Thursday 3 April 2008

Constitutional Conundrum

By KYAW ZWA MOE
The Irrawaddy
APRIL, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.4
Illustration: Harn Lay / The Irrawaddy

As analysts and activists debate how to respond to the regime’s draft constitution, others ask if it will cement the generals’ hold on power or trigger a popular uprising

FOR the generals who rule Burma, it is a step closer to the coveted goal of permanent military control of the country’s politics. For its detractors, it is a potential lightning rod for decades of pent-up discontent. But for most, it is still a mystery, as they wonder if this is really a distant light at the end of the tunnel or the headlights of an impending disaster.

The Burmese regime’s draft constitution, which Burmese voters will be asked to endorse or reject in a referendum in May, has drawn many reactions from people both inside and outside the country.

Although there is little consensus on the constitution, which was 14 years in the making, few doubt that the referendum, if it actually goes ahead, will be the junta’s most significant political move since elections in 1990, when voters unequivocally signaled a desire for an end to military rule.

For dissidents in Burma, that desire has only grown stronger over the past 18 years. They see the referendum as an opportunity to let the junta and the world know that that it is time for the generals to go.

“This is not a referendum,” said Tun Myint Aung, a leader of the 88 Generation Students group. “This is a chance to vote against military rule.”

“The regime has given us two choices—‘yes’ or ‘no.’ But the only real choice is, should we vote ‘no’ or just boycott?” he added.

Calls for a referendum boycott have been growing, but Tun Myint Aung, who spoke to The Irrawaddy by phone from a hiding place in Burma, insisted that only a vote “No” would send a clear message.

“It doesn’t matter what people think of the constitution,” the prominent activist said. “They will just be voting to express the anger that has been accumulating over the past 20 years.”

The Tatmadaw Chapter

Of all the people The Irrawaddy has spoken to about the referendum since it was announced on February 9, few have expressed any interest in the actual contents of the constitution, which was released by the junta in March. In the absence of public debate on the constitution, most discussion among exiles and dissidents has focused on ways to effectively turn the referendum against the junta.

The draft constitution does not fundamentally differ from a version of the “principles” of the constitution released by the Ministry of Information in August 2007, one month before the National Convention formally completed its work on the charter.

The draft contains an entire chapter spelling out the precise powers of the military. This chapter, entitled “Tatmadaw”(Burmese for armed forces), is something new in Burma’s constitutional history and represents the first explicit attempt to enable the armed forces to “participate in the national political leadership role of the State”—one of the stated goals of the first chapter of constitutional “principles.”

In concrete terms, this means that 25 percent of the seats in both the upper and lower houses of parliament would be filled with military appointees selected by the Tatmadaw commander in chief. That is, 110 members of the 440-seat lower house, or People’s Parliament, and 56 members of the 224-seat upper house, or National Parliament, would be selected from within the ranks of the armed forces.

The powers of the commander in chief also extend to the selection of the president and two vice presidents. Each of these positions would be filled by individuals selected by the People’s Parliament, the National Parliament and a committee of military officials appointed by the commander in chief, ensuring that a member of the armed forces would occupy at least one of these top government positions—most likely the presidency, since the Tatmadaw exercises considerable influence over both houses of parliament. The commander in chief, meanwhile, would possess powers equal to those of the two vice presidents.

While all of these measures are intended to give the military considerable power over the government, there would also be guarantees that this influence doesn’t go in both directions. Parliament would not be permitted to discuss or interfere in military affairs, including defense spending. Under the new constitution, “The Tatmadaw has the right to independently administer all affairs concerning the armed forces.”

No Room to Maneuver


Critics of the constitution say that it will only serve to legitimize military rule, while reducing parliament to a toothless institution with no more power than the hand-picked National Convention which drafted it.

“Parliament will become a rubber stamp to endorse the commander in chief’s proposals,” said Aung Din, the executive director of the Washington, DC-based US Campaign for Burma, in an open letter calling on the Burmese people to reject “the military regime’s sham constitution.”

Others say that giving the ruling generals the powers they want will only embolden them to step up their oppression.

“Right now, they are ruling the country without any legal authority, and yet they treat citizens and religious leaders brutally,” said Ashin Pyinnya Jota, a leading member of the All Burma Monks Alliance. “If the constitution comes into force, it will only make them worse.”

But others ask what the alternatives are. Some argue that it would be better to accept the constitution and use it as a basis for future democratic changes. This is a position taken both by apologists for the junta and by pragmatists who point out that 20 years of resistance to the regime have yielded little in the way of progress.

One outspoken advocate of the constitution is Dr Nay Win Maung, a member of the so-called “Third Force” group founded during an international Burma conference in Singapore in 2006. This group, which claims to be neither pro-junta nor pro-opposition, has called for more engagement with the regime and an end to sanctions.

In an open letter obtained by The Irrawaddy, Nay Win Maung called on National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi to endorse the constitution and focus on elections to be held in 2010. This is the only way to ensure that the party is not disenfranchised, he said.

“This time, Burmese people should be smart enough and set their emotions aside, so as not to [create] another deadlock,” he wrote, adding that whatever the outcome of the referendum, it was certain that the constitution would ultimately be rectified at a later day.

In response to the letter, Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political commentator based in Thailand, agreed that it was time to take a more forward-looking approach. “We have to stop living in the past. It only prolongs the deadlock and conflict,” he said.

However, others say it is naïve to believe that the regime is offering the country a way forward.

“The junta just wants to be old wine in a new bottle,” said Win Min, a Thailand-based Burmese political analyst. “If the junta wants the opposition to endorse their rule, they must compromise for national reconciliation.”

Win Min points to clauses in the constitution that effectively block future changes as the greatest hurdle to acceptance.

“If we cannot modify the constitution, democratization in Burma cannot grow,” he said.

Under Section 4 (a) of Chapter 12, “Amendment of the Constitution,” any suggested change would need to be sponsored by at least 20 percent of parliament members. This would be followed by a parliamentary vote, which would require over 75 percent support before the proposed amendment could be put to a national referendum. More than fifty percent of voters would have to approve of the amendment before it could come into effect.

With 25 percent of seats going to the military, it would be effectively impossible to pass any amendments that the commander in chief did not approve of. Moreover, in the chapter on the powers of the Tatmadaw, the armed forces bear responsibility for “safeguarding the State Constitution.” This principle can be invoked at any time to prevent amendments that the military sees as inimical to its interests.

At this stage, debate about how the constitution can be reconfigured to make it more democratic is still largely academic. It is also, in the view of some exiled opposition activists, irrelevant.

“Some experts think endorsing the constitution is better than nothing. But people will not see it like this,” said Aung Moe Zaw, a secretary of the exiled opposition’s umbrella group, the National Council of the Union of Burma. “People want to see a long-term guarantee for their future—real democracy and freedom.”

“If the NLD endorses this unjust constitution, people in Burma will object. People will go their own way,” he added.

Even setting aside the question of whether the opposition would be able to alter the constitution to meet the democratic needs of the people, it remains unclear how civilians would function within a military-dominated parliament. Even the normal functions of a parliamentary opposition party could be regarded as hostile to national unity and thus subject to draconian restrictions.

Another concern of the opposition is that the constitution effectively bars Aung San Suu Kyi from occupying a leadership position. As the widow of British scholar Michael Aris and mother of two sons who are British citizens, Suu Kyi would have no right to lead Burma, according to the draft constitution, which states that “the President of the Union himself [and his] parents, spouse [and] children … shall not owe allegiance to a foreign power, shall not be a subject of a foreign power or citizen of a foreign country.”

Ethnic opposition groups also have cause for concern, as their claims to autonomy would also be severely constrained. As Aung Din of the US Campaign for Burma noted, ethnic state legislatures would also have military appointees occupying 25 percent of seats.

“The expectations of ethnic nationalities to obtain the right of self-determination will never be realized, as unelected military officials will effectively intervene in their State affairs,” said Aung Din. “This sham constitution systematically denies equality among all ethnic nationalities and self-determination, demanded by all ethnic groups for a long time.”

World Opinion Divided

As Burmese debate the pros and cons of the constitution, the international community also remains divided over the junta’s latest attempt to set the terms of political change in Burma. While neighboring countries broadly support the constitutional referendum as a step forward, Western critics of the regime, particularly the United States, have dismissed it out of hand.

“It has to begin somewhere and now it has a clear, definite beginning,” said the chief of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), Surin Pitsuwan, soon after the referendum was announced. “I think it is a development in the right direction.”

A “Vote No” rally in front of the NLD headquarters in Rangoon on March 27.

The United Nations, which has attempted to mediate between the regime and the democratic opposition, was more guarded in its assessment. In a statement, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged the Burmese junta to “make the constitution-making process inclusive, participatory and transparent in order to ensure that any draft constitution is broadly representative of the views of all the people of Myanmar [Burma].”

The US, which has long been the regime’s most outspoken critic, was more explicit about the shortcomings of the constitution-making process, drawing attention to the ongoing suppression of democratic rights in Burma.

In a statement released after the regime declared its intention to hold a referendum, Sean McCormack, a US State Department spokesperson, said, “No referendum held under these conditions—a pervasive climate of fear in which virtually the entire population, including Aung San Suu Kyi, is under detention, and the Burmese people not being allowed to participate in or even discuss the drafting of a constitution—can be free, fair or credible.”

In late February, in a move that confirmed suspicions that the junta intended to stage manage the referendum, its top leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, signed into effect a law that threatens dissenters with heavy penalties for opposing the referendum. Under the Referendum Law for the Approval of the Draft Constitution, anybody who publicly criticizes the referendum faces a fine and a three-year prison sentence.

Thein Nyunt, a lawyer in Rangoon, remarked that the current law is even more severe than similar legislation enacted ahead of a referendum in 1973. “Under the previous law, anyone who was against the referendum could be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment. But now people can receive three years’ imprisonment under the terms of the present law.”

A Final Showdown?

Against this backdrop of deepening repression and a mixed international response, many activists suspect that the real referendum will take place not in the polling booths, but on the streets.

“We don’t see it as a final battle, but it will reach that point,” said student activist Tun Myint Aung, who noted that the last constitution drafted under military rule was ultimately scrapped under pressure from the popular uprising in 1988.

In a sign of growing frustration in Burma, in late March a 26-year-old man set himself on fire at Rangoon’s famed Shwedagon Pagoda, a religious site that has often served as a focal point of political protests. Reports suggested that he was acting out of desperation over economic hardships and political frustration.

Observers of Burma’s economy have noted that conditions have only gotten worse since a drastic hike in fuel prices triggered protests last year. Although the regime has put a lid on dissent since its crackdown on monk-led demonstrations in September, it remains vulnerable to economically inspired unrest, which could easily assume a more political nature amid the push to strong-arm the population into endorsing an unpopular constitution.

The lack of leadership from the NLD and disappointment with the international response to the junta’s brutal crackdown, have led many to the conclusion that people power is the only remaining option.

“In the entire history of the world, there has never been a dictator who willingly gave up power once he had it firmly in his hands,” said respected Burmese journalist Ludu Sein Win in a recorded message released in March. “And there are no countries in the world which have gained liberation through the help of the United Nations.”

“Don’t waste your time dreaming about dialogue and considering help from the UN Security Council,” the 68-year-old journalist and former political prisoner added.

“We already have the power to force out the military dictatorship. That power is the force and strength of every Burmese citizen.”

Whether the regime’s exercise in manipulating public opinion succeeds or seriously backfires may prove more important than its efforts to enshrine its control through a new constitution.

In the end, the junta may find that its efforts to control the will of the people could unleash a political firestorm.

Junta-Backed Thugs Continue Attacks on Opposition

By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy

A protester faces members of the pro-junta Swan Ar Shin militia during demonstrations in September 2007 (Photo: Thierry Falise)
As Burma prepares for a referendum on a constitution drafted by the country’s military rulers, activists and members of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), have come under increasing attacks from junta-backed thugs.

The latest incident occurred around 7:30 on Monday evening, when Myint Hlaing, 74, the NLD chairman for Rangoon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township, was assaulted near his home. According to sources, he was hospitalized after an unknown attacker inflicted a two-inch cut on his head.

Last Thursday, Myint Aye, 54, a leading human rights activist from Sanchaung Township in Rangoon, required treatment at the city’s main neurological hospital for head wounds after he was beaten by two unidentified men near his home.

Nyan Win, a spokesperson for the NLD, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday of another incident about a month ago, when knife-wielding pro-junta thugs chased several party members in Taunggok Township in Arakan State.

The recent attacks come as Burma’s military regime steps up training for “volunteers” who will be tasked with controlling protests against a referendum in May on the junta-sponsored draft charter.

Sources in Rangoon say that local authorities have been giving riot-control training to state-backed organizations, including volunteer firefighters, Red Cross personnel and members of Ward Peace and Development Councils in Rangoon’s South Dagon, South Okkalapa and Thingangyun Townships.

“They were instructed how to beat the activists and crack down on crowds if protests happen,” said one person who had witnessed the training sessions. “The firefighters were shown how to beat the protesters and members of the Red Cross learned how to pick them up and throw them on trucks, separating those who are dead from the ones who are still alive,” the witness added.

According to the witness, the training started at 10 p.m. and continued until midnight. Trainees received 500 kyat (US $0.45) and a meal for attending. The instructors were blue-uniformed Swan Ar Shin militia members and the supervisor for each ward was identified by a red stripe on his shoulder.

In recent years, Burma’s military junta has turned increasingly to civilians to stem unrest. Before troops crushed last year’s monk-led uprising, plainclothes agents were instrumental in snuffing out earlier protests against a dramatic rise in fuel prices.

Random attacks on opposition members have also increased as part of an ongoing campaign of intimidation. In April 2007, several members of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters, a human rights advocacy group founded in 2002, were mobbed and severely beaten by around one hundred members of the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association in Hinthada Township, Irrawaddy Division.

In June 2007, Than Lwin, an NLD member who was elected as a representative for Madaya Township, Mandalay Division, in 1990 was attacked after praying for the release of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Than Lwin is currently in Mandalay prison.

Burmese Electorate Still Waits to See Constitution Text

The Irrawaddy

Just weeks before the planned May referendum on the proposed new constitution, the Burmese electorate has still not been issued with the text of the document, although photocopies and electronic versions are secretly circulating among journalists, senior government officials and diplomats in Rangoon.

Information about the referendum is notably absent in ethnic areas, where people are being offered temporary citizen identity cards and urged to vote “Yes.”

According to the text of the 194-page draft constitution obtained by The Irrawaddy, some minority rights are guaranteed. In Chapter II, titled "The State Structure," the draft document states that Burma is composed of seven states—Kachin, Kayeh, Kayin, Chin, Mon, Rakhine and Shan—and seven regions: Yangon, Mandalay, Ayeyawaddy, Sagaing, Taninthayi, Bago and Magway.

"Self-administered" zones and divisions are listed in some regions and states—Naga in Sagaing region, Danu, Pa-O, Palaung, Kokang and Wa in Shan state.

The draft constitution speaks of a parliament, called Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Assembly), comprises two chambers: Pyithu Hluttaw (People's Assembly), composed of representatives elected on the basis of population and army representatives, and Amyotha Hluttaw (National Assembly), comprising representatives of different states, regions and of the armed forces.

The military has a quota of 110 out of 440 seats in the People's Assembly and 56 of the 224 seats in the National Assembly. The constitution legitimizes a military takeover in the event of an emergency. It would empower the president to transfer legislative, executive and judicial powers to the military’s commander in chief for a year if a state of emergency arises.

Observers say that, taking advantage of a lack of unity and of the internal rift among ethnic rebel groups, the military wants to see if it can pressure them to lay down their arms and turn them into local security forces.

Khun Sai, of the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News, said that Burma’s regime is stepping up its efforts to persuade armed ethnic groups to disarm and to form political parties so they can run in the general election planned for 2010.

In February, two senior leaders of the ruling junta, Maj-Gen Khin Aung Myint, Minister for Culture, and Lt-Gen Ye Myint, head of Military Affairs Security, visited the Burma-China border, where they held talks with Wa, Kachin, Shan and Kokang armed insurgent groups. They reportedly asked the ethnic leaders to disarm their armies.

So far, there has been no immediate reply from the ceasefire groups, who have also refrained from comment on the draft constitution.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, China-Burma border-based political analyst, said there appeared to be three factions among the ethnic ceasefire groups: the octogenarian leaders who want to retire from the politics; others who want to maintain their business interests and "good relations" with the junta; and officers who want to prepare their troops to be ready to fight against the Burmese army if necessary.

Recently, Gen Aung Naing, the aging army chief of the Thai-Burmese border-based ethnic Mon ceasefire group, the New Mon State Party (NMSP), visited Rangoon for disarmament talks with the Burmese military government, according to Mon sources.

Burma’s NLD Calls for a Referendum “No” Vote

By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy

Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), called on the electorate for the first time on Wednesday to cast a “No” vote in the constitutional referendum in May.

The party, headed by pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, said a “No” vote was necessary because the proposed constitution had not been written by elected representatives of the people but by “hand-picked puppets” of the regime.

The draft constitution, drawn up by the regime-constituted National Convention, and a general election to be held in May are the fourth and fifth steps of the junta’s seven-step “road map to a disciplined democracy”.

The NLD’s announcement on Wednesday said the proposed constitution broke a basic principle of democracy, under which authority had to come from the people. It also failed to guarantee democratic values and human rights.

By voting against the draft constitution, the people would be practicing their rights, said NLD spokesman Thein Nyunt. The state powers being exercised by the regime had not originated with the people, he told The Irrawaddy —“Therefore it is the responsibility of all citizens to take back people-power.”

The NLD had been criticized for failing to take an early stand on the referendum. Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political commentator based in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand, welcomed the NLD’s call now for a “No” vote and said it increased the party’s credibility.

Another Burmese political analyst, Htay Aung, said that dissidents inside Burma had called for a “No” vote, and predicted a “confrontation” ahead of the referendum.

Several activists had been attacked in Rangoon because of their views, he said—“These violent acts by the security forces and thugs backed by the junta don’t seem to stop,” he said.

Fourteen members of the Committee Representing the Peoples’ Parliament (CRPP), which was formed by successful candidates in the 1990 election, have also called for rejection of the proposed constitution by the Burmese people as well as internationally.

The document had been written without the participation of the NLD or ethnic party representatives and without meeting the expectations of ethnic nationalities, the CRPP members said.

They described the draft constitution as “a sham,” and said they expected the junta to claim a referendum victory “by cheating and fraud.”

Draft UN Statement Targets Myanmar Junta

By EDITH M. LEDERER

April 2, 2008, UNITED NATIONS (AP) -- A draft Security Council statement calls on Myanmar's government to allow detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political actors to speak freely and hold meetings ahead of the May referendum on a new constitution, according to a copy obtained Wednesday.

The statement prepared by the United States, Britain and France, was obtained by The Associated Press on the day that Suu Kyi's party urged voters to reject the military-backed draft constitution. The National League for Democracy said it was undemocratic and prepared under the junta's direct control.

The statement is expected to be circulated to all 15 Security Council members in the coming days. It needs the approval of all members for the council to adopt it.

The draft statement "calls on the government of Myanmar to allow full participation of all political actors, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi" in the referendum process in order for it "to be inclusive and credible."

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current junta seized power in 1988 and refused to honor the results of a 1990 general election won by Suu Kyi's party. The Nobel Peace Prize winner, who is currently under house arrest, has been in detention without trial for more than 12 of the past 18 years.

Critics of the proposed constitution say it aims to perpetuate military rule.

The junta has been under strong international pressure to make democratic reforms, especially since it quashed peaceful pro-democracy protests last September. The U.N. estimates at least 31 people were killed and thousands more were detained in the crackdown.

The draft Security Council statement expresses regret at the military government's "slow rate of progress" towards meeting the council's call last September for a "genuine dialogue" with the pro-democracy opposition and the early release of all political prisoners and detainees.

United Nations call for transparency in Myanmar constitution referendum

April 3, 2008 (AP)- A draft Security Council statement calls on Myanmar's government to allow detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyiand other political actors to speak freely and hold meetings ahead of the May referendum on a new constitution, according to a copy obtained Wednesday.

The statement prepared by the United States, Britain and France, was obtained by The Associated Press on the day that Suu Kyi's party urged voters to reject the military-backed draft constitution. The National League for Democracy said it was undemocratic and prepared under the junta's direct control.

The statement is expected to be circulated to all 15 Security Council members in the coming days. It needs the approval of all members for the council to adopt it.

The draft statement "calls on the government of Myanmar to allow full participation of all political actors, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi" in the referendum process in order for it "to be inclusive and credible."

"The Security Council further notes the commitment by the government of Myanmar to ensure that the referendum will be free and fair and that all will be allowed to participate on equal terms," the draft statement says.

The council "stresses that this commitment must be followed by action, including the guarantee of freedoms of expression, association and assembly in the political process leading to the referendum, as well as independent monitoring of the referendum," according to the draft statement.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current junta seized power in 1988 and refused to honour the results of a 1990 general election won by Suu Kyi's party. The Nobel Peace Prize winner, who is currently under house arrest, has been in detention without trial for more than 12 of the past 18 years.

Critics of the proposed constitution say it aims to perpetuate military rule.

During a visit to Myanmar last month, U.N. envoy Ibrahim Gambari was rebuffed when he proposed a a U.N. role in the May referendum and when he suggested that the military junta amend its seven-point roadmap to democracy to include input from the country's pro-democracy movement and other political parties. The referendum is to be followed by a general election in2010.

The junta has been under strong international pressure to make democratic reforms, especially since it quashed peaceful pro-democracy protests last September. The U.N. estimates at least 31 people were killed and thousands more were detained in the crackdown.

The draft Security Council statement expresses regret at the military government's "slow rate of progress" towards meeting the council's call last September for a "genuine dialogue" with the pro-democracy opposition and the early release of all political prisoners and detainees.

It "again stresses the need for the government of Myanmar to take, in a timely manner, concrete, meaningful steps that result in genuine dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties and ethnic groups in order to achieve an inclusive national reconciliation with the direct support of the United Nations."

The draft statement affirms the Security Council's commitment to Myanmar's territorial integrity, "and, in that context, to helping the government and people of Myanmar to bring an early end to military rule and begin a transition to democracy."

It reaffirms the council's support for U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's "good offices" mission, expresses appreciation for Gambari's work, and reiterates "that the future of Myanmar lies in the hands of all of its people."

Man charged in Myanmar girl's death

7-year-old disappeared from her home; body found in nearby apartment

SOUTH SALT LAKE, Utah - A 21-year-old man admitted causing the death of a 7-year-old Myanmar girl who disappeared at her apartment complex in South Salt Lake, police said Wednesday.

Esar Met was being held on charges of aggravated murder, kidnapping and evidence tampering. The details were released in a document used to support his arrest.

The body of Hser Nay Moo was found Tuesday, more than 24 hours after she disappeared from her family's apartment at the South Parc complex, sparking a search that involved hundreds of people. The body was in another apartment.

A Salt Lake County jail document said Met admitted keeping Hser in the apartment by force, resulting in her death.

Met does not have a criminal record in the U.S., and authorities were trying to determine his native country, police said.

Met's mother, Ra He Mar, who also lives in the apartment complex, told the Deseret Morning News, "I don't believe my son did anything wrong."

'I loved her the most'
The girl's father, Cartoon Wah, said through an interpreter Wednesday that he was grateful for an outpouring of public support and that he missed his daughter.

"I have one daughter in this world, and I loved her the most," he said.

Volunteers searched for Hser after she walked away from her apartment following an argument with an older brother Monday.

Her family settled in Utah last summer and are natives of Myanmar, formerly known as Burma. The country is governed by an authoritarian military regime and has numerous documented cases of human rights abuses, according to the U.S. State Department.

The family is among more than 500 refugees from that country living in Utah, said Norman Nakamura, Utah's coordinator for refugee resettlement.

Questions linger
Candles, stuffed bears and flowers were placed at the apartment complex Wednesday. In a reference to the search, handmade signs said, "You're never so lost that angels can't find you."

Jessica Torres, who lives at South Parc, said her children asked: "Why would someone do that to a little girl? Why does the world have to be that way?"

Hser had four siblings, including a brother born just a few weeks ago. About 400 Burmese refugees have settled in Utah since last year, said Aden Batar of Catholic Community Services.

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