By VIOLET CHO
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - Burma’s Karen National Progressive Party (KNPP) on Tuesday challenged a UN report claiming its armed wing, the Karenni Army, is recruiting child soldiers.
The Karenni Army was among nine non-state groups named in a special report by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon deploring “grave violations” of children’s rights in Burma.
The KNNP issued a press statement claiming the report lacked credibility and calling on Ban Ki-moon to remove the Karenni Army from the list. The statement charged that the UN had failed to ascertain the situation on the ground before writing the report.
The KNPP said it had invited representatives from UNICEF and other UN agencies to visit areas controlled by the Karenni Army and assess the situation on the ground, but had received no response.
The KNPP declared that it had a commitment to adhere to international conventions against the use of child soldiers. It said it had worked hard to eliminate the recruitment of young people into its forces.
KNNP Vice-Secretary Khu Oo Reh said the UN report was biased and lacked “fairness.” There was no justification for the inclusion of the Karenni Army, he said.
The UN report listed nine non-state groups accused of recruiting child soldiers: the United Wa State Army, the Karen National Liberation Army, the Karenni Army, the Kachin Independence Army, the Karenni National Liberation Front, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, the Shan State Army-South, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance and the Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council. The Burmese Army was also accused of recruiting child soldiers.
A Human Rights Watch (HRW) report issued in October 2007 said the Karenni Army had indeed stopped recruiting children, and recommended its removal from the UN list. The HRW report also noted that the Karen National Liberation Arm had taken steps to end the recruitment of children.
However, the HRW report said that children were still serving in other ethnic armies and in the Burmese army. Children as young as 10 were recruited by force into Burma’s army, it charged, quoting former soldiers who said that in many military training camps, children made up more than 30 percent of new recruits.
Wednesday, 13 February 2008
Junta Tightens Passports for NGO Staff
By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - The Burmese regime appears to be tightening access to passports for Burmese staff members of international non-governmental organizations, according to Rangoon sources.
Burmese staff members with UN organizations and international NGOs who have applied for a passport renewal at the passport office, which is under the Ministry of Home Affairs, report longer than usual delays and other problems, sources told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
A Burmese passport is only valid for six months after the date of issue, according to information on the passport office Web site. If it is not used within six months, it must be renewed for another six months.
If the bearer cannot depart within the second six-month period, they must apply for a new passport from the very beginning.
The passport office has told some Burmese staff of international NGOs that their passports could be seized if they return home from a foreign trip. The passport office is also refusing to issue passports to some Burmese staffers, according to sources who asked for anonymity.
“The office said that if a staffer wants to travel abroad, they should apply for a passport three months in advance,” said one source.
“Officials at the office said the restrictions were ordered by Maj-Gen Maung Oo, the minister of home affairs,” she said.
A Burmese staff member with a UN organization said many of his colleagues have been waiting for a passport renewal for months.
“I think all Burmese working for UN organizations have been affected by the tighter regulations,” he said.
“They [the passport office] said ‘if you want to go again, you have to apply for a passport again,’” he said. “I am not sure whether they will issue a new passport to me again or not.”
One source said a passport renewal usually took about ten days.
“But now some staff at my NGO have waited for more than two months,” she said. “But there’s been no response. The passport office told us there is some problem. But they do not give any details.”
The passport of one NGO worker, the husband of a Burmese staff member at the US embassy, was recently seized by authorities at Rangoon’s Mingaladon International Airport when he returned from abroad, said a source.
The Myanmar Passport Issuing Office was not available for comment when contacted by The Irrawaddy. The office is run by the Police Special Branch, which handles intelligence.
Meanwhile, since late 2007, the junta has also tightened visa regulations on Western diplomats, their family members and NGO employees working in Burma.
In some cases, the regime has refused to renew or extend visas for some staff of Western embassies and their family members.
Foreign NGO workers traveling to project sites in the country must have a special permit from authorities, according to a junta decree regulating NGOs.
In 2005, the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria cancelled its program in Burma, saying the travel regulations prevented it from accomplishing its mission.
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - The Burmese regime appears to be tightening access to passports for Burmese staff members of international non-governmental organizations, according to Rangoon sources.
Burmese staff members with UN organizations and international NGOs who have applied for a passport renewal at the passport office, which is under the Ministry of Home Affairs, report longer than usual delays and other problems, sources told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
A Burmese passport is only valid for six months after the date of issue, according to information on the passport office Web site. If it is not used within six months, it must be renewed for another six months.
If the bearer cannot depart within the second six-month period, they must apply for a new passport from the very beginning.
The passport office has told some Burmese staff of international NGOs that their passports could be seized if they return home from a foreign trip. The passport office is also refusing to issue passports to some Burmese staffers, according to sources who asked for anonymity.
“The office said that if a staffer wants to travel abroad, they should apply for a passport three months in advance,” said one source.
“Officials at the office said the restrictions were ordered by Maj-Gen Maung Oo, the minister of home affairs,” she said.
A Burmese staff member with a UN organization said many of his colleagues have been waiting for a passport renewal for months.
“I think all Burmese working for UN organizations have been affected by the tighter regulations,” he said.
“They [the passport office] said ‘if you want to go again, you have to apply for a passport again,’” he said. “I am not sure whether they will issue a new passport to me again or not.”
One source said a passport renewal usually took about ten days.
“But now some staff at my NGO have waited for more than two months,” she said. “But there’s been no response. The passport office told us there is some problem. But they do not give any details.”
The passport of one NGO worker, the husband of a Burmese staff member at the US embassy, was recently seized by authorities at Rangoon’s Mingaladon International Airport when he returned from abroad, said a source.
The Myanmar Passport Issuing Office was not available for comment when contacted by The Irrawaddy. The office is run by the Police Special Branch, which handles intelligence.
Meanwhile, since late 2007, the junta has also tightened visa regulations on Western diplomats, their family members and NGO employees working in Burma.
In some cases, the regime has refused to renew or extend visas for some staff of Western embassies and their family members.
Foreign NGO workers traveling to project sites in the country must have a special permit from authorities, according to a junta decree regulating NGOs.
In 2005, the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria cancelled its program in Burma, saying the travel regulations prevented it from accomplishing its mission.
Burmese Ethnic Groups Call for another Panglong Agreement
By AYE LAE
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - On the 61st anniversary of its signing, various ethnic leaders in Burma have called for another Panglong Agreement to help achieve a federal democratic system in the country.
“We want a conference such as in Panglong, but involving all the ethnic groups working together for peace,” Nai ong Ma-Nge, a spokesperson for the New Mon State Party said.
February 12 is Union Day in Burma, a date that commemorates the 1947 signing of the Panglong Agreement between the central government, led by Bogyoke Aung San, and various ethnic groups, to set up an independent state after British colonial rule.
The conference was held in Panglong town in Shan State, and was attended by members of the Executive Council of the Governor of Burma, representatives of Shan State, the Kachin hills and the Chin hills.
However, the ethnic groups felt that the constitution in 1948 failed to guarantee equal rights and self-determination as agreed upon at Panglong, and took up arms against the central government.
“We have wasted so much time,” said Mahn Sha, general secretary of the Karen National Union (KNU). “In the past 61 years, nothing has changed for us. We have been broken apart by the divide and rule policy of the authoritarian government.”
Since the failure of the Panglong Agreement, the country has been embroiled in a civil war. The current military government has negotiated ceasefire arrangements with some armed groups.
Some significant ceasefires have been agreed in recent years, such as with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Shan State Army North (SSA-N). However, there are non-ceasefire groups who are still fighting, albeit on a small scale and only sporadically in localized areas. These include the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the Karenni Army (KA), Karenni Nationalities People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), the Shan State Army South (SSA-S) and the Shan State National Army (SSNA).
“We know the Burmese government would fear us if we were able to unite, as it would then give us more negotiating rights,” Shan State Army South leader Col Yod Serk told the English language daily Bangkok Post.
“No conditions would be set for the talks until all sides agree to a dialogue,” the report quoted Yod Serk as saying. “The goal is to get everyone on board, shake hands or clink glasses. That would be a hopeful beginning”.
However, Burma’s ethnic armed groups have a history lacking unity in the fight to overthrow the Burmese military rulers. Some ethnic leaders agree that unity within the various ethnic groups is weak and needs to be stronger.
A Rangoon-based ethnic politician, Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP), said, “We all know that the military government doesn't to us to unify. If we recognize what our weak points are, we could find a way to achieve unity among the ethnic groups.”
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
February 12, 2008 - On the 61st anniversary of its signing, various ethnic leaders in Burma have called for another Panglong Agreement to help achieve a federal democratic system in the country.
“We want a conference such as in Panglong, but involving all the ethnic groups working together for peace,” Nai ong Ma-Nge, a spokesperson for the New Mon State Party said.
February 12 is Union Day in Burma, a date that commemorates the 1947 signing of the Panglong Agreement between the central government, led by Bogyoke Aung San, and various ethnic groups, to set up an independent state after British colonial rule.
The conference was held in Panglong town in Shan State, and was attended by members of the Executive Council of the Governor of Burma, representatives of Shan State, the Kachin hills and the Chin hills.
However, the ethnic groups felt that the constitution in 1948 failed to guarantee equal rights and self-determination as agreed upon at Panglong, and took up arms against the central government.
“We have wasted so much time,” said Mahn Sha, general secretary of the Karen National Union (KNU). “In the past 61 years, nothing has changed for us. We have been broken apart by the divide and rule policy of the authoritarian government.”
Since the failure of the Panglong Agreement, the country has been embroiled in a civil war. The current military government has negotiated ceasefire arrangements with some armed groups.
Some significant ceasefires have been agreed in recent years, such as with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Shan State Army North (SSA-N). However, there are non-ceasefire groups who are still fighting, albeit on a small scale and only sporadically in localized areas. These include the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the Karenni Army (KA), Karenni Nationalities People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), the Shan State Army South (SSA-S) and the Shan State National Army (SSNA).
“We know the Burmese government would fear us if we were able to unite, as it would then give us more negotiating rights,” Shan State Army South leader Col Yod Serk told the English language daily Bangkok Post.
“No conditions would be set for the talks until all sides agree to a dialogue,” the report quoted Yod Serk as saying. “The goal is to get everyone on board, shake hands or clink glasses. That would be a hopeful beginning”.
However, Burma’s ethnic armed groups have a history lacking unity in the fight to overthrow the Burmese military rulers. Some ethnic leaders agree that unity within the various ethnic groups is weak and needs to be stronger.
A Rangoon-based ethnic politician, Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP), said, “We all know that the military government doesn't to us to unify. If we recognize what our weak points are, we could find a way to achieve unity among the ethnic groups.”
Burma vote pledge spurs hope and anger
Amy Kazmin in Bangkok
FT Com
February 12, 2008 - For many of Burma’s 55m people, their military rulers’ weekend declaration of a national referendum on a new constitution came as a big shock.
Just a few months ago, the junta made a high-profile start to talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s Nobel Prize-winning opposition leader and democracy campaigner, ostensibly for a dialogue on Burma’s political future.
But the regime’s decision to push through a controversial military-sponsored charter has been taken as a clear signal of its unwillingness to compromise with the democratic opposition and with ethnic minorities on substantial political issues.
Under the new constitution, 25 per cent of the seats in a new parliament would be reserved for military appointees, the army chief would choose some key ministers, and the army could seize power in a state of emergency. Ethnic minorities have complained that the draft charter does not give them sufficient local autonomy.
Still, for some Burmese, accepting the charter – in spite of its flaws – is the only realistic hope of altering the increasingly unbearable status quo of unchecked military power.
“There is no alternative,” said Ma Theingi, a Rangoon-based writer who once served as Ms Suu Kyi’s personal assistant but disagreed with her stand on economic sanctions. “At least after this is done we can step forward to elections.”
“However big a role the military has in the constitution in the future, now they have 100 per cent power,” she said. “You can’t expect perfection at a stroke. There can be amendments later – it’s not like we have to live with this for the next 100 years.”
She said she also feared that “if people refuse the smallest change, we have to go back to square one”.
Opposition activists, however, are already calling on the Burmese to reject what they call a charter to “legalise the military dictatorship”, although they admit that campaigning will be tough, given that dissident leaders are imprisoned or on the run amid a harsh crackdown on dissent.
“This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma,” the 88 Generation Students group said, adding that the referendum would be a “major battlefield” in the struggle with the regime.
In an interview from his hiding place, Soe Htun, a member of the group, told the Financial Times: “This sham constitution is not for our people’s sake but for the army and their relatives. We have to organise people to reject it. It’s difficult but we have to try within the two months.”
Exiled dissidents also said they were gearing up to campaign against the charter, using radio, leaflets, CDs and other channels that bypass heavily-censored state-controlled media.
“This one-sided constitution is not the right thing,” said Nyo Ohn Myint, an exiled member of Ms Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, which won a landslide 1990 election victory but was barred from taking power. “If [the] military win, it will be more legitimacy for them.”
Inside Burma, the NLD has so far reacted cautiously to the referendum. With Ms Suu Kyi under house arrest, the party’s elderly acting leaders have been wary of any overt moves that could result in the party being banned, or in exclusion from future elections.
Nyo Ohn Myint believes the NLD leaders will soon take a public stand against the charter. “This is do or die,” he said. Yet like other Burmese, he conceded that even if the campaign to mobilise voters were successful, it could prove a pyrrhic victory. “If the referendum fails, the generals will keep power longer.”
FT Com
February 12, 2008 - For many of Burma’s 55m people, their military rulers’ weekend declaration of a national referendum on a new constitution came as a big shock.
Just a few months ago, the junta made a high-profile start to talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s Nobel Prize-winning opposition leader and democracy campaigner, ostensibly for a dialogue on Burma’s political future.
But the regime’s decision to push through a controversial military-sponsored charter has been taken as a clear signal of its unwillingness to compromise with the democratic opposition and with ethnic minorities on substantial political issues.
Under the new constitution, 25 per cent of the seats in a new parliament would be reserved for military appointees, the army chief would choose some key ministers, and the army could seize power in a state of emergency. Ethnic minorities have complained that the draft charter does not give them sufficient local autonomy.
Still, for some Burmese, accepting the charter – in spite of its flaws – is the only realistic hope of altering the increasingly unbearable status quo of unchecked military power.
“There is no alternative,” said Ma Theingi, a Rangoon-based writer who once served as Ms Suu Kyi’s personal assistant but disagreed with her stand on economic sanctions. “At least after this is done we can step forward to elections.”
“However big a role the military has in the constitution in the future, now they have 100 per cent power,” she said. “You can’t expect perfection at a stroke. There can be amendments later – it’s not like we have to live with this for the next 100 years.”
She said she also feared that “if people refuse the smallest change, we have to go back to square one”.
Opposition activists, however, are already calling on the Burmese to reject what they call a charter to “legalise the military dictatorship”, although they admit that campaigning will be tough, given that dissident leaders are imprisoned or on the run amid a harsh crackdown on dissent.
“This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of Burma,” the 88 Generation Students group said, adding that the referendum would be a “major battlefield” in the struggle with the regime.
In an interview from his hiding place, Soe Htun, a member of the group, told the Financial Times: “This sham constitution is not for our people’s sake but for the army and their relatives. We have to organise people to reject it. It’s difficult but we have to try within the two months.”
Exiled dissidents also said they were gearing up to campaign against the charter, using radio, leaflets, CDs and other channels that bypass heavily-censored state-controlled media.
“This one-sided constitution is not the right thing,” said Nyo Ohn Myint, an exiled member of Ms Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, which won a landslide 1990 election victory but was barred from taking power. “If [the] military win, it will be more legitimacy for them.”
Inside Burma, the NLD has so far reacted cautiously to the referendum. With Ms Suu Kyi under house arrest, the party’s elderly acting leaders have been wary of any overt moves that could result in the party being banned, or in exclusion from future elections.
Nyo Ohn Myint believes the NLD leaders will soon take a public stand against the charter. “This is do or die,” he said. Yet like other Burmese, he conceded that even if the campaign to mobilise voters were successful, it could prove a pyrrhic victory. “If the referendum fails, the generals will keep power longer.”
Aung San Suu Kyi's party calls for 'fair political climate' in Myanmar
By Hla Hla Htay
AFP - Yahoo
February 12, 2008, YANGON (AFP) - Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy on Tuesday urged the military government to create a "fair political climate," after the regime announced a constitutional referendum for May.
The party did not directly mention the junta's plans for a referendum, which is meant to clear the way for elections in 2010, but repeated its long-standing call for a dialogue with the junta on national reconciliation.
"The (junta) has the main responsibility to realise national reconciliation, which is essential for the country," the party said in a statement, read out by senior member Than Tun.
"Moreover, it also has the responsibility to create a fair political climate and environment," the statement added.
The party also repeated its call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest, as well as her deputy Tin Oo and 1,800 other political prisoners believed held in the country.
Tin Oo is also under house arrest, and the military is expected to announce an extension of his confinement this week.
The party released the statement at its headquarters in Yangon to mark Union Day, which commemorates a declaration of unity among Myanmar's many ethnic groups during the struggle for independence from Britain.
The military held a ceremony for the holiday at its remote capital Naypyidaw in central Myanmar, but junta leader Than Shwe did not attend.
The 74-year-old military supremo, whose health is believed to be weakening, is rarely seen in public. He also missed celebrations last month marking the 60th anniversary of independence.
A statement from Than Shwe was read out during the nationally televised ceremony, accusing western countries of using sanctions to derail the military's "road map" to democracy.
The United States, which last week tightened sanctions against the regime, denounced the junta's election time table as a "sham" vote that makes a mockery of global calls for democratic reforms.
"They are imposing sanctions against the nation to create a large-scale disruption to national progress," Than Shwe said in the statement.
The regime's foes are "driving a wedge among national races, misleading the people, and aiding and abetting anti-government groups to weaken and break up the union," it said.
Than Shwe's statement also said that the people of Myanmar were "pursuing the state's seven-step road map ... for a transition to a modern, developed democratic nation with flourishing discipline."
If held, the proposed elections would be the first since 1990, when Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory that was ignored by the junta.
The regime announced its timetable for elections amid mounting international pressure over its crackdown on peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks in September, when the United Nations says at least 31 were killed.
But the generals have ignored calls to free Aung San Suu Kyi and open a political dialogue, instead sticking to their own "road map" plan, which critics say will enshrine the military's rule.
AFP - Yahoo
February 12, 2008, YANGON (AFP) - Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy on Tuesday urged the military government to create a "fair political climate," after the regime announced a constitutional referendum for May.
The party did not directly mention the junta's plans for a referendum, which is meant to clear the way for elections in 2010, but repeated its long-standing call for a dialogue with the junta on national reconciliation.
"The (junta) has the main responsibility to realise national reconciliation, which is essential for the country," the party said in a statement, read out by senior member Than Tun.
"Moreover, it also has the responsibility to create a fair political climate and environment," the statement added.
The party also repeated its call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest, as well as her deputy Tin Oo and 1,800 other political prisoners believed held in the country.
Tin Oo is also under house arrest, and the military is expected to announce an extension of his confinement this week.
The party released the statement at its headquarters in Yangon to mark Union Day, which commemorates a declaration of unity among Myanmar's many ethnic groups during the struggle for independence from Britain.
The military held a ceremony for the holiday at its remote capital Naypyidaw in central Myanmar, but junta leader Than Shwe did not attend.
The 74-year-old military supremo, whose health is believed to be weakening, is rarely seen in public. He also missed celebrations last month marking the 60th anniversary of independence.
A statement from Than Shwe was read out during the nationally televised ceremony, accusing western countries of using sanctions to derail the military's "road map" to democracy.
The United States, which last week tightened sanctions against the regime, denounced the junta's election time table as a "sham" vote that makes a mockery of global calls for democratic reforms.
"They are imposing sanctions against the nation to create a large-scale disruption to national progress," Than Shwe said in the statement.
The regime's foes are "driving a wedge among national races, misleading the people, and aiding and abetting anti-government groups to weaken and break up the union," it said.
Than Shwe's statement also said that the people of Myanmar were "pursuing the state's seven-step road map ... for a transition to a modern, developed democratic nation with flourishing discipline."
If held, the proposed elections would be the first since 1990, when Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory that was ignored by the junta.
The regime announced its timetable for elections amid mounting international pressure over its crackdown on peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks in September, when the United Nations says at least 31 were killed.
But the generals have ignored calls to free Aung San Suu Kyi and open a political dialogue, instead sticking to their own "road map" plan, which critics say will enshrine the military's rule.
Alliance Myanmar recognises four community members with leadership awards
Original Source: International HIV/AIDS Alliance - UK
International HIV/AIDS Alliance
Website: http://www.aidsalliance.org
Source: Alert Net
February 12, 2008 - Four community members were presented with leadership awards for their dedication to civil society and the HIV response at a partners' forum organised by Alliance Myanmar in November 2007. The four were chosen as examples of this year's World AIDS Day theme as they have 'taken the lead' in their communities. In honouring them, the Alliance hopes to inspire others in the community to expand their work and to show examples of how people have learnt to work effectively in the Myanmar context.
Alliance Myanmar organised the forum for its 31 community-based partner organisations to discuss their work and look at ways to forge ahead.
One of the key messages coming out of the forum was that community-based organisations are adept at finding strategies to overcome the challenges they face in Myanmar, and despite the many operating challenges that civil society faces in Myanmar, there is room for organisations to manoeuvre and grow. One of the reasons for this is that the on-the-ground experiences of their members make them the best advocates to overcome local barriers.
The forum was also a chance to thank those who continue to work with their own community-based organisations, despite the many opportunities their new skills open up to them. Alliance Myanmar emphasised that the four award winners were just a few of the many invaluable community leaders in Myanmar. Through their work, they are inspiring others to take the lead.
Find out more about the leadership award winners, Htay Lwin Oo, Tin Tin Htwe, Thi Ha Kyaing, and Edward Nyein:
Htay Lwin Oo Htay Lwin Oo holds a prominent position in the city of Kyaukpadaung's society as the city's foremost event planner and philanthropist. He has used his influence to support the community of men who have sex with men and has invested his own funds to initiate prevention programmes. The organisation he founded, Mee Ein Shin Lay Myar (Lamp Holders Sharing the Light), provides not only HIV prevention programmes and testing, but also vocational training to help men who have sex with men support themselves. With the limited funds that he has received from the Alliance combined with his own, he founded a beauty salon and catering service to train and employ members of this group. Part of the income generated by these businesses is invested in ongoing HIV support programmes.
Despite discrimination against men who have sex with men, Htay Lwin Oo refuses to deny his sexual identity. He was nominated for a prestigious national award based on his generous donations to pagodas and for religious endeavours. When the committee came to see his contributions, he also showed them the work he had been doing on behalf of men who have sex with men, knowing full well that he could lose the opportunity to receive the award if his sexual identity was revealed. He was not presented with the award after this meeting, but he demonstrated his dedication and perseverance in the face of discrimination. His refusal to turn his back on his community demonstrates his value as a leader.
Tin Tin Htwe Tin Tin Htwe is a peer educator for Mawlamyine's sex worker community and a facilitator for non-governmental organisations working there. She has become the leading contact for international NGOs working with sex workers in Mawlamyine. Her sensitivity to confidentiality has earned her this position and helped her establish a strong network among sex workers.
Through her work with Mahaythi Myitta Shin (Loving Kindness for Women), Tin Tin Htwe has helped the NGO community to reach sex workers and enabled sex workers to share their experiences more easily with NGOs. It is difficult for outsiders to understand the circumstances of a sex worker's life, including the constant threat of harassment by authorities or the inability to have a 9 to 5 work schedule. This misunderstanding has hampered some of the outreach programmes there. Tin Tin Htwe, however, knows the intricacies of her work, both as a sex worker and peer educator. By taking the initiative to explain the reality of a sex worker's life, she has corrected unrealistic expectations of organisations, allowing them to better serve the community. She has also convinced other sex workers of the benefits of these programmes and to participate without any material compensation. The key quality that she possesses is her trustworthiness. She has established herself as a reliable voice for all sides and because of this has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader. has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader.
Thi Ha Kyaing Thi Ha Kyaing is one of the founders of the Yangon-based HIV positive support group, Phoenix. He learnt he was HIV positive in 2000 as he was completing medical examinations for a sailor position.
Many in Myanmar believe that HIV is a death sentence, but not Thi Ha Kyaing. This became his calling, a re-birth. After trying unsuccessfully to treat himself with traditional medicines, he returned to the Médecins Sans Frontières - Holland (AZG) clinic to receive treatment in 2004. Unfortunately, the clinic was unable to give Thi Ha Kyaing free treatment because he lived in a different district. In order to help offset his costs, AZG hired him to work as a lab assistant.
After looking into it, Thi Ha Kyaing found there was a great need for programming for people living with HIV. He had always had family support, but his research made him realise that this support network did not exist for many of those living with HIV. As a result he founded Phoenix.
Phoenix's social project rebuilt 60 houses in 2007, provided funds for school fees and funerals, and trained caretakers who are required for HIV positive people to be admitted for treatment in the hospitals here. Phoenix was the first group to provide care in hospitals and the success of the programme has prompted other groups to provide the service as well. The group also has a garment workshop and has provided small loans for people to start their own businesses. Thi Ha Kyaing has planned for the future by securing private funding for the organisation through fundraising activities like donation boxes at the Summit Parkview, one of Yangon's premiere hotels.
One of Thi Ha Kyaing's beliefs is that there are very many HIV positive people who are great leaders and have great ideas but they are afraid to come out because of their status. He is trying to change that by making sure others are participating in his programmes and encouraging them to act on their ideas. He works to actively involve the whole group in decision-making, instead of choosing on behalf of the group. It is this inclusive decision-making process and his dedication to the community of people living with HIV that prompted the Alliance to recognize him with a leadership award.
Edward Nyein In Pyay, Edward Nyein works as the care and support project manager for Karuna, a Catholic faith-based organisation. Working through a religious organisation can present many challenges, especially when working with sex workers or men who have sex with men. Edward Nyein has found a way to work around that. He has organised the church as a venue for NGOs working with these communities, providing them shelter from outside scrutiny.
The first project he took on involved care and support for people living with HIV. His potential as a leader quickly became evident and it was decided that the programme would expand to include educating sex workers. Edward agreed despite knowing that the church might not be comfortable with the approach. He was able to convince the leaders that the programme was needed and also was able to find a way for condoms to be distributed to the sex workers. He has learnt how to effectively negotiate terms and conditions so that Karuna can continue to produce positive results and expand the vision of those around him.
Through this work, he has played a critical role in training sex workers to be peer educators in the community. He has also advocated on their behalf with local police and lawyers. This can be a very risky role for someone linked with the church, but Edward Nyein has found a way to work with all these communities, maintain his good reputation, and stay within the limitations set up by the tenets of his religion.
[ Any views expressed in this article are those of the writer and not of Reuters. ]
International HIV/AIDS Alliance
Website: http://www.aidsalliance.org
Source: Alert Net
February 12, 2008 - Four community members were presented with leadership awards for their dedication to civil society and the HIV response at a partners' forum organised by Alliance Myanmar in November 2007. The four were chosen as examples of this year's World AIDS Day theme as they have 'taken the lead' in their communities. In honouring them, the Alliance hopes to inspire others in the community to expand their work and to show examples of how people have learnt to work effectively in the Myanmar context.
Alliance Myanmar organised the forum for its 31 community-based partner organisations to discuss their work and look at ways to forge ahead.
One of the key messages coming out of the forum was that community-based organisations are adept at finding strategies to overcome the challenges they face in Myanmar, and despite the many operating challenges that civil society faces in Myanmar, there is room for organisations to manoeuvre and grow. One of the reasons for this is that the on-the-ground experiences of their members make them the best advocates to overcome local barriers.
The forum was also a chance to thank those who continue to work with their own community-based organisations, despite the many opportunities their new skills open up to them. Alliance Myanmar emphasised that the four award winners were just a few of the many invaluable community leaders in Myanmar. Through their work, they are inspiring others to take the lead.
Find out more about the leadership award winners, Htay Lwin Oo, Tin Tin Htwe, Thi Ha Kyaing, and Edward Nyein:
Htay Lwin Oo Htay Lwin Oo holds a prominent position in the city of Kyaukpadaung's society as the city's foremost event planner and philanthropist. He has used his influence to support the community of men who have sex with men and has invested his own funds to initiate prevention programmes. The organisation he founded, Mee Ein Shin Lay Myar (Lamp Holders Sharing the Light), provides not only HIV prevention programmes and testing, but also vocational training to help men who have sex with men support themselves. With the limited funds that he has received from the Alliance combined with his own, he founded a beauty salon and catering service to train and employ members of this group. Part of the income generated by these businesses is invested in ongoing HIV support programmes.
Despite discrimination against men who have sex with men, Htay Lwin Oo refuses to deny his sexual identity. He was nominated for a prestigious national award based on his generous donations to pagodas and for religious endeavours. When the committee came to see his contributions, he also showed them the work he had been doing on behalf of men who have sex with men, knowing full well that he could lose the opportunity to receive the award if his sexual identity was revealed. He was not presented with the award after this meeting, but he demonstrated his dedication and perseverance in the face of discrimination. His refusal to turn his back on his community demonstrates his value as a leader.
Tin Tin Htwe Tin Tin Htwe is a peer educator for Mawlamyine's sex worker community and a facilitator for non-governmental organisations working there. She has become the leading contact for international NGOs working with sex workers in Mawlamyine. Her sensitivity to confidentiality has earned her this position and helped her establish a strong network among sex workers.
Through her work with Mahaythi Myitta Shin (Loving Kindness for Women), Tin Tin Htwe has helped the NGO community to reach sex workers and enabled sex workers to share their experiences more easily with NGOs. It is difficult for outsiders to understand the circumstances of a sex worker's life, including the constant threat of harassment by authorities or the inability to have a 9 to 5 work schedule. This misunderstanding has hampered some of the outreach programmes there. Tin Tin Htwe, however, knows the intricacies of her work, both as a sex worker and peer educator. By taking the initiative to explain the reality of a sex worker's life, she has corrected unrealistic expectations of organisations, allowing them to better serve the community. She has also convinced other sex workers of the benefits of these programmes and to participate without any material compensation. The key quality that she possesses is her trustworthiness. She has established herself as a reliable voice for all sides and because of this has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader. has been able to shape the programmes aimed at sex workers into more efficient models for her community, making her a true leader.
Thi Ha Kyaing Thi Ha Kyaing is one of the founders of the Yangon-based HIV positive support group, Phoenix. He learnt he was HIV positive in 2000 as he was completing medical examinations for a sailor position.
Many in Myanmar believe that HIV is a death sentence, but not Thi Ha Kyaing. This became his calling, a re-birth. After trying unsuccessfully to treat himself with traditional medicines, he returned to the Médecins Sans Frontières - Holland (AZG) clinic to receive treatment in 2004. Unfortunately, the clinic was unable to give Thi Ha Kyaing free treatment because he lived in a different district. In order to help offset his costs, AZG hired him to work as a lab assistant.
After looking into it, Thi Ha Kyaing found there was a great need for programming for people living with HIV. He had always had family support, but his research made him realise that this support network did not exist for many of those living with HIV. As a result he founded Phoenix.
Phoenix's social project rebuilt 60 houses in 2007, provided funds for school fees and funerals, and trained caretakers who are required for HIV positive people to be admitted for treatment in the hospitals here. Phoenix was the first group to provide care in hospitals and the success of the programme has prompted other groups to provide the service as well. The group also has a garment workshop and has provided small loans for people to start their own businesses. Thi Ha Kyaing has planned for the future by securing private funding for the organisation through fundraising activities like donation boxes at the Summit Parkview, one of Yangon's premiere hotels.
One of Thi Ha Kyaing's beliefs is that there are very many HIV positive people who are great leaders and have great ideas but they are afraid to come out because of their status. He is trying to change that by making sure others are participating in his programmes and encouraging them to act on their ideas. He works to actively involve the whole group in decision-making, instead of choosing on behalf of the group. It is this inclusive decision-making process and his dedication to the community of people living with HIV that prompted the Alliance to recognize him with a leadership award.
Edward Nyein In Pyay, Edward Nyein works as the care and support project manager for Karuna, a Catholic faith-based organisation. Working through a religious organisation can present many challenges, especially when working with sex workers or men who have sex with men. Edward Nyein has found a way to work around that. He has organised the church as a venue for NGOs working with these communities, providing them shelter from outside scrutiny.
The first project he took on involved care and support for people living with HIV. His potential as a leader quickly became evident and it was decided that the programme would expand to include educating sex workers. Edward agreed despite knowing that the church might not be comfortable with the approach. He was able to convince the leaders that the programme was needed and also was able to find a way for condoms to be distributed to the sex workers. He has learnt how to effectively negotiate terms and conditions so that Karuna can continue to produce positive results and expand the vision of those around him.
Through this work, he has played a critical role in training sex workers to be peer educators in the community. He has also advocated on their behalf with local police and lawyers. This can be a very risky role for someone linked with the church, but Edward Nyein has found a way to work with all these communities, maintain his good reputation, and stay within the limitations set up by the tenets of his religion.
[ Any views expressed in this article are those of the writer and not of Reuters. ]
HRW To Myanmar: End Repression Before Referendum
February 12, 2008, (Nasdaq-RTTNews) - A prominent human rights watchdog has called upon Myanmar to end its repression of pro-democracy activists and allow a public debate - that should include members of opposition political parties and ethnic minority groups - on a proposed constitution before holding a referendum in May.
The referendum on a new constitution "should be conducted in an atmosphere of freedom and respect for basic rights, and not as a hollow exercise in the military's sham political reform process," Human Rights Watch said Tuesday in a statement.
The statement further says that a full and free public debate that entails freedom for the media to report and discuss the draft, as well as freedom of expression, association, and assembly for citizens to meet, debate, and criticize the draft, will also be necessary.
Additionally, it says to be free and fair, the referendum must be administered by a neutral election commission.
The US-based rights group's calls to Myanmar's military came after the later announced Saturday it would hold a referendum in May to set the stage for elections in 2010.
The human rights watchdog said the May referendum lacks credibility due to the absence of open dialogue between the government and opposition groups, most of whose leaders are in jail.
The group's Asia director, Brad Adams said: "The question is whether Myanmar's military government is willing to change course by allowing public debate and transparent voting in this referendum."
"In light of its massive crackdown on protests last year, there are no signs that the government believes in openness or debate," he said.
The elections if held as proposed, it would be the first time since 1990 that the democratic process gets under way in the impoverished country. In the 1990 elections democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party, the National League for Democracy or NLD swept to victory, but the military to refuse to accept the result.
The military junta's announcement of the referendum came amidst increasing international pressure on the regime following its bloody crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy protestors in September 2007, which left at least 31 people dead and 74 missing, according to the United Nations.
Human Rights Watch said last month about 100 people died during the September protests, against the 15 deaths reported by the junta.
For comments and feedback: contact editorial@rttnews.com
The referendum on a new constitution "should be conducted in an atmosphere of freedom and respect for basic rights, and not as a hollow exercise in the military's sham political reform process," Human Rights Watch said Tuesday in a statement.
The statement further says that a full and free public debate that entails freedom for the media to report and discuss the draft, as well as freedom of expression, association, and assembly for citizens to meet, debate, and criticize the draft, will also be necessary.
Additionally, it says to be free and fair, the referendum must be administered by a neutral election commission.
The US-based rights group's calls to Myanmar's military came after the later announced Saturday it would hold a referendum in May to set the stage for elections in 2010.
The human rights watchdog said the May referendum lacks credibility due to the absence of open dialogue between the government and opposition groups, most of whose leaders are in jail.
The group's Asia director, Brad Adams said: "The question is whether Myanmar's military government is willing to change course by allowing public debate and transparent voting in this referendum."
"In light of its massive crackdown on protests last year, there are no signs that the government believes in openness or debate," he said.
The elections if held as proposed, it would be the first time since 1990 that the democratic process gets under way in the impoverished country. In the 1990 elections democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party, the National League for Democracy or NLD swept to victory, but the military to refuse to accept the result.
The military junta's announcement of the referendum came amidst increasing international pressure on the regime following its bloody crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy protestors in September 2007, which left at least 31 people dead and 74 missing, according to the United Nations.
Human Rights Watch said last month about 100 people died during the September protests, against the 15 deaths reported by the junta.
For comments and feedback: contact editorial@rttnews.com
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