Shah Paung
The Irrawaddy News
www.irrawaddy.org
January 23, 2008
A hospital run by the Burmese military government has stopped providing free medical services to HIV/AIDS sufferers, according to a person living with HIV/AIDS who was directly affected by the decision.
Tin Ko Ko said that HIV/AIDS sufferers who receive treatment at Rangoon Infectious Diseases Hospital—which has for several years provided free medical services, such as blood tests, laboratory analysis and x-rays, to HIV/AIDS sufferers—now have to pay for tests and are charged a “donation fee” to cover their treatment.
Patients who undergo x-rays or blood tests for laboratory analysis must now pay from 3,000 kyat (US $2.3) to 4,000 kyat ($3.1). They also have to put 500 kyat ($0.39) in a donation box, he said.
The Rangoon Infectious Diseases Hospital announced that the new regulations started on January 21, 2008. The hospital said that HIV/AIDS patients would have to pay for services now that the group that previously supported the services had stopped funding.
“On Monday, several HIV/AIDS sufferers broke down in tears because they could not pay for their medical fees,” Tin Ko Ko said. “It clearly shows that the government cannot help HIV/AIDS patients without other supporting organizations.”
He added that most persons living with HIV/AIDS who came to the hospital for testing or treatment could only afford enough for transportation, food and basic living costs.
Tin Ko Ko is one of many HIV/AIDS sufferers who has been under the care of a National League for Democracy-affiliated welfare group. The group was led by well-known HIV/AIDS activist Phyu Phyu Thin, a member of the NLD who is now in hiding.
The welfare group has also been facing difficulties supplying antiretroviral (ARV) drugs to their patients since the September uprising as the military authorities have been hunting down and arresting many of its working members.
The NLD-affiliated group is now taking care of up to 600 people living with HIV/AIDS, including some 200 from other townships, according to Yazar, a volunteer who has now had to take on a leading role within the group since Phyu Phyu Thin went into hiding.
Yazar said that about 30 people are living in their two safe houses in Rangoon. The welfare group is not supported by any other non-government organization—it simply exists on donations from their patients, from NLD members and other private benefactors, such as actors, in the community.
The Rangoon Infectious Diseases Hospital, known locally as Wai Bar Gi, is one of the only hospitals in Burma providing ARV drugs to HIV/AIDS sufferers. No official from the hospital was available to comment to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday.
The AZG clinic, which is funded by the Dutch branch of Médecins sans Frontières, was the only other clinic known to be in a position to provide ARV drugs in Rangoon. However, in early January 2007, the AZG clinic was forced to stop accepting new HIV/AIDS patients due to budget limitations.
According to a World Health Organization report in November 2007, Burma has more than 339,000 people living with HIV/AIDS, one of the worst epidemics in Asia.
Thursday, 24 January 2008
Valentine poem makes hidden swipe at Myanmar junta
AFP - Straits Time
January 24, 2008
YANGON - MILITARY censors in Myanmar have launched an investigation after a Valentine poem in a newspaper contained a hidden message criticising the nation's junta leader, officials at the paper said on Thursday.
The weekly Love Journal, a private paper seen as close to the information ministry, published the brief poem in its latest issue, under a picture of heart-shaped balloons reading 'I Love You.'
The Myanmar-language poem, titled 'February Fourteenth,' reads like a love letter, but the first character in each word spells 'Senior General Than Shwe is power crazy.'
Officials at the paper, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the military's censors had questioned the poet Saw Wai and top editors at the newspaper over the poem, which had apparently slipped past them.
Newspaper vendors said the poem had sparked a rush to buy the paper.
'Many people have been asking for the Love Journal. Normally we are left with many extra copies of the journal to return to the publishing house, but this time it was sold out,' one vendor said in downtown Yangon.
The poem follows a similar stunt in August, when a group of Danish street artists published an advertisement in the Myanmar Times weekly containing a hidden message calling Than Shwe a 'killer.'
Myanmar has been called a 'paradise for censors' by media freedom watchdog Reporters Without Borders. All newspapers must be reviewed by censors before going to press, while the airwaves are under complete military control.
Last week the Myanmar Times was ordered to suspend publication for a week for running a story in its Myanmar-language edition about a massive hike in fees for satellite TV licenses. --
January 24, 2008
YANGON - MILITARY censors in Myanmar have launched an investigation after a Valentine poem in a newspaper contained a hidden message criticising the nation's junta leader, officials at the paper said on Thursday.
The weekly Love Journal, a private paper seen as close to the information ministry, published the brief poem in its latest issue, under a picture of heart-shaped balloons reading 'I Love You.'
The Myanmar-language poem, titled 'February Fourteenth,' reads like a love letter, but the first character in each word spells 'Senior General Than Shwe is power crazy.'
Officials at the paper, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the military's censors had questioned the poet Saw Wai and top editors at the newspaper over the poem, which had apparently slipped past them.
Newspaper vendors said the poem had sparked a rush to buy the paper.
'Many people have been asking for the Love Journal. Normally we are left with many extra copies of the journal to return to the publishing house, but this time it was sold out,' one vendor said in downtown Yangon.
The poem follows a similar stunt in August, when a group of Danish street artists published an advertisement in the Myanmar Times weekly containing a hidden message calling Than Shwe a 'killer.'
Myanmar has been called a 'paradise for censors' by media freedom watchdog Reporters Without Borders. All newspapers must be reviewed by censors before going to press, while the airwaves are under complete military control.
Last week the Myanmar Times was ordered to suspend publication for a week for running a story in its Myanmar-language edition about a massive hike in fees for satellite TV licenses. --
Leader with only date of birth
Central Chronicle
January 24, 2008
Perhaps Subhash Chandra Bose is the only leader worldwide who had a date of birth (Jan 23:, 1897) but no date of death. Even after three Commissions of Enquiry people do not believe that he is no more. Netaji, as he is endearingly addressed, Subhash was an embodiment of rare courage and bravery coupled with a sense of mission to free his motherland from the clutches of the British.
The Justice Mukherjee Commission appointed by the NDA government has submitted its report to the Central Government and after a large number of questions under the Right to Information (RTI) Act, and political pressure, the Government decided to share the full findings, which by and large don't appear to resolve the mystery. There are people who hope that their beloved leader would return to steer the country out of the chaos.
Jawaharlal Nehru was so impressed by Subhash's work in the INA that he wrote a postscript to 'The Discovery of India', on 29 Dec 1945 saying: "The story of INA, formed in Burma and Malaya during the war years, spread suddenly throughout the country and evoked an astonishing enthusiasm - they became the symbol of unity amongst the various religious groups in India for Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Christian were all represented in that army. They had solved the communal problems amongst themselves and so why should we not do so?"
For the past 62-years since the 1945 Taihoku plane crash, the nation has been grappling with the Netaji mystery. How did Subhash die? Where and when did he die? Did he live for some period in exile?
Netaji's daughter Anita Plaff believes her father in all probability perished in the air accident. Anita Plaff, 66, who was in India said "I don't think he survived. Unless some fantastically new evidence comes up, if I look at the data available to me, he did not survive".
She also said, "I have been present at the interviews of some of the survivors of the plane crash, including some Japanese officers and their story sounded quite consistent, credible and reasonable".
Elaborating further Anita said "there are stories circulating that my father is still alive. I do not think so. Yes, he continues to remain alive in the memories of scores of people, but it is impossible to believe that he is living at the age of 111".
Anita has a point, if it is true that he is alive now or was alive for some years after the plane crash, Netaji would have definitely established contact with his homeland and not kept quiet for 62 odd years. The Shah Nawaz Committee (1956) and the Khosla Commission (1972), which probed Netaji's disappearance, had concluded that he died in the plane crash.
Subhash was the most enigmatic leader of our freedom struggle. Beginning his political career with the Congress in the 1920 he was elected its president in 1938. The following year in 1939, Bose contested against and won though Mahatma Gandhi threw his weight behind Dr. Sitaramayya, his lone rival, saying "Pattabhi's defeat is my defeat" Gandhi 's opposition of Bose - fostered doubtless by the latter's strong Leftist leanings forced him to resign from the Congress, and he launched the Forward Bloc.
In 1939, the Second World War broke out. Subhash was arrested in Calcutta in July 1940. In December he went on a hunger strike in the prison as a protest against his continued detention and threatened to fast unto death if he was not released. The Government released him but kept a strict vigil at his house to watch his movements. The whole country was thrilled one morning in January 1941 to hear that Subhash had escaped. He got out of the house in the guise of a Muslim divine at dead of night. He got into a car and 40 miles away from Calcutta boarded a train. The tight Pyjama and a long beard made him look like a Maulvi. He reached Peshawar on Jan 17, 1941 and spent two days there. On Jan 19, he drove out of Peshawar, dressed as a Pathan.
The onward journey to Kabul was done partly on foot and partly in lorry in the guise of a deaf and dumb man. In Kabul he underwent the most excruciating physical and mental agonies before he reached Moscow. From Moscow he flew to Berlin in March 1941, with the assumed name of an Italian. It was nearly a year later that he revealed his presence in Berlin by speaking to his countrymen on German radio with glowing tributes to Gandhiji. In fact it was Subhash that called for the first time Mahatma Gandhi as the Father of Nation.
Subash landed in Singapore on July 2, 1943 and from then on knew no rest. Two days later he took over the leadership of the Indian Independence League and the INA from Rash Behari Bose. Netaji's most extraordinary move was to form a provisional government of Azad Hind on Oct 21, 1943 and to declare war on Britain and America. The Azad Hind Government received recognition from nine sovereign countries soon.
In a broadcast from Rangoon addressed to Mahatma Gandhi seeking his blessings, Netaji said, "Once our enemies are expelled from India and peace and order were established, the mission of the Provisional Government would be over. The only reward that we desire for our efforts, for our suffering and for our sacrifice, is the freedom of our motherland. There are many of us who would like to retire from the political field once India is free".
Such was his vision and thought.
Subhash inculcated in the INA not only courage and bravery but inspired supreme self confidence and fearlessness in the face of odds. The INA soldiers marched mainly on foot. They traversed the whole distance of 1100 miles separating Singapore from the Imphal front on foot. There were occasions when Subhash himself walked for miles. There were no fixed scales of pay. Everybody got enough to cover his needs. A Lieutenant got Rs.85, a captain Rs.125, a Major Rs.180, a Lt. Col Rs.300 and a Col. Rs.400. Yet there was a time when no body got more than Rs.250 for months.
Subhash collected donations from Indians through out Asia. Once during a mammoth meeting in Rangoon a flower garland which had earlier been offered to him fetched rupees two lakhs when auctioned. In Penang a small flower vase was presented to Netaji. He announced his intention to auction it for Rs.25000. His eyes were filled with tears when the first bid was for Rs.51000. He collected Rs.25 crores from Indians in Burma now Myanmar. A Muslim business man gave away all his worldly possession worth over a crore of rupees. He even established a national Bank of Azad Hind in Rangoon. Once when the Burma Government had no money to make payments to its soldiers the Bank made a gift of Rs. 5 lakhs.
In brief Subhash was an embodiment of bravery and courage. He struck a new path, although he had earlier been following the Gandhian line. In statesmanship administrative ability and catholicity of views he was like Akbar. Morally, spiritually and intellectually he was like Swami Vivekananda.
January 24, 2008
Perhaps Subhash Chandra Bose is the only leader worldwide who had a date of birth (Jan 23:, 1897) but no date of death. Even after three Commissions of Enquiry people do not believe that he is no more. Netaji, as he is endearingly addressed, Subhash was an embodiment of rare courage and bravery coupled with a sense of mission to free his motherland from the clutches of the British.
The Justice Mukherjee Commission appointed by the NDA government has submitted its report to the Central Government and after a large number of questions under the Right to Information (RTI) Act, and political pressure, the Government decided to share the full findings, which by and large don't appear to resolve the mystery. There are people who hope that their beloved leader would return to steer the country out of the chaos.
Jawaharlal Nehru was so impressed by Subhash's work in the INA that he wrote a postscript to 'The Discovery of India', on 29 Dec 1945 saying: "The story of INA, formed in Burma and Malaya during the war years, spread suddenly throughout the country and evoked an astonishing enthusiasm - they became the symbol of unity amongst the various religious groups in India for Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Christian were all represented in that army. They had solved the communal problems amongst themselves and so why should we not do so?"
For the past 62-years since the 1945 Taihoku plane crash, the nation has been grappling with the Netaji mystery. How did Subhash die? Where and when did he die? Did he live for some period in exile?
Netaji's daughter Anita Plaff believes her father in all probability perished in the air accident. Anita Plaff, 66, who was in India said "I don't think he survived. Unless some fantastically new evidence comes up, if I look at the data available to me, he did not survive".
She also said, "I have been present at the interviews of some of the survivors of the plane crash, including some Japanese officers and their story sounded quite consistent, credible and reasonable".
Elaborating further Anita said "there are stories circulating that my father is still alive. I do not think so. Yes, he continues to remain alive in the memories of scores of people, but it is impossible to believe that he is living at the age of 111".
Anita has a point, if it is true that he is alive now or was alive for some years after the plane crash, Netaji would have definitely established contact with his homeland and not kept quiet for 62 odd years. The Shah Nawaz Committee (1956) and the Khosla Commission (1972), which probed Netaji's disappearance, had concluded that he died in the plane crash.
Subhash was the most enigmatic leader of our freedom struggle. Beginning his political career with the Congress in the 1920 he was elected its president in 1938. The following year in 1939, Bose contested against and won though Mahatma Gandhi threw his weight behind Dr. Sitaramayya, his lone rival, saying "Pattabhi's defeat is my defeat" Gandhi 's opposition of Bose - fostered doubtless by the latter's strong Leftist leanings forced him to resign from the Congress, and he launched the Forward Bloc.
In 1939, the Second World War broke out. Subhash was arrested in Calcutta in July 1940. In December he went on a hunger strike in the prison as a protest against his continued detention and threatened to fast unto death if he was not released. The Government released him but kept a strict vigil at his house to watch his movements. The whole country was thrilled one morning in January 1941 to hear that Subhash had escaped. He got out of the house in the guise of a Muslim divine at dead of night. He got into a car and 40 miles away from Calcutta boarded a train. The tight Pyjama and a long beard made him look like a Maulvi. He reached Peshawar on Jan 17, 1941 and spent two days there. On Jan 19, he drove out of Peshawar, dressed as a Pathan.
The onward journey to Kabul was done partly on foot and partly in lorry in the guise of a deaf and dumb man. In Kabul he underwent the most excruciating physical and mental agonies before he reached Moscow. From Moscow he flew to Berlin in March 1941, with the assumed name of an Italian. It was nearly a year later that he revealed his presence in Berlin by speaking to his countrymen on German radio with glowing tributes to Gandhiji. In fact it was Subhash that called for the first time Mahatma Gandhi as the Father of Nation.
Subash landed in Singapore on July 2, 1943 and from then on knew no rest. Two days later he took over the leadership of the Indian Independence League and the INA from Rash Behari Bose. Netaji's most extraordinary move was to form a provisional government of Azad Hind on Oct 21, 1943 and to declare war on Britain and America. The Azad Hind Government received recognition from nine sovereign countries soon.
In a broadcast from Rangoon addressed to Mahatma Gandhi seeking his blessings, Netaji said, "Once our enemies are expelled from India and peace and order were established, the mission of the Provisional Government would be over. The only reward that we desire for our efforts, for our suffering and for our sacrifice, is the freedom of our motherland. There are many of us who would like to retire from the political field once India is free".
Such was his vision and thought.
Subhash inculcated in the INA not only courage and bravery but inspired supreme self confidence and fearlessness in the face of odds. The INA soldiers marched mainly on foot. They traversed the whole distance of 1100 miles separating Singapore from the Imphal front on foot. There were occasions when Subhash himself walked for miles. There were no fixed scales of pay. Everybody got enough to cover his needs. A Lieutenant got Rs.85, a captain Rs.125, a Major Rs.180, a Lt. Col Rs.300 and a Col. Rs.400. Yet there was a time when no body got more than Rs.250 for months.
Subhash collected donations from Indians through out Asia. Once during a mammoth meeting in Rangoon a flower garland which had earlier been offered to him fetched rupees two lakhs when auctioned. In Penang a small flower vase was presented to Netaji. He announced his intention to auction it for Rs.25000. His eyes were filled with tears when the first bid was for Rs.51000. He collected Rs.25 crores from Indians in Burma now Myanmar. A Muslim business man gave away all his worldly possession worth over a crore of rupees. He even established a national Bank of Azad Hind in Rangoon. Once when the Burma Government had no money to make payments to its soldiers the Bank made a gift of Rs. 5 lakhs.
In brief Subhash was an embodiment of bravery and courage. He struck a new path, although he had earlier been following the Gandhian line. In statesmanship administrative ability and catholicity of views he was like Akbar. Morally, spiritually and intellectually he was like Swami Vivekananda.
The waiting game - Myanmar's junta plays to win
Economist.com
January 23, 2008
IN A comic novel by Evelyn Waugh, an exasperated teacher tames his unruly class by setting an essay competition with a cash prize. Entries, he tells his rowdy students, will be judged on one criterion alone: length.
Myanmar has long been run on much the same lines. A convention set up to draft a constitution for a move to democratic rule eventually pronounced last September, 14 years after it first met. Its conclusion surprised no one: an arrangement ensuring the perpetuation of military dominance.
Playing for time in the face of demands for political reform—combined with brutally quashing of any sign of popular impatience—has proved a successful tactic. The junta seems more securely in control now than in 1990, when its representatives were trounced in an election. The army has doubled in size. It easily quelled last autumn’s monk-led popular uprising.
The junta is now using the same stalling tactics to frustrate the United Nations Security Council. Last September, despite the objections of countries such as Russia and China, which argued the country was a threat to no one other than its own people, the council voted to include the “situation in Myanmar” on its agenda.
Appalled by the army’s bloody treatment of peaceful protestors, and by the arrest of hundreds of people in an effort to thwart any renewed unrest, the council issued a statement in October calling for the release of all political prisoners. It also demanded a “genuine dialogue” with Aung San Suu Kyi, the detained opposition leader, and “all concerned parties and ethnic groups”.
It would not be true to accuse Myanmar of having done nothing at all to meet these goals, but it is perfectly fair to say that it has done nothing of any significance. It has appointed one of its ministers to “liase” with Miss Suu Kyi. They have met four times, with long gaps in between. Miss Suu Kyi’s view of the arrangement was clear from an official picture showing her looking sombre beside a beaming minister.
The UN estimates at least 4,000 people were detained during and after the protests. Many have been freed, but perhaps 500-1,000 are still locked up. Many families still do not know what has happened to their loved ones.
And these numbers do not even count the 1,100 political prisoners in detention before last September. Some of the ordinary citizens caught up in the fervour of the street protests have been allowed to go home. But anyone with a history of activism of political involvement remains inside a cruel penal system, notorious for torture.
The junta has also allowed the UN’s special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Sérgio Pinheiro, back for a visit. And it has received the Security Council’s special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari.
But now that Mr Gambari wants to go back, the junta has said it cannot receive him until April. In response, the Security Council on Friday “regretted the slow pace of progress so far” towards meeting its objectives.
The row over the timing of Mr Gambari’s visit shows the powerless of the UN against a regime determined not to mend its ways. It also shows that regime’s cunning: it has managed to turn a debate about the fundamental rights of its citizens into an administrative wrangle about a visa for a visiting diplomat.
As Britain’s ambassador, Mark Canning, has put it, “the name of the game” for the junta is staying off the front pages. The worldwide sympathy evoked by the “saffron revolution” made that seem a hard game to play. But these generals are past masters.
January 23, 2008
IN A comic novel by Evelyn Waugh, an exasperated teacher tames his unruly class by setting an essay competition with a cash prize. Entries, he tells his rowdy students, will be judged on one criterion alone: length.
Myanmar has long been run on much the same lines. A convention set up to draft a constitution for a move to democratic rule eventually pronounced last September, 14 years after it first met. Its conclusion surprised no one: an arrangement ensuring the perpetuation of military dominance.
Playing for time in the face of demands for political reform—combined with brutally quashing of any sign of popular impatience—has proved a successful tactic. The junta seems more securely in control now than in 1990, when its representatives were trounced in an election. The army has doubled in size. It easily quelled last autumn’s monk-led popular uprising.
The junta is now using the same stalling tactics to frustrate the United Nations Security Council. Last September, despite the objections of countries such as Russia and China, which argued the country was a threat to no one other than its own people, the council voted to include the “situation in Myanmar” on its agenda.
Appalled by the army’s bloody treatment of peaceful protestors, and by the arrest of hundreds of people in an effort to thwart any renewed unrest, the council issued a statement in October calling for the release of all political prisoners. It also demanded a “genuine dialogue” with Aung San Suu Kyi, the detained opposition leader, and “all concerned parties and ethnic groups”.
It would not be true to accuse Myanmar of having done nothing at all to meet these goals, but it is perfectly fair to say that it has done nothing of any significance. It has appointed one of its ministers to “liase” with Miss Suu Kyi. They have met four times, with long gaps in between. Miss Suu Kyi’s view of the arrangement was clear from an official picture showing her looking sombre beside a beaming minister.
The UN estimates at least 4,000 people were detained during and after the protests. Many have been freed, but perhaps 500-1,000 are still locked up. Many families still do not know what has happened to their loved ones.
And these numbers do not even count the 1,100 political prisoners in detention before last September. Some of the ordinary citizens caught up in the fervour of the street protests have been allowed to go home. But anyone with a history of activism of political involvement remains inside a cruel penal system, notorious for torture.
The junta has also allowed the UN’s special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Sérgio Pinheiro, back for a visit. And it has received the Security Council’s special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari.
But now that Mr Gambari wants to go back, the junta has said it cannot receive him until April. In response, the Security Council on Friday “regretted the slow pace of progress so far” towards meeting its objectives.
The row over the timing of Mr Gambari’s visit shows the powerless of the UN against a regime determined not to mend its ways. It also shows that regime’s cunning: it has managed to turn a debate about the fundamental rights of its citizens into an administrative wrangle about a visa for a visiting diplomat.
As Britain’s ambassador, Mark Canning, has put it, “the name of the game” for the junta is staying off the front pages. The worldwide sympathy evoked by the “saffron revolution” made that seem a hard game to play. But these generals are past masters.
Burmese government suspends newspaper
Source: Committee to Protect Journalists
New York, January 23, 2008 — The Committee to Protect Journalists is concerned that the Burmese government has suspended the weekly Myanmar Times for one week as a result of its publication of unauthorized news, according to international news reports.
Burma’s Press Scrutiny Board ordered the temporary closure because of the newspaper’s January 11 Burmese-language edition, which included an article about the government’s decision to raise satellite fees from 6,000 kyat (US$4.80) to 1 million kyat (US$800), The Associated Press reported. Many Burmese citizens have privately installed satellite dishes in recent years to receive foreign news broadcasts instead of the heavily censored, government-controlled fare.
The newspaper apparently did not receive prior government permission to publish the news item, which was first reported by Agence France-Presse. All news publications in Burma publish as weekly editions because of a time-consuming pre-censorship process which systematically ensures that nearly no news critical of the government is published.
“That the government prohibits the media from reporting on its own pronouncements confirms the absurdity of Burma’s censorship regulations,” said Joel Simon, CPJ’s executive director.
Myanmar Times Editor-in-Chief Ross Dunkley told CPJ last year that on average 20 percent of the articles his paper submits to the censorship board every week are rejected and that he must maintain a stock of soft news stories to fill the gaps created on the page.
Myanmar Times began publishing in 2000 as a 51/49 percent joint venture between the Burmese government and the Australian-owned Myanmar Consolidated Media. The paper’s Burmese-language edition is currently the country’s largest circulation newspaper.
CPJ ranked Burma as one of the most heavily censored countries in the world in its 2006 censorship survey. Government authorities harassed and censored journalists, and in one tragic case, killed Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai, who was reporting on anti-government street protests that swept the country in August and September last year.
New York, January 23, 2008 — The Committee to Protect Journalists is concerned that the Burmese government has suspended the weekly Myanmar Times for one week as a result of its publication of unauthorized news, according to international news reports.
Burma’s Press Scrutiny Board ordered the temporary closure because of the newspaper’s January 11 Burmese-language edition, which included an article about the government’s decision to raise satellite fees from 6,000 kyat (US$4.80) to 1 million kyat (US$800), The Associated Press reported. Many Burmese citizens have privately installed satellite dishes in recent years to receive foreign news broadcasts instead of the heavily censored, government-controlled fare.
The newspaper apparently did not receive prior government permission to publish the news item, which was first reported by Agence France-Presse. All news publications in Burma publish as weekly editions because of a time-consuming pre-censorship process which systematically ensures that nearly no news critical of the government is published.
“That the government prohibits the media from reporting on its own pronouncements confirms the absurdity of Burma’s censorship regulations,” said Joel Simon, CPJ’s executive director.
Myanmar Times Editor-in-Chief Ross Dunkley told CPJ last year that on average 20 percent of the articles his paper submits to the censorship board every week are rejected and that he must maintain a stock of soft news stories to fill the gaps created on the page.
Myanmar Times began publishing in 2000 as a 51/49 percent joint venture between the Burmese government and the Australian-owned Myanmar Consolidated Media. The paper’s Burmese-language edition is currently the country’s largest circulation newspaper.
CPJ ranked Burma as one of the most heavily censored countries in the world in its 2006 censorship survey. Government authorities harassed and censored journalists, and in one tragic case, killed Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai, who was reporting on anti-government street protests that swept the country in August and September last year.
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