media suggest the army commander-in-chief will be the most powerful figure in the country, able to appoint key ministers and assume power "in times of emergency".
Bo Kyi said the 88 Generation and, in all probability, the NLD would campaign for a no vote to tell the generals they could not get away with introducing reform on their terms only, to the exclusion of all other points of view.
"The main thing we want is to work together to solve the problems. We need dialogue. We want dialogue," he said. "We can conduct a campaign very easily. People who want change will help us."
UNDERGROUND "NO" CAMPAIGN
The timing of the announcement is particularly ironic given the generals' unrelenting crackdown on dissent in the wake of September's monk-led pro-democracy demonstrations which evolved from small protests against massive fuel price increases.
"If they are truly committed to democratic change, then they should create a democratic environment -- allow freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and freedom for all political prisoners," Bo Kyi said.
Given the constraints of campaigning in one of the world's most repressive states, most of the work will be done by word of mouth, distribution of leaflets and CDs, and dissident radio and television, he added.
According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), nearly 700 people are still in detention as a result of the crackdown, in which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed.
The whereabouts of around 300 prisoners are known, Bo Kyi said, but the others have simply disappeared into the Myanmar gulag. Rumors abound of internment camps on remote tropical islands in the Andaman Sea or the swamps of the Irrawaddy delta.
"If they are in prison, at least we know where they are. If they are in a secret place, they could be being tortured or even killed," Bo Kyi said.
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